Do the experiences that an immigrant faces in their country of origin affect the political attitudes and behavior when an immigrant is in their country of residence? Although there is a considerable amount of work exploring the political behavior of racial and ethnic minorities, some work on immigrant political behavior, and some work that that connects premigratory experiences with post migration political behavior, there is relatively little work that examines premigratory experiences with autocracy, corruption, and violence and how that affects the political behavior of immigrants. In this project I observe how experiences with corruption, political violence, and conflict has an affect on political trust, political behavior, and social trust among immigrants that have experienced such events.

本研究主要目的係由學校社會化機制探討台北市高職學生政治信任感，以及個人背景中性別、政黨偏好與政治信任感之關係。 本研究採問卷調查之量化研究方法，研究對象為台北市四所公立高職學生，使用的統計方法主要為次數分配、t考驗、單因子變異數分析、皮爾遜積差相關，以及多元迴歸分析。 經分析後主要研究發現： 台北市高職學生政治信任感普遍偏低，顯見其對於現今政府之施政績效並不滿意。　 一、在個人背景部份，性別不會造成政治信任感差異；不同之政黨偏好與政治信任感則具有顯著差異。其中政黨偏好為「藍色」者政治信任感低於「綠色」及中立無反應；政黨偏好為「綠色」者政治信任感高於中立無反應及「都不喜歡」者；政黨偏好為中立無反應者高於「都不喜歡」者。 二、在學校社會化機制部分，申訴管道、學生自主性、年級等三項因素與政治信任感具有顯著差異。認為有申訴管道的學生其政治信任感較高；學生自主性愈高者，其政治信任感愈高；一年級較三年級學生具有較高之政治信任感。其他在學校控制度、教室民主氣氛、學校、科系等四部份，則與政治信任感間無顯著差異。 三、藉由多元迴歸分析，綜合考量申訴管道、學生自主性、年級以及政黨偏好四項因素，可看出申訴管道、年級以及政黨偏好對於政治信任感具有相當之影響，至於影響政治信任感高低之其他因素則有待進一步研究。 關鍵字：高職學生、政治信任感、性別、政黨偏好、學校、申訴管道、學生自主性、學校控制度、教室民主氣氛、年級、科系 / The purpose of this study aimed to understand the political trust of Taipei city vocational high school students by school as an agent of political socialization. Also, this study analyzed the relation among gender, party preference and political trust. The study employed quantitative approaches of questionnaire survey, and the subjects were the students of four Taipei municipal vocational high schools. Statistical methods included frequency distribution, t-test, oneway ANOVA, Pearson product-moment correlation and multiple regression analysis. Principal findings of the study were： 1.The political trust of Taipei city vocational high school students was universally low. It was obvious that nowadays the government did not make students satisfied. 2.In individual background, gender had no significant differences on political trust, but different party preference had significant differences on political trust. People whose party preference was “blue” had lower political trust than those whose party preference was “green” and neutrality with no response. People whose party preference was “green” had higher political trust than those whose party preference was “dislike” and neutrality with no response. People whose party preference was neutrality with no response had higher political trust than those whose party preference was “dislike”. 3.As for the school as an political socialization agent, grievance channels, student autonomy and grades had significant differences. Students who thought there were grievance channels at school had higher political trust. Students with higher autonomy had higher political trust. The first graders had higher political trust than the third ones. There were no significant differences between political trust and the four factors: school control, classroom democratic atmosphere, schools and majors. 4.By the multiple regression analysis of grievance channels, students autonomy, grades and party preference, there were influences among grievance channels, grades and party preference to a certain degree. As for other factors which influenced political trust, the further study needs researching. Keywords：vocational high school students; political trust; gender; party preference; school; grievance channel; student autonomy; school control; classroom democratic atmosphere; grade; major

