During the years 1994 and 2004, Sweden suffered two major international crisis that affected and challenged the crisis management in Sweden. This essay is based on Swedish crisis management of two national crises: the Estonia disaster 1994 and the Tsunami disaster in Southeast Asia 2004. The main question of the essay concerns the Swedish government´s crisis management during major crises and how the crisis management changed between and after 1994 and 2009. The main question is divided into three subqueries that leads the analysis. The questions are (1) What shortcomings were identified in the government´s crisis management work in connection with the two disasters? (2) What changes were made to crisis management policy after the two disasters? and (3) How can the crisis-inducing learning after the two disasters be interpreted/understood? The purpose of this essay is to find out the policy changes that took places after the two disasters, to find out if these crises have changed the work around crisis in Sweden or if the criticism levelled at the government after the Estonia disaster was the same after the tsunami disaster. The essay is based on a qualitative method that involves making a comparison between the two crises, by analysing material through state public investigations (SOU) and from the National Audit Office in Sweden. The conclusion from this essay is that the crisis management after the Estonia disaster did not result in any radical changes to improve the clear shortcomings of the crisis management. However, we were able to see that the changes the Swedish government talked about needed another major crisis, namely the tsunami disaster before the establishment of a crisis organization. Crisis management is constantly changing, albeit slowly. It is not possible for the Swedish government to wait for a new crisis to occur before the policy changes are implemented in crisis management.

In 2017 an old law recirculated in Germany which illegalized doctors from informing about abortion other than verbally in person. According to previous research on feminist policy change, a removal (liberalization), of the law hinges on: the presence of an autonomous feminist organization, if civil society, norms and a political majority supports the removal. The more of these factors are present the higher the likelihood of liberalization. All these factors were present in the German case but the outcome of the debate and policy process that occurred, a preservation of the law after a one-year long struggle, was highly unexpected. This thesis aims to understand and explain the outcome focussing on the struggle between the confessional and secular government coalition members CDU/CSU and SPD, as the latter, as expected, supported the removal but then unexpectedly voted for preservation. The study is conducted as an abductive explanatory process tracing, concentrates on the factions within the SPD as well as the CDU/CSU throughout the different stages of the process. The main findings are that confessional parties can utilize formal and informal institutions in a parliamentary setting to avoid a substantial liberalization of abortion regulatory laws. The SPD was split on the issue where its leadership, who compromised to keep the government running, overrun the large faction within the party supporting revocation.

To maintain a sense of identity and self-confidence, humans rely on cognitive structures that allow individuals to identify similarities between prior experiences and new ones brought about by change. Educators are subjected to work environments that are in a state of constant change brought about by continuous series of new educational policies that teachers are tasked to implement within their classrooms. The purpose of this phenomenological study was to examine how five elementary school teachers experienced and responded to educational policy changes that influenced their instructional practices. This study also investigated the role and influence school sub-cultures had on elementary school teacher's experiences of and responses to educational policy change, and the role school sub-cultures played in teacher-initiated change during periods of policy change. Data were collected through focus groups, interviews, and journal response by teacher-participants. This study was framed by two concepts: communities of practice , by which individuals, who share common concerns or passions, interact with others routinely to learn from one another in a way that improves his or her particular practice, and organizational culture which views organizations as structures that consist of multiple smaller groups or cultures. Following the phenomenological data analysis process described by Creswell and Patten, the primary themes that emerged from the experiences of the five teachers in this study were: 1) Perceived student academic needs , 2) The influence of the principal , 3) Curriculum changes and professional communities , 4) Professional development , 5) Grade level team influences , 6) Teacher identity , and 7) Teacher emotion . Findings of this study provide a deeper understanding of: teacher decision-making as they try to understand and integrate new policies into their instructional practices, the importance of how school principals lead and support teachers during periods of policy change, the inconsistency of professional support provided by their school district, and how changes in professional networks brought about by policy changes create conflict between teachers identities and altered educational environments. The findings of this study provide researchers insights for future research how teacher identities and communities of practice influence teacher responses to educational policy changes.

