Sveriges yngsta riksdagsparti Sverigedemokraterna har mött motstånd i form av demonstrationer. En form av motstånd vilket historiskt sett varit ovanligt i landet. Studien kartlägger hur dessa demonstrationer har tagit uttryck över en tioårsperiod, med syfte att se motrörelsens aktivitet och vilka taktiker som föredragits. Tidigare forskning på området pekade på att en motrörelses aktivitet ökar tillfälligt efter en förlust, för att sedan minska om inga framsteg görs över tid. Demonstranterna antogs också tillämpa mer drastiska taktiker i takt med att partiet når framgångar vid valen. Resultaten av studien visar att detta inte skett, våld har inte ökat. Istället blev användandet av ljud som civil olydnad mer vanligt mot slutet av protestcykeln. Efter ett antal motgångar där aktiviteten ökat successivt, minskade den sedan hastigt. Då tidigare forskning främst fokuserat på rörelser i andra stater, kan svensk politisk kultur samt SD och rörelser mot SD vara av annan karaktär, och därmed ge upphov till ett annat resultat.

This essay is about the mobilization that have arisen due to the mining activities being planned in Norra Kärr, just outside of Gränna in the northern part of the county of Jönköping, Sweden. This study is based on the association Aktion Rädda Vättern and members of the associatons’ individual thoughts and experiences of their possibility to success. Interviews were carried out with members of the association. The theoretical basis lies within the theory of political opportunity structure and the defintion of the same by Sidney Tarrow. According to Tarrow one of the motivating factors playing an important role for people to mobilize is their individual sense of success and the possibility to reach it. Important factors for the mobilization of people consists of both social and individual such as networks, social ties, the perception of the group in the surrounding area and by bystanders, but also by individual feelings. As shown in the essay people’s feelings of opportunity to achieve success is important, so is their feeling of belonging.

In August 2019 the indigenous social movement Ejército Zapatista de Liberación Nacional (EZLN), decided to deepen their autonomy project and thereby to intensify their conflict with the Mexican state. The group that emerged in 1994 has for almost three decades been in conflict with the Mexican government. In the last decade, the conflict has been on hold until the group announced their expansion with 11 new autonomous zones in the south of the county. This thesis puts that decision in a political opportunity structure framework; what aspects of the framework can explain the unexpected decision by the movement? A qualitative text analysis of EZLN communique's finds that the movement took advantages of several political opportunities. Most significantly, the construction of the Mayan Train constituted reasons for adopting a confrontational strategy towards the government. Changes in the level of repression towards the movement have facilitated the confrontative decision made by the movement. When controlling for two alternative explanation theories, this study establishes the political opportunity structure as having a stronger explanation factor. This thesis aims to contribute to the literature on political opportunity framework and to revitalize the interest in the EZLN.

Research on social movements has traditionally addressed issues of movement emergence and mobilisation, paying little attention to their outcomes and consequences. Moreover, despite research on the political consequences of social movements accelerating in recent years, much has been left under researched, no more so than the impact social movements have on one of the most important actors in liberal democracies: political parties. This paper extends social movement research by examining whether social movements have an impact on political parties and under what conditions impact is more likely to take place. The empirical analysis, investigating whether anti-austerity social movements have had an impact on social democratic parties in Ireland and Spain during the years 2011 to 2016, suggests that the relationship between social movements and political parties is both under-theorised and under-researched, and mistakenly so. The paper finds that while parties are more likely to be influenced by social movements when certain conditions are present, social movements can also have unintended impacts on parties. Ultimately, this paper encourages research on political parties, and particularly research on party change, to pay greater attention to social movements and for social movement research to pay greater attention to political parties.