La confiance envers le gouvernement est une notion fréquemment évoquée dans le discours public et dans la littérature, mais il s’agit d’une notion imprécise, malgré des innovations depuis sa première spécification par David Easton en tant que support systémique. Cette revue de littérature propose de faire le point sur la question de la confiance envers les gouvernements démocratiques. Je définis d’abord la confiance envers le gouvernement comme un concept relationnel et relativement stable dans le temps. Ce mémoire se penche sur 26 facteurs qui sont liés à la confiance envers le gouvernement dans trois grandes catégories : les caractéristiques individuelles, étatiques et sociales. Je démontre que les explications culturelles de la confiance sont nettement supérieures aux explications économiques, et ce à toutes les échelles. Cependant, les jeunes démocraties présentent un profil un peu différent des démocraties plus anciennes : l’économie y joue un rôle un peu plus important. / Trust in government is a hotly debated topic in public discourse as well as the scientific literature. It is, however, an unclear notion, although a few theoretical innovations have helped refine the concept since its inception as system support by David Easton. This literature review examines current trends in study of trust in democratic governments. I define trust in government as a relational concept that is relatively stable through time. This thesis identifies 26 factors that are linked to trust in government in three categories: individual, state and social characteristics. I demonstrate that cultural explanations better explain variations in trust in government than economic approaches at all scales. However, young democracies have a different profile, in which economic approaches have a slightly bigger role.

Through a comparative case study of the European identity in Spain and Italy, the thesis aims to gain a better understanding of the formation of a European identity and the factors that explain variations in the degree of European identity between individual member states. As the degree of European identity differs between member states which in other respects are relatively similar, Spain and Italy are studied as two cases with different outcomes to investigate what might explain their different degrees of European identity. The empirical comparison is based on four hypotheses derived from previous research examining the relationships between the following independent variables and European identity; cognitive mobilization, Euroscepticism, political trust and economic benefits. The systematic comparison of explanatory factors between Spain and Italy finds that the existence of Euroscepticism, economic benefits and higher education leads to a higher degree of European identity. Explanatory factors from previous research are partly confirmed and partly non-confirmed and the thesis illustrates that established relationships that explain differences at the aggregated EU level do not explain differences between individual countries to the same extent. The study finds that differences at the Member State level partly explain variations in European identity, but concludes that further studies at the individual level are needed to understand the formation of the individual European identity. / Genom en jämförande fallstudie av den europeiska identiteten i Spanien och Italien ämnar uppsatsen få en bättre förståelse för formandet av en europeisk identitet och vilka faktorer som förklarar variationer i grad av europeisk identitet mellan enskilda medlemsländer.. Baserat på tidigare forsknings konstaterande om att det finns skillnader i europeisk identitet mellan relativt lika EU-medlemsländer, studeras Spanien och Italien som två fall med olika utfall för att undersöka vad som kan förklara skillnaden mellan dem. Den empiriska jämförelsen utgår ifrån fyra hypoteser härledda från tidigare forskning som undersöker sambandet mellan följande oberoende variabler och europeisk identitet; kognitiv mobilisering, euroskepticism, politisk tillit och ekonomiska fördelar. Resultaten från den systematiska jämförelsen av förklaringsfaktorer mellan Spanien och Italien finner stöd för att förekomsten av euroskepticism, ekonomiska fördelar samt högre utbildning leder till en högre grad av europeisk identitet. Uppsatsen delvis bekräftar och delvis bekräftar inte förklaringsfaktorer från tidigare forskning och illustrerar att etablerade samband som förklarar skillnader på den aggregerade EU-nivån inte i samma utsträckning förklarar skillnader mellan enskilda länder. Undersökningen konstaterar att skillnader på medlemsstatsnivå till viss del förklarar variationer i europeisk identitet, men att fortsatta studier på individnivå krävs för att förstå formandet av enskilda individers europeiska identitet.