在目前相關文獻中，在全球治理架構下所制定的政策，必將對於各國內部相關政策造成影響。然而，這樣的聯想常被視為是理所當然，卻鮮有實證資料，證明一個國家的公共政策在全球治理的架構下，是否真正受到影響？在哪些面向會受到影響？這些面向實際受到影響的程度為何？需要藉由何種工具，來衡量國家政策受到全球治理影響的程度？ 為了解答上述之問題，本文之研究目的可歸納為以下三點： 1.經由全球治理、全球治理與國家公共政策間關係等文獻探討建立全球治理影響國家公共政策之理論架構 2.藉由理論架構與政策德菲法建立全球治理影響國家公共政策之指標系統 3.透過指標系統實證檢驗京都議定書對於台灣公共政策之影響 本研究最後獲致三大重要成果。首先，建構出全球治理影響國家公共政策之「GG-NPP理論架構」；其次，經由政策德菲法的徵詢結果，彙整出適合用以衡量全球治理對於國家公共政策影響之指標系統，共可分為三大面向、六大變數以及十六項指標。再者，透過前述的指標系統，以京都議定書為個案檢證台灣現行因應之政策。透過數據的整理，發現我國在十六項指標項目中，有十項是呈現因應京都議定書的正向趨勢；但是其餘六項指標，由於受到如主權、國際現實環境等外在因素的侷限，或者是受制於政府自己內部的組織、人事、預算、府際關係等因素，故而全球治理並未對於國家公共政策的結果必然造成影響。 / In some relative literature, we can see the policy outcomes in the national governance level “could” be affected by those in the global level. But there is little practical evidence to affirm such cause and effect. How can we evaluate exactly such relation, dimension and degree? This paper will be grouped into third parts. First, I will review the literature of global governance, the relations between global governance and public policy. By doing so, the theory framework could be formulated. Second, I will select and construct the dimensions, variables and indicators that are related to the relations between global governance and public policy. And I will check and confirm the dimensions and indicators through the “Policy Delphi” method to build the indicator system completely. Third, I will evaluate the impacts of Kyoto Protocol on public policy in Taiwan. Finally, I got three important outcomes. First, I formed a “GG-NPP theory framework”. Second, I constructed an indicator system that can be formed to measure the relation between global governance and public policy by two round “Policy Delphi” process. There are three dimensions, six variables and sixteen indicators in this indicator system. Third, I examine the indicator system by the case of “Kyoto Protocol”. I checked the impacts of Kyoto Protocol on public policy in Taiwan and found some interesting outcomes. And I knew the impacts of Kyoto Protocol on public policy will be affected by some external and internal elements.

Since the 1980s, practically all of the western welfare states have developed social policies, which aim at shifting the responsibilities for welfare services from the state to the family, the civil society or to the market. In Sweden, this political transformation has particularly hit the public eldercare. In the last twenty years, the percentage of the population 65 years and older receiving public home help services in Sweden has decreased from 23 to 8 per cent at the same time as the number of beds in hospitalized eldercare has been heavily reduced. Moreover, during the course of the 2000s, the majority of the Swedish municipalities have reintroduced means testing of the eldercare based on whether the elderly have relatives or not that can perform the services. Parallel with these downsizes in the publicly financed and organized eldercare; privately produced eldercare services have increased, carried out by large and internationally own business corporations. Based on an theoretical framework, which combines the historical approach within the neo-institutional research tradition with a discursive method of analysis, this thesis explores if the period from the 1980s and onwards has been a formative moment in Swedish eldercare during which new ideas have become embedded in the institutional frameworks regulating the division of responsibility for eldercare services between the state, the family and the market. To examine if and how the municipalities, which are principally responsible for organizing and financing the public eldercare in Sweden, have implemented the change in ideas that have emerged in national politics since the 1980s, the thesis also examines how the eldercare has developed in two of Sweden’s municipalities since the 1980s. The results of the thesis demonstrates that the period from the 1980s and onwards has been a formative moment in the Swedish eldercare during which new ideas regarding the public responsibility for eldercare service have emerged and become institutionalized. Since the 1980s, senior citizens’ need for care has increasingly been re-interpreted from a public to a private issue with the consequence that today, their need for certain services, in particular those related to housework, are no longer regarded to be a public responsibility but a private matter that the elderly will have to solve, either by buying the services on the market, or, by asking relatives for help and assistance. The main problem connected with this reprivatization of senior citizens’ need for care is, however, that as the state has withdrawn its responsibility, women, in their role of being wives, daughters, or daughters-in-laws, have been forced to step in as informal and unpaid providers of care. Therefore, regardless of political reigns and modes of production, women have been forced to taken on an increasingly larger responsibility for their elderly relatives.