Cette thèse a pour objectif d'analyser l'émergence, la réussite et l'opposition au régime de deux mouvements sociaux égyptiens durant la période (2006-2009). Ces derniers sont le mouvement ouvrier de la Compagnie de Méhalla et celui des fonctionnaires de l'impôt foncier. On mettra en évidence deux questions, d'une part, les enjeux concernant les dynamiques internes propres au mouvement et d'autre part, ceux de son conflit avec le régime et le défi qu'il (le mouvement) représente pour lui (le régime). Notre argumentation se basera essentiellement sur l'importance des choix des leaders, leurs positions et les stratégies, puisqu'on les considère comme une variable explicative particulièrement importante pour la compréhension des dynamiques interactionnelles et oppositionnelles du mouvement. Nous espérons ainsi contribuer à la littérature portant sur les mouvements sociaux en proposant une analyse qui jettera la lumière sur l'influence qu'exercent les actions des leaders sur les dynamiques qu'engendre le mouvement, un fait qui a été d'ailleurs sous-étudié par cette littérature. En outre, notre recherche, on le pense, peut intéresser également les spécialistes des régimes autoritaires puisqu'on traitera aussi le processus selon lequel les leaders d'un mouvement peuvent exploiter au maximum les « opportunités » politiques qu'offre un régime semi-autoritaire et induire un changement des rapports qui le liaient auparavant à ce régime, ainsi que les limites d'un tel processus. / This thesis aims to emphasize the emergence, success and opposition to the regime of two Egyptian social movements during the period (2005-2009). These are the Mahalla Company for Spinning and Weaving labor movement and the Real Estate Tax collectors movement. In this research, we will shed the light on the internal dynamic taking place within the movement as well as its contentious interaction with the regime contenders. Our arguments will be based primarily on the role, choices and strategies of leaders as we consider them as an important explanatory variable for understanding the movement's interactional and oppositional dynamics. Hence, we hope to contribute to the literature on social movements by offering an analysis that will shed light on the influence leaders' actions on the movement's dynamics, a fact that is under-studied. Furthermore, our research, we believe, may also be of interest to specialists' of authoritarian regimes as we will describe the process by which the movements' leaders can capitalize on the “opportunities” offered by a semi- authoritarian regime to produce an historical rupture with the relationship that tied it to the later as well as our assessment of such a process' limitations.

Uppsatsen ämnar undersöka huruvida politiska möjlighetsstrukturer och inramningar i sociala medier kan förklara det ökade stödet för miljöorganisationen Sierra Club. De politiska möjlighetstrukturerna har analyserats utifrån McAdams (1996) fyra dimensioner för att förstå den politiska strukturen i USA. Inramningsperspektivet har använts som verktyg i innehållsanalysen av Sierra Clubs Twitterinlägg som systematiskt valts ut under en treveckorsperiod under 2015 respektive 2016. Inramningsperspektivet inom rörelseforskningen utvecklades av David Snow och Robert Benford som en anpassning av Erving Goffmans ramteori, för att möjliggöra analys på gruppnivå. För att kunna urskilja förändringar i Sierra Clubs retorik har två olika tidsintervaller granskats. Innehållsanalysen visar att Twitter-inläggen ändrat karaktär 2016 och bär på stridslystna undertoner med en tydligt definierad skuldbärare. I analysen av de politiska möjlighetsstrukturerna framkommer en bild av att valet 2016 bidragit till instabilitet i elitgrupperingar. De valda teoriperspektiven har möjlighet att kombinerat förklara Sierra Clubs ökade stöd. Med detta sagt betyder det inte att dessa perspektiv utgör den enda förklaringsmodellen. / This study explores the evolution of the environmental organisation Sierra Club, in relation to the United States presidential election in 2016, through a theoretical perspective. It examines if the theories of framing and political opportunity structures can explain the organisation’s success. The political context was analysed using McAdam’s four dimensions of political opportunity structures in order to determine its restrictions for social movements. A content analysis was applied to Sierra Club’s Twitter posts from a three week period in 2016 and 2015 respectively for the purpose of comparing the rhetoric during the two different time periods based on the key concepts of Benford and Snow’s framing theory. The results show that the election itself contributed to instability between elite alignments while Sierra Club’s Twitter-posts changed tone to become more aggressive and more specific in focusing the blame. The chosen theories proved suitable for analysing the occurrence but we cannot however disregard the possibility of other results emerging when using a different theoretical approach.

Social conflict, as opposed to armed conflict, has received less attention in the field of quantitative research. This paper investigates the structural causes of political violence in 35 African states using data from the Social Conflict in Africa dataset and the Beck and Katz panel corrected standard errors time series regression model. Theoretically, a closed political opportunity structure, combined with a weak state unable to provide public goods, should together produce high levels of social conflict. The independent variables attempt to operationalize these concepts from four different angles. In this analysis Access to Education and Infrastructure (AEI), Ethno Linguistic Fractionalization (ELF), Freedom in the World Political Rights (FIW), and National Material Capabilities (NMC) were all significant predictors of social conflict. This study found that as the level of ethnic fractionalization and material capabilities within states rose, the frequency of social conflict events also increased. However, as access to infrastructure and political rights declined, the number of social conflict events increased. Wald chi-square and R-square values suggest that the model is complete and has substantial explanatory power.

