Le Sénégal fait souvent figure d'exception, au point d'être régulièrement salué pour sa stabilité sociopolitiquepar la communauté internationale désemparée devant les troubles qui agitent le continent africain.Cette image d'Épinal est pourtant loin de rendre compte des difficultés qui touchent la population de ce pays.Derrière le visage d'un pays stable se cache en fin de compte une tout autre réalité qui rappelle combien lepoids de la précarité professionnelle occupe une place singulière dans la vie des Sénégalais, y compris deceux qui participent à l'élaboration de l'action publique branchée au système d'aide. Telle est l'impressionpesante qui se glisse dans les discours des professionnels de l'aide sénégalais impliqués dans un projet degestion intégrée du littoral encouragé par la Banque mondiale dans les années 2000. L'étude de la mise enoeuvre de ce projet fournit un cas d'école qui permet de saisir l'incidence que peut avoir la précaritéprofessionnelle de ces personnes sur le fonctionnement de l'aide-projet qui représente encore aujourd'hui laforme d'aide dominante dans le pays. Plus spécifiquement, elle aide à comprendre pourquoi les normes degestion du littoral colportées dans le cadre de ce projet – qui ne sont d'ailleurs que le reflet de l'écologiedominante – sont mobilisées par ces développeurs sénégalais à travers des discours légitimateurs le plussouvent déconnectés du sens même de ces normes. Tout se passe comme si la professionnalisation heurtéede ces personnes les conduisait à prêter plus attention aux moyens du projet qu'à ses objectifs, et de cettemanière à améliorer leurs conditions de travail et plus largement leur situation socio-économique. / Senegal is often looked on as an exception, to the point of being regularly hailed for its socio-politicalstability by an international community quite helpless in front of the troubles of African continent. Yet thistraditional view is far from accounting for the difficulties of the population. In fact the image of a stablecountry conceals an altogether different reality which reminds one of how precarity, and more particularlywork precarity, plays an important part in the lives of the Senegalese, including those who take part in thedevelopment of the public action financed by aid agencies. Such is the impression felt in the speeches ofSenegalese aid workers involved in a project of coastal zone management promoted by the World Bank inthe 2000s. To study the working out of this project provides an example which helps to understand theconsequences their precarity at work can have on the working of the aid-project – today the main form of aidin this country. More specifically it helps to understand how the standards of coastal zone managementpromoted by the World Bank agents are interpreted by these Senegalese people, and why they are justapprehended in speeches often disconnected from the very purpose of these standards. It seems that theirwork precarity has led them to pay more attention to the means of the project rather than to its ends, seekingthereby to improve their own work conditions and so their socio-economic situation.

Girls’ education has been promoted by the international development community for over two decades; however, it has proven harder to promote gender equality through education than it has been to promote gender parity in education. Of significance is the global circulation and co-existence of two competing rationales for the importance of girls’ education: economic efficiency and social justice. The cost of ignoring how and why Southern governments and their development partners choose to promote girls’ education is high: an over-emphasis on economic efficiency can mean that the root causes of gendered inequalities in society remain unchallenged, and more social justice-oriented reforms become marginalized. This thesis uses a critical feminist lens to qualitatively investigate the role and significance of human capital, human rights, and human capabilities policy models in the context of the production and enactment of gender equality in education policy knowledge in The Gambia, a small, aid-dependent Muslim nation in West Africa. The purpose of the study was to assess the scope education policies provide for positive change in the lives of Gambian women and girls. Towards illuminating relations of power in and the politics of gender equality in education policy processes, the study compares and contrasts written texts with the perspectives of state and non-state policy actors. The study is based on data drawn from interviews, participant observation, and documentary analysis. The findings suggest that different gender equality in education ideas and practices have been selectively mobilized and incorporated into education policy processes in The Gambia. At the level of policy talk, girls’ education is framed as important for both national economic growth, and “women’s empowerment”. However, the policy solutions designed and implemented, with the support of donors, have tended to work with rather than against the status quo. Power and politics was evident in divergent interpretations and struggles to fix the meaning of key concepts such as gender, gender equality, gender equity, and empowerment. Religious beliefs, anti-feminist politics, and the national feminist movement were identified as important forces shaping gender equality in education knowledge and action in the country.