電子化政府是現代政府知識經濟時代發展之趨勢。政府的服務能力可以藉由電腦、網路的使用而大大提升；然而，在我國各種朝向電子化政府的政策中，網路報稅堪稱為時間較長且涵蓋範圍較完整的計畫之ㄧ，自1997年開始試辦到現在已有九年，在這樣的長年實施之中，卻仍存近百萬的二維條碼申報系統使用家戶；在現階段的進程上是否只需多加過渡的步驟便可成功邁向稅務網路化的最終目標。本研究採質、量混合研究法。採行先問卷發放，探究民眾不願意跟隨政策而改變報稅工具的原因；再以質化訪談專家學者，交叉詰問提出標的團體在科技進步與政策變遷的過程中，是否能夠不被遺落在後，在政府帶領下提出解決之道。 綜合而言，無論是自量化或是質化的訪談之中發現，民眾不願意順服的因素不外乎政府使用錯誤的對策來因應政策問題；如對於民眾的慣性使用未加以重視民眾，以及當民眾已不信任政府之作為時，卻又強制性地施加壓力，引發民眾產生在適應上的困難；政府忽略了在二維的過程下可以提供的學習階梯以使民眾適應。民眾的不願意順服便展現於其對於政府的不信任與堅持其使用方式（二維條碼報稅）之上。正因如此，面對政府的作為無法解決問題，而自然形成在政府做為下不願意改變自我行為的失落標的團體，本研究即是指仍堅持使用二維條碼系統申報個人綜合所得稅者；其同樣必然會發生於現今各項電子化政府政策中。 正因為它的自然發生且面對正變遷中的政策，政府能做的便是建置基礎設施，讓網路報稅政策回歸自然的手來主導它，讓過渡與變遷的機制面對科技的進入，以民眾與政府的雙方面向加以權衡，政府僅是操槳的手，為出現失落標的團體的政策，提供快速演化至下一階段的輔助，增加其順服的條件，並加強誘因的提供上做出與市場相同的行銷動力。 政府保留二維條碼申報制度，不僅為不確定的網路虛擬時代提供具實體性的安全感，又可以是電子化的加速處理。當然這些都是在政策呈現變遷的過程中，所進行的取捨。當民眾要的不再是基於效率與服務的兼具時，報稅手段的思索就不再是一項重點。面對報稅政策的未來，為民眾的需求提供效率的服務應放在第一考量，接著是邁向科技的進程的基礎建設須建置完備，安全機制、人員在訊練等等，才是增進邁向全面網路實質申報的必需手段。 關鍵字：政策變遷、政策演化、政策順服、個人綜合所得稅、二維條碼。

2013年聯合國於兩公約人權報告中揭示，「居住權」為重要的基本人權之一，然而，根據行政院研考會於2010年的網路民調，「房價高漲」為十大民怨之首，受到外在政治經濟環境影響，政府放任投資客自由進出房地產市場炒房的結果，使得一般市井小民欲在臺北都會區買房，得不吃不喝15.73年才得以買到一處安身立命的處所，由此可知，我國居住權人權狀況與國際人權標準尚有一段差距。 　　本研究目的在於以政策分析途徑界定政策問題，接著從「政策變遷」（policy change）的角度切入，比較臺灣住宅政策的主要政策方案，包括「只租不售」的社會住宅、「出售式」的合宜住宅，進而探討在多項政策方案供選擇的政策決策過程中（policy making process），政策行動者所採取的互動策略如何影響政策變遷的結果，並透過深度訪談了解不同行動者對這些變化過程的解釋為何、如何看待那些變化，並依據個案的合適性選擇莊文忠（2003）提出的整合性分析架構，從外在環境因素、政策本身特性、結構因素、政策網絡等面向，分析社會住宅與合宜住宅相互變遷的政策過程，歸納影響政策變遷的因素有哪些，進而提出政策建議。 　　基於文獻分析與訪談結果，本研究發現，政府推動社會住宅相較於合宜住宅面臨較大的困難，包括缺乏整體的社會住宅政策、心理上的抗拒、法規制度的限制等，《住宅法》於2011年底通過與地方政府重要政策轉變構築變遷的政策過程，然而，從2010年到2014年短短4年的時間，社會住宅卻取代合宜住宅成為中央政府或地方政府積極推動的住宅政策。 從社會住宅與合宜住宅相互變遷的政策過程來看，影響兩項政策變遷的因素有許多：在政策外在環境因素的部分，包含高房價民怨促使政府回應、2014年底九合一選舉的影響、政策學習不應照單全收、社會共識逐漸形成、葉世文行賄弊案的衝擊；在政策屬性因素的部分，包含從國宅政策思維到社會價值的展現、焦點事件促成民眾政策偏好的改變、民間參與並非住宅政策的萬靈丹、合宜住宅的無形政策成本超載；在結構因素的部分，包含政策選擇與政治績效形塑決策者的政策思維、決策者的意識型態會影響其住宅政策決策、中央與地方各有本位主義、中央住宅部門層級過低等等，再加上政策網絡中行動者互動的交互影響，使得複雜性、不確定性如此高的社會住宅成為目前的政策主流，許多政府單位因為首長選舉的政見承諾紛紛開始重視社會住宅這樣的政策，而政策不會一成不變，相反地，它們會受到政治結構變遷及決策者政策思維改變而持續不斷地演化，因此，社會住宅政策未來是否能維持主導地位，仍有待吾人持續關注後續的政策變遷。 / In 2013, the human rights reports in two International Covenants both disclosed that “right of residence“ as one of the most important fundamental human rights. However, according to an on-line poll conducted by Research Development and Evaluation Commission of Executive Yuan in 2010 showed that “rising house prices“ issue was top one grievances among others. Affected by political and economic environment externally, the result of letting free access of investors unlimited entering and exiting real estate market has made it very difficult for civilians to buy house around urban Taipei. In order to buy a new house around unban Taipei, a civilian has to live without drinking or eating for 15.73 years. Therefore, it clearly shows that there is still a big gap between the right of residence in Taiwan and international standard. The purpose of this study is to define policy issues through policy analysis approach. Furthermore, the study tries to compare major policy programs of housing policy in Taiwan