O objetivo dessa tese de doutoramento é compreender o padrão e a dinâmica decisória em política externa no Brasil. Para isso, o estudo concentrar-se-á 1) na compreensão da relação entre os poderes Executivo e Legislativo em matérias internacionais; 2) no entendimento da dinâmica interna do próprio Poder Executivo, analisando a atuação do Presidente da República e seu papel na tomada de decisão na área de relações exteriores e política internacional do país; 3) na análise do Ministério das Relações Exteriores em sua estrutura organizacional e decisória bem como no seu relacionamento com as demais agências burocráticas. O marco temporal estabelecido pela pesquisa é de 1988 a 2007, vinte anos após o estabelecimento do novo marco constitucional do país, que versa sobre a estrutura e funcionamento do Estado no período pós- redemocratização. / This doctoral dissertation attempts to understand pattern and dynamics in foreign policy decision-making processes in Brazil. We concentrate our attention on: 1) understanding the interactive dynamics between the Executive and the Legislature branches of the Brazilian Government regarding international issues; 2) understanding the inner dynamics of the Executive by analyzing the organizational and decision-making structures of the Ministry of Foreign Relations, as well as its relations with others bureaucracies and agencies; and 3) looking into the role of the President in decision-making processes regarding foreign relations and international politics. Twenty years after the adoption of a democratic Constitution, our research will look into the structures and operations of a post-re-democratization Federal Government between 1988 and 2007.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-06-02T19:50:11Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 3652.pdf: 3323756 bytes, checksum: b59ea84dcdd65a654880d91ac8c74b94 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-02-11 / The policy network is regarded as a relatively stable set of relationships that are not hierarchical and that have an interdependent nature linking a variety of actors who share common interests with regard to a policy and who exchange resources to pursue those shared interests, recognizing that cooperation is the best way to achieve common goals. The study of policy network is crucial to understanding the environment in which there is strategic interaction of actors and organizations that are dependent upon various resources, such as financial, technological, organizational, political, legal and constitutional. The implementation of the study network policies in Clusters (APLs) can explain the economic and social development planning, through the formulation of policies adopted locally. This paper aims to analyze the existence and configuration of the APL Policy Network of women's shoes Jau economic transactions around the actors. So is it possible to identify the central actors of the network policy and show how network structure influences the policy of Local Governance, which can facilitate economic transactions of the actors. For this, we made a field survey, using a semi-structured questionnaire with companies, unions and representatives of local government in APL footwear Jau. / A rede política é considerada como um conjunto de relacionamentos relativamente estáveis, que não são hierárquicos e que possuem uma natureza interdependente, que liga uma variedade de atores que compartilham interesses comuns no que diz respeito a uma política e que trocam recursos para prosseguir esses interesses partilhados, reconhecendo que a cooperação é a melhor maneira de alcançar objetivos comuns. O estudo de rede políticas é de fundamental importância para a compreensão do ambiente em que ocorre a interação estratégica dos atores e organizações, que são dependentes de vários recursos, como os financeiros, tecnológicos, organizacionais, políticos, jurídicos e constitucionais. A aplicação do estudo de redes políticas em Arranjos Produtivos Locais (APLs) pode explicar o desenvolvimento econômico e social do território, através da formulação de políticas adotadas localmente. Este trabalho tem como objetivo analisar a existência e a configuração da Rede Política no APL de calçados femininos de Jaú em torno das transações econômicas do atores. Assim, será possível identificar os atores centrais da rede política e mostrar como a Rede Política influencia a Estrutura de Governança Local, podendo facilitar as transações econômicas dos atores. Para isso, foi feita uma pesquisa de campo, através de um questionário semi-estruturado com empresas, entidades de classe e representantes do poder público local no APL calçadista de Jaú.

Including civil society organizations in the policy process is a distinctive trait of democratic governance. But, while being highly valuable from a democratic point of view, not all civil society organizations are represented in the policy process. This dissertation draws attention to the role of the government in shaping the representation of civil society organizations in the Swedish government consultation referred to as the ‘remiss procedure’. The overall aim is to increase empirical and theoretical understanding of civil society organizations’ access to the national Swedish policy process. Drawing on various empirical data sources, it analyzes how access has changed during the second half of the 20th century, the factors influencing access, and the significance of the access provided by the government. The results are based on four empirical studies, and show that the government has encouraged an increasing number and more diverse types of civil society organizations to be represented in the remiss procedure. In addition, organizations with plenty of resources, such as labor and business organizations, are not overrepresented. However, access is slightly skewed in favor of civil society organizations with an insider position within other access points at national government level, which is consistent with a privileged pluralistic pattern of interest representation. In addition, civil society organizations seem to be invited into an arena for political influence of less relevance. Theoretically, the dissertation moves beyond the neo-corporatist perspective that dominated Swedish research during the second half of the 20th century by drawing attention to five different theoretical lenses: pluralism, neo-corporatism, political opportunity structures, policy network theory, and resource exchange theory. It concludes that a variety of theories are needed for access to be understood.