Girls’ education has been promoted by the international development community for over two decades; however, it has proven harder to promote gender equality through education than it has been to promote gender parity in education. Of significance is the global circulation and co-existence of two competing rationales for the importance of girls’ education: economic efficiency and social justice. The cost of ignoring how and why Southern governments and their development partners choose to promote girls’ education is high: an over-emphasis on economic efficiency can mean that the root causes of gendered inequalities in society remain unchallenged, and more social justice-oriented reforms become marginalized. This thesis uses a critical feminist lens to qualitatively investigate the role and significance of human capital, human rights, and human capabilities policy models in the context of the production and enactment of gender equality in education policy knowledge in The Gambia, a small, aid-dependent Muslim nation in West Africa. The purpose of the study was to assess the scope education policies provide for positive change in the lives of Gambian women and girls. Towards illuminating relations of power in and the politics of gender equality in education policy processes, the study compares and contrasts written texts with the perspectives of state and non-state policy actors. The study is based on data drawn from interviews, participant observation, and documentary analysis. The findings suggest that different gender equality in education ideas and practices have been selectively mobilized and incorporated into education policy processes in The Gambia. At the level of policy talk, girls’ education is framed as important for both national economic growth, and “women’s empowerment”. However, the policy solutions designed and implemented, with the support of donors, have tended to work with rather than against the status quo. Power and politics was evident in divergent interpretations and struggles to fix the meaning of key concepts such as gender, gender equality, gender equity, and empowerment. Religious beliefs, anti-feminist politics, and the national feminist movement were identified as important forces shaping gender equality in education knowledge and action in the country.

跨國間的政策學習與政策移轉有逐漸增加的趨勢，但國內的相關研究仍在發展階段，本文以Rose的政策學習及Dolowitz與Marsh的政策移轉為理論架構，並以行政院勞委會2001年推出的永續就業希望工程為研究個案，以深入訪談法訪問當時參與政策規劃的三位學者顧問與兩位幕僚，探討國內參考國外經驗的政策設計過程，並分析勞委會參考歐盟第三系統就業方案的動機、政策移轉程度，最後並從政策移轉角度，對將來的政策設計提出建議。 　　本文的研究發現如下： 一、永續就業工程參考歐盟第三系統政策方案的動機在於國內九二一災區重建大軍的在地創造就業經驗與歐盟第三系統與就業方案具有相似性，兩者以第三部門創造就業管道的作法，均發揮輔導就業的成果，增加政策的可行性。此外，由於地方政府對第三部門及新的就業輔導措施成效存疑，因此，基於政策行銷的動機，永續案以「參考歐盟經驗」，與國外最新政策搭上關聯，以便說服地方政府及加強國人信心。二、政策移轉程度屬於政策移轉程度最淺的「啟發」（inspiration）程度，永續案僅參考歐盟的政策精神與概念，並非政策方案的全盤移植。由於永續案政策規劃時間不足，沒有時間及資源更深入探究歐盟作法，此外，由於台灣與歐盟的社會條件差異性大，政策方案需符合台灣社會條件與需求，因此永續案並未全盤移植歐盟方案。三、政策執行遭遇的障礙包括（1）地方政府缺乏相關經驗，因此開創的就業工作多為清潔等發展性較低的工作。（2）國內NPO、NGO的管理、人事及財務會計制度不健全，缺乏能企劃提案的人才。（3）政府初期對非營利組織的投資仍較保守，後期才投入協助NPO管理與行銷。（4）地方派系瓜分資源，公器私用。 　　本文提出的政策建議如下： 一、未來國內在進行政策移轉時，應避免外界質疑政策移轉徒具形式，國外政策經驗淪為替政策背書，可更細緻的探究國外政策方案的利弊得失，深入探討對我國政策方案的啟示及適用於我國社會環境的可行性。二、政府參考國外政策方案的研究工作，平時應有專責的研究單位負責，改善目前政策研究案委託外包、卻缺乏實際效用的情況。在短期的政策方案規劃上：應增調人力及預算支援業務主辦單位，分兩組人同時進行政策研究與政策方案的設計。三、政策可行性不確定性高時可先以小規模的先導計劃實驗，修正後再大規模實施。在沒有時間進行小規模先導性實驗計劃的情況下，從做中學、從執行中發現問題，再對政策方案本身進行微調、修正，也是一項折衷的選項。四、移轉他國的政策方案，需考慮在本國社會的條件與系絡下，政策方案需作那些調整與配套，以避免移植的方案水土不服，並應考量國內的政治生態會對政策方案造成何種影響，可如何事先預作制度設計與規劃。 　　本文並嘗試結合政策規劃與政策移轉理論（見圖5-2，頁141），在決策模式理性程度高低的分類之外，從政策移轉的視角，補充政策學習、政策擴散的觀點，解釋為何一國的政策會採納他國或國內其他機關已採行的決策，以增強對政策決策過程的解釋力。