from the perspective of policy change, including "only for rent not for sale" social housing and "sale type" affordable housing, so as to discuss how interactive strategies that policy actors adopted affect the result of policy changes in the policy making process. The study adopts in-depth interview method to understand how different actors explain and interpret the changes, along with specific case study based on the integrated analysis framework proposed by Wen-Jong Juang in 2003. Through the integrated analysis framework, from external environment factors, policy features, structural factors and policy networks, the study analyzes the policy changing process between social housing and affordable housing, concluding which factors affect the changes in policy. Additionally, hope to come up with some policy suggestions. By reviewing related literatures and conducting interviews, the study shows that government faces greater difficulties when promoting social housing rather than promoting affordable housing. The reasons include lack of comprehensive social housing policy, mental resistance, and restrictions on laws as well as institutions and so on. The passing of Housing Act in the end of 2011 and the significant policy changes in local governments have created the policy change process. However, from 2010 to 2014, instead of promoting affordable housing policy, both central and local governments promote strongly on social housing policy. By observing the policy changing process between social housing and affordable housing, the study shows that many factors affect policy changes. First, the external environmental factors, including the high housing price issue, influence of local election in the end of 2014, policy learning, social consensus, and bribery scandal of Shi-Wen Ye all have impacts externally. Second, the factors of policy features, including past public housing policy to social value; focus events led to changes of public preferences; private participation in housing policy is not a panacea; the intangible cost of affordable housing overloaded are all possible factors. Third, the structural factors, including policy thinking formed by policy chose and political performance; ideologies of decision makers; centralism and localism; hierarchy of residential department in central government and so on, all have different effects. Last but not least, the interactions among policy network actors cause interaction effects. Hence, factors above make social housing as mainly policy, even though it is still highly uncertain and complex. Many government agencies have begun to pay attention to social housing policy due to the promises made by local officials. On the other hand, policies change, continually evolve affected by changes in the political structure and the policy thinking of decision makers. Therefore, whether the social housing policy will maintain the dominant position still remains question, and we will keep follow up with what might change in future policies.