<p>The capacity of deep reinforcement learning policy networks has been found to affect the performance of trained agents. It has been observed that policy networks with more parameters have better training performance and generalization ability than smaller networks. In this work, we find cases where this does not hold true. We observe unimodal variance in the zero-shot test return of varying width policies, which accompanies a drop in both train and test return. Empirically, we demonstrate mostly monotonically increasing performance or mostly optimal performance as the width of deep policy networks increase, except near the variance mode. Finally, we find a scenario where larger networks have increasing performance up to a point, then decreasing performance. We hypothesize that these observations align with the theory of double descent in supervised learning, although with specific differences.</p>

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Med anledning av att flera kriser av extraordinära slag har inträffat i fredstid har förmågan att hantera dessa fått stor uppmärksamhet. Ett exempel är stormen Gudrun som lamslog delar av Sverige i januari 2005. För att kunna hantera sådana kriser behövs en fungerande beredskap och här har kommunerna en viktig roll. Om kommunerna har en väl utvecklad krisberedskap kan samhället bättre klara av en kris. Genom utvärderingar och erfarenheter från kriser har det visat sig att samverkan mellan kommuner är av stor betydelse för en god krisberedskap. Därmed är det av intresse att studera hur en sådan kan utvecklas mellan kommuner. Vilka faktorer är viktiga för att samverkan ska utvecklas? Är ömsesidig förståelse mellan kommunerna av betydelse? Vilken vikt har förtroende och tillit för samverkan? Inverkar geografin och demografin på kommuners samverkan? Påverkas samverkan av resursberoende och ekonomiska faktorer? Vilken betydelse har politiska beslut för kommuners samverkan? Detta är uppsatsens fokus där samverkan mellan fem kommuner kring krisberedskap studeras med stöd av policynätverksteori med kollektiv handling. Studien visade bland annat att faktorer såsom geografisk närhet, demografi, ekonomi och resursutbyte var viktiga för samverkan och skapandet av policynätverk bland de fem kommunerna. Även en samstämmig problemdefinition, förtroende och en ömsesidig förståelse mellan aktörerna inbegreps som betydelsefulla liksom regelverk samt Krisberedskapsmyndigheten (KBM) och Länsstyrelsen i Östergötland. / Through several crises of extraordinary nature in peacetime the capacity of emergency management has been brought up on to the agenda. Recently, in year 2005, Sweden faced a big storm named Gudrun that caused total devastation. In order to cope with crises like Gudrun a proficient emergency management has shown to be essential in which municipalities have a fundamental function. With a well developed emergency management at the local level society is better equipped to manage crises. According to research on and experiences from crises, cooperation and networking among municipalities is crucial for an efficient emergency management. Consequently there is an interest in studying how cooperation between municipalities can develop within the area of emergency management. Which factors are important for the development of cooperation? Is mutual understanding among the actors important? Which implications do trust and confidence have upon cooperation? Are resource dependencies and economic factors central for the shaping of policy network? Do the geographic and the demographic characterise municipalities’ cooperation? Do political decisions have any significant role in the shaping of policy network? This is the focus of the essay where cooperation between five municipalities in emergency management is studied using policy network theory with collective action. The essay shows that geographical, demographically and economical factors as well as resource dependencies are important for cooperation and the development of policy networks among the five municipalities. Also important were a common foundation, trust and a mutual understanding between the actors. Additionally, new regulations and two authorities – Swedish Emergency Management Authority (SEMA) and the County administrative board of Östergötland – also influenced the cooperation in a positive way.