但本研究僅以永續就業工程計劃一個案為例，未來仍待相關研究繼續深入分析。 / Increased international policy learning and policy transfer have drawn high academic attention. However, there is little research to unravel both the motivation and content of policy transferred from abroad in Taiwan. This paper applies Rose’s (1993) lesson-drawing theory and Dolowitz’s (2000) framework of policy transfer to analyze how EU’s employment project, The Third System and Employment, has influenced the Sustainable Employment Plan in Taiwan and why Taiwan learns from the EU. Three academic consultants and two public officers of the Labour Affair Committee were interviewed and the process, motivation and content of policy transfer have been analyzed. There are four key findings of this paper. (1) Far from making rational decisions, policy makers stopped search for policies in other countries when the first acceptable alternative arrived. Although the local experience of job creation through the third sector in the areas devastated by 921 earthquake shares similar spirit with EU’s policy project and thus facilitates policy transfer, policy makers admit that relating policy to experience from abroad is also a technique of policy marketing to enhance policy legitimacy and public acceptance. (2) The extent of policy transfer is low and only limited to the ‘inspiration level’ due to two reasons. Besides time pressure and resources constrains during the policy making process, which refraining policy makers from more in-depth research of EU’s policy project, the recognition of heterogeneous context and social conditions in Taiwan and EU countries also leads policy makers to design policy and details of execution locally rather than copying from EU. (3) Promoting job opportunities through the third sector in Taiwan encounters several obstacles in implementation, including that most jobs created were low-skilled ones rather than sustainable ones; NGOs lack sufficient ability to execute, or even to propose employment projects; government mistrusts of NGOs; and local political fractions misuse of project budget to treat their political alliance. The policy implications from this case study are: (1) Policy makers should avoid using policy transfer as a tool of policy marketing. Rather, in-depth research of foreign policies and applicability to local context is warranted. (2) While the results of the contract-out policy research projects are usually found less practical to help policy planning, it is necessary to establish policy research centers within the government to draw lessons from abroad in the long run. In the short term, it is useful to allocate adequate research resources, including budget and manpower, during the process of policy transfer and planning to improve the quality of public policies. (3) Use policy pilots to avoid great policy mistakes when the feasibility of the policy transferred is highly uncertain. (4) Consider local context and conditions when transferring foreign policy experiences and make adjustments in advance. This paper also tries to combine policy planning and policy transfer theories (see Graph 5-2) to enhance the robustness of interpretation of the policy process which involves policy learning. While traditional analysis focusing on the extent of rationale of policy-making, this paper adopts the perspective of policy transfer and attempts to locate an improved model of policy planning. However, only one case was researched in this text and more in-depth studies are needed to adapt the analytical framework in the future.