觀光作為國家的重點發展產業，政府將藉由觀光行銷計畫的推陳出新以提升 其觀光競爭力。台灣中央政府從2001 年到2010 年推出一連串的觀光行銷計畫， 從中可以發現觀光行銷計畫的內容出現一定程度的變遷，可是目前的研究很少針 對觀光行銷計畫的變遷進行探究。因此，本研究由政策變遷理論作為探討基礎， 試圖以學習的途徑解釋觀光行銷計畫的變遷，採用文件分析法和訪談法發現觀光 行銷計畫發生哪些重要變遷，以及造成變遷的因素為何，並透過組織學習與政策 學習理論分析學習在觀光行銷計畫的變遷中所扮演的角色。 經過資料的蒐集與分析之後，結論針對研究發現與研究發現的意涵進行討論， 並提出研究建議，包括：觀光局機關首長的領導為引發學習的關鍵因素，且促使 觀光局逐漸轉型為學習型組織；在變遷與學習的關係中，也發現機關內各單位與 階層之間出現不一致的改變程度，代表觀光局仍然需要更全面的學習。因此，未 來觀光局新的首長必須持續領導觀光局的學習，平衡機關內各單位與階層之間的 改變程度，並學習新的行銷趨勢，才能不斷產出更為出色的觀光行銷計畫。 / Because the tourism industry is one of the country’s important industries, government may improve and innovate on tourism marketing plans to increase tourism competitiveness of country. From 2001 to 2010, the central government in Taiwan promoted a series of tourism marketing plans, which can be found some changes in tourism marketing plans. However, the current study has few discussions on the changes of the tourism marketing plans. Therefore, this study counts on the policy change theory as the research basis, then tries to apply learning approach to explain the changes of the tourism marketing plans. The research methods of this study use document analysis and interviews to found what important changes in the tourism marketing plans, as well as found the factors that caused the changes. Besides, through organizational learning and policy learning theory, this study analyses of the role of learning in the changes of the tourism marketing plans. After the data collection and analysis, the conclusion of this study discusses the finding and the meaning of finding, raises some suggestions as well. For example, the leadership of the head of the Tourism Bureau was the key factor which leads to learning, and the head transformed the Tourism Bureau into a learning organization gradually; between the changes and learning, this study also found so inconsistent degree of changes among the internal various units and levels that the Tourism Bureau still need for more comprehensive learning. Therefore, in order to continue producing even better tourism marketing plans, the new head of the Tourism Bureau must continue leading the Tourism Bureau to learn, balance the degree of changes among the internal various units and levels, and learn new marketing trend in the future.

Le changement des comportements individuels s'est récemment imposé comme un objectif majeur pour l'action publique, qui mobilise dans cette optique de nouveaux savoirs de gouvernement : les sciences comportementales. Ces savoirs sont employés de manière explicite et croissante dans la politique énergétique du Japon pour réduire la consommation d’énergie des ménages, dans un contexte marqué par l’accident nucléaire de Fukushima et la libéralisation des marchés de l’énergie. Cette thèse examine les facteurs explicatifs et les modalités concrètes de cette transformation significative dans un domaine jusque-là dominé par une approche techno-économique prêtant peu attention aux comportements. Notre analyse associe des perspectives théoriques et méthodologiques issues de la sociologie de l'action publique et des études sur les transferts de politiques publiques pour retracer la genèse et la mise en œuvre de deux expérimentations : celle des réseaux électriques « intelligents » dans les Smart Communities et celle des nudges et des Home Energy Reports de l’entreprise étasunienne Opower. La conduite d’environ quatre-vingt entretiens semi-directifs et l’examen de nombreuses sources écrites ont mis en évidence la place centrale des circulations transnationales dans l’élaboration et la conduite de ces programmes et plus généralement de la politique énergétique de l’archipel.Nous défendons la thèse que la mobilisation des sciences comportementales dans la politique énergétique japonaise résulte d’une multiplicité de facteurs qui questionne l’opposition entre des changements de nature soit endogène soit exogène, et la distinction entre facteurs domestiques et facteurs extranationaux. Le recours à ces savoirs de gouvernement s’explique en effet par la capacité d’un petit groupe d’acteurs programmatiques japonais à introduire dans la politique énergétique des sciences et des instruments originaires de l’étranger, en réponse à des enjeux spécifiques au Japon. Notre analyse microsociologique des stratégies de ces acteurs invite à une endogénéisation de l’explication du changement intégrant les facteurs exogènes et les dynamiques extranationales. La mobilisation des sciences comportementales dans la politique nippone résulte indissociablement de l’essor de ces savoirs dans la recherche et l’action publique aux États-Unis et en Europe, des stratégies d’acteurs transnationaux, étasuniens et japonais, et de la prégnance des enjeux climatiques et énergétiques sur l’archipel. Nous suggérons par ailleurs que les États-Unis sont au cœur de la circulation des sciences comportementales dans le domaine de l’énergie, et que le recours à ces savoirs dans l’action publique s’explique par, outre leur succès académique, leur dimension « pratique » et « consensuelle ». / In