在目前相關文獻中，在全球治理架構下所制定的政策，必將對於各國內部相關政策造成影響。然而，這樣的聯想常被視為是理所當然，卻鮮有實證資料，證明一個國家的公共政策在全球治理的架構下，是否真正受到影響？在哪些面向會受到影響？這些面向實際受到影響的程度為何？需要藉由何種工具，來衡量國家政策受到全球治理影響的程度？ 為了解答上述之問題，本文之研究目的可歸納為以下三點： 1.經由全球治理、全球治理與國家公共政策間關係等文獻探討建立全球治理影響國家公共政策之理論架構 2.藉由理論架構與政策德菲法建立全球治理影響國家公共政策之指標系統 3.透過指標系統實證檢驗京都議定書對於台灣公共政策之影響 本研究最後獲致三大重要成果。首先，建構出全球治理影響國家公共政策之「GG-NPP理論架構」；其次，經由政策德菲法的徵詢結果，彙整出適合用以衡量全球治理對於國家公共政策影響之指標系統，共可分為三大面向、六大變數以及十六項指標。再者，透過前述的指標系統，以京都議定書為個案檢證台灣現行因應之政策。透過數據的整理，發現我國在十六項指標項目中，有十項是呈現因應京都議定書的正向趨勢；但是其餘六項指標，由於受到如主權、國際現實環境等外在因素的侷限，或者是受制於政府自己內部的組織、人事、預算、府際關係等因素，故而全球治理並未對於國家公共政策的結果必然造成影響。 / In some relative literature, we can see the policy outcomes in the national governance level “could” be affected by those in the global level. But there is little practical evidence to affirm such cause and effect. How can we evaluate exactly such relation, dimension and degree? This paper will be grouped into third parts. First, I will review the literature of global governance, the relations between global governance and public policy. By doing so, the theory framework could be formulated. Second, I will select and construct the dimensions, variables and indicators that are related to the relations between global governance and public policy. And I will check and confirm the dimensions and indicators through the “Policy Delphi” method to build the indicator system completely. Third, I will evaluate the impacts of Kyoto Protocol on public policy in Taiwan. Finally, I got three important outcomes. First, I formed a “GG-NPP theory framework”. Second, I constructed an indicator system that can be formed to measure the relation between global governance and public policy by two round “Policy Delphi” process. There are three dimensions, six variables and sixteen indicators in this indicator system. Third, I examine the indicator system by the case of “Kyoto Protocol”. I checked the impacts of Kyoto Protocol on public policy in Taiwan and found some interesting outcomes. And I knew the impacts of Kyoto Protocol on public policy will be affected by some external and internal elements.

Syftet med uppsatsen är att utifrån Sveriges förändrade agenda avseende samhällets beredskap att hantera kriser, studera krisberedskapsprocessen på regional och lokal nivå genom informantintervjuer av nyckelbefattningar inom länsstyrelse och kommun. Uppsatsen svarar genom en deskriptiv fallstudie med kvalitativ metod av länsstyrelser och kommuner på frågeställningarna: Hur genomförs den komplexa krisberedskapsprocessen vid regional och lokal nivå samt vilket behov av stöd kräver krisberedskapsprocessen? I studien sammanställs en empirisk krisberedskapsprocess vilken jämförts med den normativa krisberedskapsprocesen genom att använda Lundqvists (1992) implementeringsteori baserad på Förstå, Kan, Vill. Studiens mest signifikanta resultat är att en väl utvecklad samverkan har identifierats mellan aktörer på regional och lokal nivå. Studien har funnit viss liknelse mellan den empiriska krisberedskapsprocessen och Lundqvists Policyprocessens stadier med förvaltningens huvuduppgifter. Även om informanterna upplever vissa problem inom krisberedskapen, finner vi att aktörerna genom ett stort engagemang anses kunna hantera krisberedskapsprocessen. / The purpose of this essay is to examine the crisis management process in the context of Sweden’s changed agenda in terms of community preparedness to crisis management. The study is conducted through interviews with key positions at county governments and municipalities. Through a descriptive case study using a qualitative method the essay answers the following question: How is the complex crisis management process performed at county and local level and what requirements of support does the crisis management process demand? The results from the interviews were compiled to an empirical crisis management process and with help of Lundqvist´s (1992) implementation theory based on Understand, Can, Will, compared to the normative crisis management process. The most significant conclusion of the essay is a well evolved collaboration has been identified in the relation between actors at regional and local level. The study has found certain parables between the empirical crisis management process and Lundqvist´s Policy process stages with main tasks in administration. Even though the informants experience some problem within the crisis management, we find that the actors due to a great dedication are able to handle the crisis management.