Afin de comprendre pourquoi tous les nouveaux projets de tramways en cours de développement au Canada sont réalisés en mode partenariat public-privé (PPP) plutôt que grâce au mode traditionnel (gestion publique) utilisé par le passé, cette recherche porte sur trois projets de tramways présentement en cours de réalisation (Edmonton, Ottawa et Toronto). À l’aide de trois études de cas, nous explorons l’argumentaire entourant chacune des décisions menant au choix du mode de gouvernance PPP ainsi que la forme prise par ce PPP. Nous démontrons que dans tous les cas, il est possible d’observer les mécanismes du transfert de politique, tant volontaire que coercitif. Nous croyons que le transfert de politique peut donc fournir un élément de réponse à notre question. De plus, l’argumentaire utilisé par les acteurs locaux pour justifier le choix du mode PPP, bien que semblable sur plusieurs points, comporte tout de même une combinaison de justifications unique à chacun des cas, ce qui nous laisse croire que le PPP est un instrument de politique polyvalent. Ces constats démontrent l’intérêt de prendre en considération les transferts de politique au niveau municipal et non seulement les transferts qui prennent place entre les États nationaux. To understand why all new light rail projects under development in Canada are carried out in public-private partnership (P3) rather than through the traditional mode (public administration) that prevailed in the past, this research explores three light rail projects currently underway in Edmonton, Ottawa and Toronto. We study the arguments surrounding each decision leading to the choice of P3 governance. We show that in all cases, it is possible to observe the mechanisms of policy transfer, whether voluntary or coercive. Moreover, the argument used by local actors to justify the choice of P3, although similar in several respects, still forms a unique combination of justifications for each case, which leads us to believe that P3s are a versatile policy instrument. These findings demonstrate the importance of taking into account policy transfer at the municipal level and not only transfers that take place between national states.

Les systèmes éducatifs dans leur ensemble sont repensés à l’aune de logiques comptables et de notions de rendement. En parallèle de ces réformes, l’éducation, du primaire au supérieur, est également poussée à satisfaire des attentes politiques, économiques et sociales de plus en plus grandes. Cette vague de transformations entraîne des questionnements quant aux origines et à l’évolution de l’éducation moderne. Si la consolidation des Etats-Nations et la monopolisation scolaire de l’instruction semblent être allées de pair en Europe, comment expliquer que l’on trouve la même forme scolaire dans des territoires situés en dehors de cet Occident ? Et comment rendre compte de l’univocité des trajectoires éducatives des territoires jusqu’aux changements actuels des institutions éducatives ?Notre réflexion s’est attachée à montrer que les formes univoques prises par l’éducation à travers le monde ne résultent pas d’un développementalisme éducatif linéaire ou de la domination du colonisateur européen. Premièrement, le passé et les jeux politiques, religieux et économiques des sociétés non-occidentales jouèrent un rôle dans la construction de leur école moderne. Ensuite, l’influence d’un paradigme politique dominant en termes d’institutions éducatives a délimité le cadre du changement. Il en a fixé des fondamentaux et exclu d’autres possibles. Mais la société réceptrice a, à son tour, refaçonné le paradigme pour construire un système éducatif pluriel, mouvant et unique.Nous avons étayé notre réflexion en étudiant un cas empirique précis, celui de la Thaïlande, et en mêlant une étude socio-historique et politique à un travail de terrain approfondi. Ceci nous a permis de rendre compte de la trajectoire éducative et des changements de paradigmes politiques qui ont conduit ce territoire à passer des enseignements traditionnels à une éducation de l’Etat-Nation et aujourd’hui à celle de la mondialisation. / Worldwide, educational systems have been reshaped on the basis of accountability and efficiency criteria. Together with these reforms, education, from basic to higher levels, has also been summoned up to meet ever-increasing political, economic and social demands. These shifts lead to several questionings regarding the origins and evolutions of modern education: If the consolidation of nation-states and the monopolisation of instruction by schools seem to have occurred concomitantly in Europe, how can we explain that we have found the same school pattern in territories located outside this West? And how can we account for the univocity of trajectories until the current changes in educational institutions?Our study focused on demonstrating that these similar patterns taken by education around the world have not resulted from an educational, linear development or from the domination of the European settler. First, the past and political, religious and economic games in non-Western societies played a role in shaping modern schools. Then the impact of a dominant policy paradigm has been tremendous in delineating the framework of change, even until today. Policy paradigm indeed establishes fundamentals and excludes other possibilities. However the receiving society eventually reshapes this paradigm to build a moving, unique, plural educational system.We have backed up our thinking by focusing on a specific empirical case, Thailand, and by combining a socio-historical and political analysis to an in-depth fieldwork. The aim was to understand the educational trajectory and the shifts in policy paradigms that have led this territory from traditional teachings to a Nation-State education, and nowadays an education of globalisation.