recent years, changing individual behaviours has become a key issue for public policy, which has been mobilising new bodies of knowledge, namely behavioural sciences. These are explicitly and increasingly used in Japan’s energy policy in order to lower household energy consumption, in the context of both the Fukushima nuclear disaster and the liberalisation of the energy markets. My dissertation investigates the explanatory factors and the implementation of this significant change in a policy domain which was so far marked by a techno-economic approach paying little attention to behavioural issues. Drawing on theoretical and methodological perspectives from public policy analysis and policy transfer studies, I analyse the genesis and the implementation of two large-scale programs: first, the smart grid social experiments named Smart Communities; second, the Opower’s Home Energy Reports pilot study. Building on about eighty semi-structured interviews and on a wide variety of written sources, I emphasise the major role played by transnational circulations in the design and the implementation of these programs, and more broadly in Japan’s energy policy.I argue that the mobilisation of behavioural sciences in Japan’s energy policy results from manifolds factors which question the opposition between the endogenous and exogenous nature of policy change, as well as the distinction between domestic and extranational factors. Indeed, the use of this body of knowledge can be explained by the strategies of a few stakeholders who achieved to introduce new policy ideas and tools coming from abroad, in response to issues faced by the Japanese Government. Through a micro-sociological analysis of their strategies, I suggest to endogenize the explanation of policy change while integrating exogenous factors and extranational dynamics. The mobilisation of behavioural sciences in Japan’s energy policy results inseparably from the expansion of this body of knowledge in academia and in public policy in the US and in Europe; from the strategies of transnational, Japanese and American stakeholders; and from the stringency of climate and energy problems in Japan. The US plays a central role in the transnational circulation of behavioural sciences in the energy field, which can be explained by the “practical” and “consensual” dimension of these sciences.

Cotutelle avec l'Université libre de Bruxelles / Depuis l’adoption de la Directive Qualification en 2004 et de sa refonte en 2011, l’Union européenne reconnaît explicitement les persécutions du fait de l’orientation sexuelle et de l’identité de genre en tant que motif d’octroi du statut de réfugié∙e, selon le critère de l’appartenance à un certain groupe social. Cependant, il existe toujours des différences considérables dans la manière dont les États européens examinent les demandes des personnes invoquant ce type de persécutions, ce qui contrevient à la volonté marquée de l’UE d’atteindre un Régime d’asile européen commun. Dans cette thèse je propose de suivre le processus de fabrique de la nouvelle catégorie de « réfugié∙e LGBTI » en Belgique, en France et au Royaume-Uni afin d’apporter une explication au fait que malgré les pressions d’harmonisation de l’Union européenne, les contours de cette catégorie de réfugié∙es diffèrent d’un État européen à l’autre. M’inscrivant dans la suite des travaux qui proposent d’aborder le processus d’action publique à partir de l’interdépendance entre les institutions et les idées, je suggère d’appréhender la fabrique de la catégorie de « réfugié∙e LGBTI » en tant que processus de traduction multi-niveaux engendré par les logiques positionnelles (institutions) et les logiques interprétatives (idées) d’acteurs en interactions. Pour ce faire, je développe les notions de « configuration des arènes de traduction » et de « paradigme de traduction » qui me permettent de capturer et de suivre les logiques positionnelles et interprétatives des acteurs tout au long du processus de traduction (genèse, stabilisation et verrouillage). La configuration des arènes de traduction correspond à la somme des institutions formelles et informelles qui contraignent les acteurs dans les trois arènes où s’opère la traduction de la catégorie de « réfugié∙e LGBTI » : l’arène administrative, l’arène associative et l’arène judiciaire. Le paradigme de traduction correspond à l’espace de sens à travers lequel les acteurs impliqués dans le processus de traduction interprètent la catégorie de « réfugié∙e LGBTI ». Il est composé de trois éléments : la définition du problème, la solution politique et l’univers de discours. La démarche proposée permet quatre principaux apports, à la fois d’ordre empirique et analytique. D’une part, pour ce qui est des apports empiriques, mon approche permet d’articuler plusieurs niveaux de gouvernement (international, européen et national). Elle permet également d’apporter une profondeur historique à l’analyse. D’autre part, pour ce qui est des apports analytiques, ma démarche permet d’articuler