在2006年1月，立法院通過了總金額合計高達1410億水患治理特別條例、石門及其集水區整治特別條例。本文以許多民間非營利組織為監督治水預算成立的1410大禹治水聯盟為研究個案，希望能瞭解立法過程裡，民間聯盟如何監督公共政策？又如何打破國會與官僚的結盟結構，實際影響政策？本文採用深度訪談、報章資料與參與觀察等方式，藉由McAdam的政治機會結構理論為分析架構，以說明治水預算裡行動者擴編預算的動機與過程。並分析在立法院審查各階段治水聯盟的因應策略、實際行動和內部運作，以及監督成效。研究發現在地方水患陰影下，又面對官僚、國會與地方政府三者鐵三角般的互利合作，主張審慎監督的治水聯盟其實無力回天。一方面因議題範圍實在太大，無法動員特定地區相關者；另一方面也是鐵三角間同盟關係非常穩固，國會遊說發揮不了作用。故只能藉少數友好立委，在朝野協商爭取加入更多資訊公開、績效評估與公民參與機制。透過這些機制，在後續八年政策執行過程中找出更多公共參與和監督的著力點。藉此也讓原先僅有地區性互動的環保運動與社區大學運動在本案上交會。此新合作方向是否會對未來環保運動帶來新的在地網絡與群眾支持，值得後續觀察與研究。 / In January 2006, the Legislative Yuan passed the Special Enactment on Flood Management in Areas Susceptible to Floods and the Special Enactment on Restoration of Shi-Men and its Catchments Area amounting to NT$141 billion. This paper makes a study of the 1410 Ta-Yu Water Management Alliance formed by a number of civil non-profit organizations for the purpose of supervising and auditing the water management budget. The study seeks to understand how the civil alliance supervises public policies during the legislative process and how they break the alliance structure between the Legislative Yuan and bureaucracy to actually influence policies. By using McAdam’s political opportunity structure theory as its analysis structure, this paper gives an account of the motives and processes of activists in the creation of the water management budget through in-depth interviews, newspaper reports and participate observation. It also analyzes the countering strategies, activities, internal functioning and the results of the supervisory actions of the Water Management Alliance. This research discovered that in the face of the alliance’s proposition of prudent supervision could not be upheld in the face of mutual cooperation within the iron triangle of bureaucracy, the Legislative Yuan and local government. On one hand is the alliance’s inability to mobilize related parties in specific areas due to the issues covering too wide a range and on the other hand is the solid relationship within the iron triangle alliance and negates lobbying efforts in the Legislative Yuan. It is only by a few friendly legislators that mechanisms for the increased disclosure of information, performance evaluation and civil participation were added during negotiations between the ruling and opposition parties. Through these mechanisms it is hoped that more foothold for public involvement and supervision can be found in the following eight years of policy implementation. Also, such mechanisms would allow conservation movements and community college movements which used to be limited to territorial interactions to meet. Whether this new direction in cooperation brings new grassroot support for future environmental movements remains worthy of follow up observation and research.

Political endeavours of identitarian movements Abstract: Aim of this thesis is defining and analyzing identitarian movements via explorative approach. Identitarian movements are school of thought and authors, who are bound together by common enemy and common political goals. They do have political ambitions, but were not yet capable of making important changes. With the help of contextual theories and analysis of movements strategy this thesis will explore if identitarian movemenst are capable of political succes and why do they struggle in doing so.

Aquesta tesi vol respondre a dos preguntes fonamentals en l'àrea de recerca de la migració transnacional: s'impliquen els immigrants en el transnacionalisme polític? I, quins són els factors determinants del seu activisme polític transnacional ? Per respondre a la primera qüestió, comparo el nivell d'activisme polític transnacional d'una mostra d'associacions de diferents orígens immigrants a Barcelona. Per contestar a la segona, centro l'atenció en possibles factors determinants a dos nivells, meso i macro. La tesis demostra que l'activisme polític transnacional no està generalitzat entre totes les associacions a Barcelona, que presenta un nivell relativament baix de regularitat, i que generalment es desenvolupa al nivell nacional. També demostra que la necessitat d'examinar l'efecte del context de sortida i, més en concret, l'estructura d'oportunitats polítiques del país d'origen sobre el transnacionalisme polític de les associacions d'immigrants. Altres determinants a nivell meso, com les xarxes socials o les fonts de finançament semblen explicar la variació en l'activisme polític transnacional de les associacions d'immigrants. / This thesis addresses two fundamental questions in the transnational migration research field: whether or not all immigrants engage in political transnationalism? And which are the main determinants of their transnational political activism? To answer the first research question, I specifically compare different degrees of transnational political engagement of various national/ethnic origin immigrant associations in Barcelona. To answer the second research question, I focus on meso- and macro- levels determinants. The thesis demonstrates that transnational political engagement is not generalised among all immigrant associations in Barcelona, presents a relatively low level of regularity, and is generally nationally based. It also demonstrates the importance of studying the effect of the exit context and, in particular, of the political opportunity structure in home country on the political transnationalism of immigrant associations. Meso- level determinants like social networks and sources of funds also seem to explain the variance in immigrant associations' transnational political engagement.