Afin de comprendre pourquoi tous les nouveaux projets de tramways en cours de développement au Canada sont réalisés en mode partenariat public-privé (PPP) plutôt que grâce au mode traditionnel (gestion publique) utilisé par le passé, cette recherche porte sur trois projets de tramways présentement en cours de réalisation (Edmonton, Ottawa et Toronto). À l’aide de trois études de cas, nous explorons l’argumentaire entourant chacune des décisions menant au choix du mode de gouvernance PPP ainsi que la forme prise par ce PPP. Nous démontrons que dans tous les cas, il est possible d’observer les mécanismes du transfert de politique, tant volontaire que coercitif. Nous croyons que le transfert de politique peut donc fournir un élément de réponse à notre question. De plus, l’argumentaire utilisé par les acteurs locaux pour justifier le choix du mode PPP, bien que semblable sur plusieurs points, comporte tout de même une combinaison de justifications unique à chacun des cas, ce qui nous laisse croire que le PPP est un instrument de politique polyvalent. Ces constats démontrent l’intérêt de prendre en considération les transferts de politique au niveau municipal et non seulement les transferts qui prennent place entre les États nationaux. To understand why all new light rail projects under development in Canada are carried out in public-private partnership (P3) rather than through the traditional mode (public administration) that prevailed in the past, this research explores three light rail projects currently underway in Edmonton, Ottawa and Toronto. We study the arguments surrounding each decision leading to the choice of P3 governance. We show that in all cases, it is possible to observe the mechanisms of policy transfer, whether voluntary or coercive. Moreover, the argument used by local actors to justify the choice of P3, although similar in several respects, still forms a unique combination of justifications for each case, which leads us to believe that P3s are a versatile policy instrument. These findings demonstrate the importance of taking into account policy transfer at the municipal level and not only transfers that take place between national states.

La multiplication des mouvements d’exportation et d’importation des modèles de gestion sociale, politique et économique a récemment trouvé un foyer privilégié et peu exploré : celui de l’échange entre acteurs du « Sud ». L’expérience brésilienne de modernisation agricole ou de politiques sociales a attiré l’attention de la communauté internationale dans les années 2000, en manque de réponses politiques face aux défis mondiaux de « lutte contre la pauvreté ». Cet intérêt s’est accru eu égard aux efforts diplomatiques brésiliens pour intensifier la coopération, le commerce et les investissements avec les pays en développement, notamment sur le continent africain. C’est dans le but de saisir le contenu, les processus et les implications politiques de l’internationalisation des instruments des politiques publiques brésiliennes pour le secteur rural que nous réalisons cette étude. Il nous intéresse également d’appréhender de manière plus large les dynamiques de distribution de pouvoir à l’échelle internationale face à l’insertion de nouveaux acteurs et de nouveaux référentiels d’action publique, en tenant compte de la particularité historico-politique des échanges sud-sud. Nous montrerons que l’influence des acteurs brésiliens dans la production et la circulation de normes internationales en matière de développement rural a été plus effective dans le changement organisationnel et normatif au sein des institutions multilatérales telles que la FAO que dans la réorientation des instruments politiques au sein des institutions publiques des pays du Sud, dans notre cas le Mozambique. Cette conclusion repose sur l’idée selon laquelle l’internationalisation d’instruments d’action publique fait l’objet d’un processus politique impliquant des réseaux d’acteurs à de multiples niveaux. Nous identifions trois ordres de facteurs influençant les résultats des interactions entre les acteurs brésiliens et les « récepteurs » des normes au niveau multilatéral aussi bien que national : i) les stratégies d’acteurs impliquant la redistribution des ressources politiques ; ii) le changement du cadre cognitif de la coalition dominante ; et/ou iii) l’altération du contexte intérieur ou extérieur au système politique (structure d’opportunité). Ces étapes devraient nous permettre de mieux saisir les enjeux de la transformation de l’État dans un contexte de mondialisation et de consolidation