plusieurs niveaux d’analyse (institutions et idées). Elle permet également d’articuler plusieurs temporalités du changement de l’action publique (moyenne et longue). La présente recherche fait deux principales contributions : à la littérature en politiques publiques sur le changement et à celle en études migratoires queer sur l’homonationalisme. D’une part, en proposant de saisir le changement en tant que processus de traduction, ma démarche permet de dépasser les dichotomies latentes entre changements lents et marginaux versus changements radicaux et rapides. Elle permet également de dépasser la dichotomie entre pressions exogènes et pressions endogènes du changement. D’autre part, en prenant au sérieux l’interdépendance entre les institutions et les idées dans la constitution d’une communauté nationale qui intègre les minorités sexuelles, elle suggère de regarder au-delà de l’homonationalisme tel que conceptualisé aujourd’hui pour comprendre la manière dont la frontière entre « nous » et « eux » s’érige. Cette frontière n’est pas la même d’un État à l’autre et se révèle être peu stable, évoluant d’une phase à l’autre du processus d’action publique. Une telle perspective propose ainsi une troisième voie analytique qui se distingue d’une part des tenants du discours de la libération sexuelle et d’autre part de ceux de l’impérialisme sexuel. / Since the adoption of the Qualification Directive in 2004 and its recast in 2011, the European Union has explicitly recognized persecutions on the basis of sexual orientation and gender identity as a ground for granting refugee status, according to the criterion of membership of a particular social group. However, there are still considerable differences in the way European states deal with applications from those who claim this kind of persecution, which goes against the EU’s strong desire to achieve a Common European Asylum System. This dissertation follows the “fabrique” of the new category of “LGBTI refugee” in Belgium, France, and the United Kingdom. It provides an explanation for the fact that in spite of pressures to harmonize the European Union, the contours of this category of refugees differ from one European state to another. Following an approach that focuses on the public policy process with an emphasis on the interdependence between institutions and ideas, I suggest apprehending the “fabrique” of the category of “LGBTI refugee” as a multi-level translation process, generated by the logics-of-positions (institutions) and the logics-of interpretations (ideas) of actors in interactions. To this aim, I develop the notions of “configuration of translation arenas” and of “translation paradigm” which allow me to capture and follow the positional and interpretative logics of actors throughout the translation process (genesis, stabilization and lock-in). The configuration of the translation arenas corresponds to the sum of the formal and informal institutions that constrain actors in the three arenas where the translation of the category of “LGBTI refugee” takes place: the administrative arena, the associative arena and the judicial arena. The translation paradigm corresponds to the space of meaning through which the actors involved in the translation process interpret the category of “LGBTI refugee”. It is composed of three elements: the problem definition, the political solution, and the discursive universe. The proposed approach gives rise to four main contributions, both empirical and analytical. On the one hand, in terms of empirical contributions, this approach allows for the articulation of several levels of government (international, European, and national). It also provides historical depth to the analysis. On the other hand, with regard to the analytical inputs, this approach facilitates the articulation of several analytical levels (institutions and ideas). It also makes possible the articulation of several temporalities of public action change. Overall, this research makes an important contribution to two literatures, namely the literature on public policy and the literature on queer migration studies. First, by proposing to capture change as a translation process, my approach overcomes the latent dichotomies between slow and marginal changes versus radical and rapid changes. It also overcomes the dichotomy between exogenous pressures and endogenous pressures that explain change in public policy. Second, considering the interdependence between institutions and ideas in the constitution of a national community inclusive of sexual minorities, it suggests looking beyond homonationalism, as it is conceptualized today, for understanding the construction of “us” and “them”. This construction is not the same from one state to another and does not appear to be very stable, as it evolves from one phase to another during the entire public action process. Such a perspective thus offers a third analytical path which differs from the discourse on sexual liberation and the discourse on sexual imperialism.