在關於政黨認同的研究中，除了明白表示出政黨認同的這群人之外，其餘沒有明白表示出政黨認同的選民，通常被歸類為所謂的「中立無反應」者，或是「獨立選民」。然而，這群沒有明白表示出政黨認同或投票對象的受訪者是否真是中立或無反應者，抑或真是獨立選民呢？葉銘元（1994）針對我國的獨立選民曾做過相當詳細的研究，本文接續其研究，選擇政治大學選舉研究中心的面訪資料，針對1989年至1999年間我國獨立選民的發展與變遷情形，分別就「我國獨立選民政黨認同及社會背景的發展與變遷」、「我國獨立選民政治涉入的發展與變遷」、「我國獨立選民投票取向的發展與變遷」及「影響獨立選民發展與變遷的因素」等方面作分析。 研究結果發現：我國獨立選民的比例雖然有下降的趨勢，但是近年來此種趨勢似乎有逆轉的情形，且獨立選民比例的高低的確會受到選舉制度不同的影響。獨立選民的社會背景也和政黨認同者有差異，他們的政治涉入較政黨認同者為低，對候選人及政黨評價較低，對議題保持中立的立場，投票時比較會考量候選人的條件優劣，較不會依政黨界限投票。與此同時，我們也發現獨立選民的組成上是由政治知識及政治涉入較低的「冷漠型獨立選民」，逐漸轉變為政治知識及政治涉入較高的「理想型獨立選民」。 在未來的發展趨勢上，我們發現新世代及新新世代選民中獨立選民所佔的比例是較低的，因此我們可以預期，獨立選民的比例應該還有下降的可能性。在民主化的進程繼續推展，政黨政治日益成熟穩定之後，我們預期有政黨認同的選民會呈現增長的趨勢，與此同時，獨立選民並不會大幅度的減少。基於獨立選民是理想公民的期待，我們相信還是會有一定比例的民眾認為自己是獨立選民，但正如同我們觀察到的，此時的獨立選民將不再是對政治一無所知，或是對政治冷漠的冷漠型獨立選民；而將成為對政治保持高度關注，並能依自己客觀的態度做出政治決定的理想公民。 / In most studies about party identification, people who do not clearly indicate their party identification are usually classified as so「neutral non-respondents」or 「Independents」. Are these respondents really neutral or non-response, or are they really independents ? Yeh Ming-Yuan (1994) has done detailed research on independent voters in Taiwan. This thesis follows his research, using individual level survey data to analyze the developing and changing situation of independent voters in Taiwan from 1989 through 1999. In particular, this thesis examines changing party identification and social background of independent voters, changing political involvement among independent voters, changing vote intentions of independent voters, and the facts which have influenced the develop of independent voters. Our research outcomes have shown that although the percentage of independent voters in Taiwan has declined, in recent years this trend seems to have reversed, The percentage of independent voters has actually been influenced by changes in the electoral system. There are differences in social background between independents and party identifiers. The degree of political involvement of independent voters is lower than that of party identifiers. Their evaluation of candidates and parties is also lower than those of party identifiers. They tend to stay neutral to all political issues when making their voting decisions, they tend to consider the conditions of the candidates, rather than voting by the boundary of parties. However, we also discover that independent voters are gradually evolving from "apathetic independent voters", with lower political knowledge and lower political involvement, to "ideal independent voters", with higher political knowledge and higher political involvement. Looking to the future, we discover that the percentage of independent voters in the next generation and the generation after that are much lower. Hence we can predict that the percentage of independent voters will likely decline. With the continuing development of democracy and the increasing maturity and stability of party politics, we expect that the percentage of party indentifiers will grow. However, this does not necessarily mean that the percentage of independent voters will decline dramatically.Because of the expectation that independent voters are the ideal citizens, we believe that there are still a certain percentage of people who will consider themselves as independent voters. Hence, independent voters increasingly will not be "apathetic independent voters" who know nothing about politics. On the contrary, they will become "ideal citizens" who keep highly concerned about politics and make political decisions according to their own subjective attitudes.