de nouvelles recettes mondiales de solutions publiques. / The proliferation of export and import of social, economic and policy management models has recently found a new arena: that of South-South relations. Brazil gained wide international recognition during the 2000s for its agricultural modernisation and social policies. The country’s domestic moves were especially significant in a context of weak political responses to the worldwide challenges of « fight against poverty ». Global interest in Brazil has strengthened in view of its diplomatic efforts to intensify cooperation, trade and investment with developing countries, especially in Africa. This study aims to understand the content, the process and the political implications of the internationalization of Brazil’s rural public policy instruments. The study also intends to broadly analyse the dynamics of power distribution at the international level resulting from the emergence of new actors and new public policy frameworks, taking into account the historical and political distinctiveness of South-South exchanges. We show that the influence of Brazilian actors in the production and the circulation of international norms of rural development has been more effective in producing organisational and normative change within multilateral institutions, such as the FAO, than in the reorientation of policy instruments and institutions in the Global South, and in particular in Mozambique which is our case study. This assumption is grounded in the idea that internationalization of policy instruments is subject to a political process involving actors’ networks at multiple levels. For our study, we identify three factors influencing the interactions between Brazilian players and the “receivers” of norms at multilateral and national levels: i) strategies of the actors involved in the redistribution of political resources; ii) changes in the cognitive frame of the ruling coalition; and/or iii) changes to the internal or external context of the political system (opportunity structure). This analysis should enable a clearer understanding of the drivers of state transformation in a context of globalisation and the consolidation of new global policy solutions. / A multiplicação de movimentos de exportação e importação de modelos de gestão social, política e econômica tem se intensificado a partir de um novo eixo: o das relações entre países do “Sul”. A experiência brasileira de modernização agrícola e de implementação de políticas sociais foi reconhecida pela comunidade internacional nos anos 2000, principalmente num contexto de fragilidade das respostas políticas face aos desafios mundiais de “luta contra a pobreza”. Tal interesse internacional tem se aprofundado diante dos esforços da diplomacia brasileira em intensificar a cooperação, o comércio e os investimentos nos países em desenvolvimento, em particular no continente africano. Neste contexto, este trabalho tem o objetivo de analisar o conteúdo, os processos e as implicações políticas da internacionalização de instrumentos brasileiros de políticas públicas para o setor rural. Ele busca ainda examinar de maneira mais ampla as dinâmicas de distribuição de poder na esfera internacional, como resultado da emergência de novos atores e de novos marcos de políticas públicas, levando-se em conta as particularidades histórico-políticas das relações Sul-Sul. Nós mostraremos que a influência de atores brasileiros na produção e na circulação de normas internacionais em matéria de desenvolvimento rural se mostrou mais efetiva na mudança organizacional e normativa no âmbito das instituições multilaterais, como a FAO, do que na reorientação de instrumentos políticos nas instituições públicas dos países do Sul, em particular em Moçambique que representa no nosso estudo de caso. Tal conclusão baseia-se na ideia de que a internacionalização de instrumentos de políticas públicas representa um processo político envolvendo redes de atores em múltiplos níveis de ação. Três principais fatores influenciam os resultados das interações entre atores brasileiros e os “receptores” das normas no âmbito multilateral e nacional: i) as estratégias dos atores levando à redistribuição de recursos políticos; ii) a mudança da estrutura cognitiva da coalizão dominante; e/ou iii) a alteração do contexto interno ou externo ao sistema político (estrutura de oportunidade). Esta análise deverá proporcionar uma melhor compreensão do processo de transformação do Estado num contexto de globalização e de consolidação de novas soluções globais de políticas públicas.