2013年聯合國於兩公約人權報告中揭示，「居住權」為重要的基本人權之一，然而，根據行政院研考會於2010年的網路民調，「房價高漲」為十大民怨之首，受到外在政治經濟環境影響，政府放任投資客自由進出房地產市場炒房的結果，使得一般市井小民欲在臺北都會區買房，得不吃不喝15.73年才得以買到一處安身立命的處所，由此可知，我國居住權人權狀況與國際人權標準尚有一段差距。 　　本研究目的在於以政策分析途徑界定政策問題，接著從「政策變遷」（policy change）的角度切入，比較臺灣住宅政策的主要政策方案，包括「只租不售」的社會住宅、「出售式」的合宜住宅，進而探討在多項政策方案供選擇的政策決策過程中（policy making process），政策行動者所採取的互動策略如何影響政策變遷的結果，並透過深度訪談了解不同行動者對這些變化過程的解釋為何、如何看待那些變化，並依據個案的合適性選擇莊文忠（2003）提出的整合性分析架構，從外在環境因素、政策本身特性、結構因素、政策網絡等面向，分析社會住宅與合宜住宅相互變遷的政策過程，歸納影響政策變遷的因素有哪些，進而提出政策建議。 　　基於文獻分析與訪談結果，本研究發現，政府推動社會住宅相較於合宜住宅面臨較大的困難，包括缺乏整體的社會住宅政策、心理上的抗拒、法規制度的限制等，《住宅法》於2011年底通過與地方政府重要政策轉變構築變遷的政策過程，然而，從2010年到2014年短短4年的時間，社會住宅卻取代合宜住宅成為中央政府或地方政府積極推動的住宅政策。 從社會住宅與合宜住宅相互變遷的政策過程來看，影響兩項政策變遷的因素有許多：在政策外在環境因素的部分，包含高房價民怨促使政府回應、2014年底九合一選舉的影響、政策學習不應照單全收、社會共識逐漸形成、葉世文行賄弊案的衝擊；在政策屬性因素的部分，包含從國宅政策思維到社會價值的展現、焦點事件促成民眾政策偏好的改變、民間參與並非住宅政策的萬靈丹、合宜住宅的無形政策成本超載；在結構因素的部分，包含政策選擇與政治績效形塑決策者的政策思維、決策者的意識型態會影響其住宅政策決策、中央與地方各有本位主義、中央住宅部門層級過低等等，再加上政策網絡中行動者互動的交互影響，使得複雜性、不確定性如此高的社會住宅成為目前的政策主流，許多政府單位因為首長選舉的政見承諾紛紛開始重視社會住宅這樣的政策，而政策不會一成不變，相反地，它們會受到政治結構變遷及決策者政策思維改變而持續不斷地演化，因此，社會住宅政策未來是否能維持主導地位，仍有待吾人持續關注後續的政策變遷。 / In 2013, the human rights reports in two International Covenants both disclosed that “right of residence“ as one of the most important fundamental human rights. However, according to an on-line poll conducted by Research Development and Evaluation Commission of Executive Yuan in 2010 showed that “rising house prices“ issue was top one grievances among others. Affected by political and economic environment externally, the result of letting free access of investors unlimited entering and exiting real estate market has made it very difficult for civilians to buy house around urban Taipei. In order to buy a new house around unban Taipei, a civilian has to live without drinking or eating for 15.73 years. Therefore, it clearly shows that there is still a big gap between the right of residence in Taiwan and international standard. The purpose of this study is to define policy issues through policy analysis approach. Furthermore, the study tries to compare major policy programs of housing policy in Taiwan from the perspective of policy change, including "only for rent not for sale" social housing and "sale type" affordable housing, so as to discuss how interactive strategies that policy actors adopted affect the result of policy changes in the policy making process. The study adopts in-depth interview method to understand how different actors explain and interpret the changes, along with specific case study based on the integrated analysis framework proposed by Wen-Jong Juang in 2003. Through the integrated analysis framework, from external environment factors, policy features, structural factors and policy networks, the study analyzes the policy changing process between social housing and affordable housing, concluding which factors affect the changes in policy. Additionally, hope to come up with some policy suggestions. By reviewing related literatures and conducting interviews, the study shows that government faces greater difficulties when promoting social housing rather than promoting affordable housing. The reasons include lack of comprehensive social housing policy, mental resistance, and restrictions on laws as well as institutions and so on. The passing of Housing Act in the end of 2011 and the significant policy changes in local governments have created the policy change process. However, from 2010 to 2014, instead of promoting affordable housing policy, both central and local governments promote strongly on social housing policy. By observing the policy changing process between social housing and affordable housing, the study shows that many factors affect policy changes. First, the external environmental factors, including the high housing price issue, influence of local election in the end of 2014, policy learning, social consensus, and bribery scandal of Shi-Wen Ye all have impacts externally. Second, the factors of policy features, including past public housing policy to social value; focus events led to changes of public preferences; private participation in housing policy is not a panacea; the intangible cost of affordable housing overloaded are all possible factors. Third, the structural factors, including policy thinking formed by policy chose and political performance; ideologies of decision makers; centralism and localism; hierarchy of residential department in central government and so on, all have different effects. Last but not least, the interactions among policy network actors cause interaction effects. Hence, factors above make social housing as mainly policy, even though it is still highly uncertain and complex. Many government agencies have begun to pay attention to social housing policy due to the promises made by local officials. On the other hand, policies change, continually evolve affected by changes in the political structure and the policy thinking of decision makers. Therefore, whether the social housing policy will maintain the dominant position still remains question, and we will keep follow up with what might change in future policies.

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