Cette thèse apporte une analyse documentée sur la décentralisation malienne appréhendée au prisme des partenariats entre les Régions de Tombouctou et Auvergne-Rhône-Alpes d’une part et entre la Région Koulikoro et la Coopération technique belge d’autre part, en faisant appel aux Policy Transfer Studies (PTS) et à l’approche cognitive et normative des politiques publiques. Elle fait d’abord une analyse succincte de l’historique de la mise en œuvre de la réforme de décentralisation remontant à la genèse de l’Etat malien (1960). Après la transition politique amorcée à la fin du mois de mars 1991 au Mali, la mise en œuvre de la décentralisation a pris une importance cruciale pour le devenir même du pays, notamment depuis la rébellion touarègue qui continue à sévir dans le nord du pays. Pour autant, après plus de deux décennies et malgré quelques acquis non négligeables, cette réforme demeure confrontée à divers obstacles.Ensuite, elle fait le bilan des projets d’appui à la décentralisation dans les Régions de Tombouctou et Koulikoro notamment à travers leurs partenariats respectifs. Sur ce sujet, la thèse met un accent particulier sur la pertinence des appuis réalisés, leur alignement à la politique nationale de décentralisation mais aussi des difficultés d’appropriation qui entravent la réussite du transfert des modèles du « développement local » promus par les partenaires techniques et financiers. Cette thèse démontre que, faute de moyens financiers suffisants alloués par le gouvernement malien à la réforme de décentralisation, celle-ci se trouve de fait dans une situation de dépendance quasi-totale à l’aide financière et technique internationale. De plus ce travail démontre que le nouvel engagement financier du gouvernement malien relatif au transfert de 30 % des recettes publiques aux collectivités territoriales à l'horizon 2018 ne confère pas suffisamment de marge de manœuvre aux collectivités territoriales. Enfin, cette thèse s’accompagne d’un travail analytique sur les principaux résultats du diagnostic relatifs aux obstacles à la décentralisation au Mali en général et formule un certain nombre de préconisations pour aider à surmonter lesdits obstacles. / This thesis provides a documented analysis of Malian decentralization through the prism of partnerships between the regions of Timbuktu and Auvergne-Rhône-Alpes, and between the Koulikoro Region and the Belgian Technical Cooperation. The thesis utilises Policy Transfer Studies (PTS) and the cognitive and normative approach toward public policies. It begins with a concise analysis regarding the history of the decentralization reform, implemented alongside the genesis of the Malian State (1960). After the political transition in Mali that began at the end of March 1991, the implementation of decentralization became crucial for the future of the country, especially with respect to the Tuareg rebellion. After more than two decades and in spite of some significant gains, however, this reform still faces various obstacles, which are explored throughout. This thesis then turns toward the projects supporting decentralization in the Timbuktu and Koulikoro Regions, particularly those founded in their respective partnerships. Special emphasis will be placed on the relevance of the support provided, their alignment with the national decentralization policy, and in addition the difficulties of ownership, which hinder the transfer of the "local development" models promoted by the technical and financial partners. This thesis demonstrates that, due to the lack of sufficient financial resources allocated by the Malian government to decentralization reform, this one is in fact in a situation of almost total dependence on international financial and technical assistance. In addition, this project illustrates that the Malian government's new financial commitment to transfer 30% of public revenue to local authorities for 2018 does not give local authorities enough leeway. Finally, this thesis concludes with an analytical overview of the diagnosis relating to the obstacles to decentralization in Mali as a whole, and provides a number of recommendations to help overcome these obstacles

This research focuses on agencification and quangocratisation (AQ) through a comparison of the experiences of South Korea and the UK. Although a number of studies of AQ have been produced recently, these reforms remain inadequately understood. Since AQ involves the structural disaggregation of administrative units from existing departments, executive agencies and quangos have distinct characteristics which are quite different from ordinary core departments. There are a number of factors which influence these changes; and this thesis explores nine existing theories which are available to explain these phenomena. Case studies are presented of Tate Modern in the UK and the National Museum of Modern and Contemporary Art (MMCA), which are carefully analysed to examine the validity of those nine arguments. Although cultural agencies, which show some unique features, have become increasingly an essential part of the national economy, they have scarcely been researched from the viewpoint of public policy. This thesis endeavours to explore distinctive characteristics of this policy area; and moreover, it examines the diverse variables which have an impact on policy formation and its results through the process of comparison of arguments. The major tasks of this thesis are to investigate the applicability of the nine arguments and to weigh their merits. As a corollary of this comprehensiveness, it examines the whole public sectors of both countries, in order to show the broader picture and to understand the processes of changes and their backgrounds. More profoundly, similarities and differences between both countries are compared from both macro and micro perspectives. At the same time, the results of AQ are analysed through the comparison of outputs or outcomes before and after these changes, with a view to exploring whether their rationales are appropriate. Furthermore, it also examines the institutional constraints which influence not only the change of agencies but also their performances. Besides which, it seeks to find strategies for overcoming these constraints. This thesis adopts systematic and comprehensive approaches regarding basic concepts and data. It draws on theories of comparative research, the scope of the public sector, the classification and analysis of agencies and quangos, and theories underlying the detailed components of each argument and epistemological assumptions. Therefore, it suggests various aspects which enable us to broaden our understanding of the changes within the public sector; and to generate practical understanding to inform real world reform.