Målsättningen med uppsatsen har varit att åskådliggöra beslutsprocesserna på främst strategisk ochmilitärstrategisk nivå inför det svenska beslutet att delta i de militära FN-missionerna i Suez 1956,Kongo 1960 och på Cypern 1964. Men också att studera deployeringen vid den inledande insatsen.Uppsatsen har därmed syftat till att finna svar på varför det gick relativt fort att fatta beslut om insatssamt deployera förbanden – svar som kanske kan lära oss något inför framtida liknande beslut – tillexempel med EU Battle Group. Graham Allison’s teorier om Organizational Process ochGovernmental Politics har utgjort den vetenskapliga ramen för att hjälpa till att förklarabeslutsprocesserna. Metoden för att uppnå detta har varit att genomföra tre fallstudier över nämndainsatser med en kvalitativ granskning av olika av källor.Uppsatsen pekar på att det har funnits en stark politisk vilja att genomföra insatserna. I ett fall harregeringen förvisso varit mycket tveksam. Rent generellt har besluten fattats snabbt och effektivtinnan riksdagen gav sitt medgivande. Man kan därmed se regeringens ageranden som en syntes avbeslutsamma ledande politiker med ett tillhörande väl utvecklat regeringskansli med mycket godförmåga att koordinera sin vilja gentemot riksdagen och oppositionen i utrikesnämnden samt mot demilitära myndigheterna. I samtliga fall har delar av den militära ledningen var tveksam till insatsmed hänvisning till befälsbrist och att beredskapen skulle bli lidande. Krigsmakten har dock alltidvarit lojal och snabbt verkställt besluten.När det gäller deployeringen så pekar uppsatsen på att Sverige och FN varit beroende av främst USAnär det gäller strategiska flygtransporter. Allisons teorier har bidragit till ökad förståelse förbeslutsprocesserna / The aim of this study is to reveal the decision-making process at strategic andmilitary strategic level that led to the Swedish military UN engagement inSuez 1956, Congo 1960 and Cyprus 1964. Moreover, the aim is to study thedeployment phase. The purpose is therefore to find answers, which canexplain why these decisions and deployments were made quite rapidly andwhy there were differences between and within the two levels. The historymay help us to make fasts decisions in the near future – for example, when theSwedish / Nordic EU Battle Group will be used. Graham Allison’s theoriesabout Organizational Process and Governmental Politics constitute thescientific frame. These theories help us to understand the processes and thedifferences. The method to achieve this has been to make three case studieswhere the primary and secondary sources from archives, diaries and booksetcetera have been examined.The thesis shows that there has been a strong political will in two of the cases.In the last case however, the government has been doubtful whether to takepart in the mission or not. But generally, the decisions have been maderapidly and effectively before the consent of Parliament. One could thereforesee the government’s actions as a synthesis of resolute leading politicians witha well developed cabinet, which had good ability in coordinating their willagainst Parliament and the opposition in the advisory council on foreignaffairs, as well as against the military authorities. In every case there hashowever been some reluctance from leading military generals. The lack ofenthusiasm was due to their objective during the Cold War: to keep as manyofficers and non-commissioned officers as possible in Sweden at high militarypreparedness on purpose. However, the military authorities have shown greatloyalty to the political level – they have therefore quickly executed thepolitical decisions.Furthermore, the thesis shows that both UN and Sweden have been dependenton the United States’ Air Force when it comes to strategic airlifts. Thisdependence has also been shown earlier. The Swedish Supreme Commanderasked for better airlift capacity for the benefit of the UN as late as in thesixties. Graham Allison’s theories have helped to understand both the processand the differences that have been identified. However, the theories cannotexplain all the perspectives and varieties of the decision-making process. Forexample, the role and impact of Dag Hammarskjöld 1956 and 1960 and thepressure of ”the super powers” in 1964. / Avdelning: ALB - Slutet Mag 3 C-upps.Hylla: Upps. ChP 03-05

This thesis analyses Germany's commitment to multilateral military operations. Following the research question why Germany participates in some multilateral military operations but not in others, Germany's respective decision-making process regarding troop deployment in the DR Congo in 2006 on one hand and military non-engagement in Libya 2011 on the other hand is traced. By contrasting the concept of strategic culture with a purely rational assessment of the factors of alliance politics, risk-analysis and military feasibility of the operations, the decisiveness of taking into account Germany's strategic culture to explain deployment decisions is stressed. Neither is there a lack of external pressure for German military participation in the case of Libya, nor is the military operation in the DR Congo decisively less risky or militarily more feasible. Rather, Germany's multilateral and anti- militaristic strategic cultural strands affect its decision-making. Next to demanding a thorough justification and legitimization of any military engagement, two red lines for military deployment can be identified. First, Germany refuses to act unilaterally and displays a high reluctance towards military engagement outside the multilateral framework of the UN, NATO or EU. Secondly, Germany rejects to engage in...

Escalation of Commitment (EoC) behaviour occurs when a Decision Making Unit (DMU), such as an individual or group, continues with a course of action despite receiving negative feedback about it. Much research exists, within multiple disciplines, which attempts to explain why DMUs continue with failing courses of action. To date however, there has been very little critical inquiry of such research. Using a historical research approach, this thesis reviews and critically assesses all existing EoC behaviour research and concludes that a number of serious issues exist. These include the use of multiple labels by authors to describe the phenomenon; the considerable uncertainty that exists regarding which DMUs are subject to EoC behaviour; the existence of multiple, concurrent definitions for each ‘theory label’ and important EoC behaviour concepts, such as escalation, DMU, resource, success, failure and commitment, not being adequately defined. It is contended that these and other issues exist primarily because of the scope of the phenomenon and the resultant high quantity and complexity of research; all of which impair research technique. However, independent, pre-existing research technique issues are also proposed as reasons. Ultimately, it is argued that the state of EoC behaviour research is poor. It is considered that the mere recognition of the issues raised in this thesis will assist in the improvement of the research. Yet this aspect in isolation is deemed inadequate. In response, a prescriptive technique is developed which is bifurcated between resolutely defining the important concepts related to EoC behaviour research and creating an ‘integrated framework’ which includes all existing EoC behaviour determinants from all research disciplines. The proposed framework also identifies a number of new potential determinants of EoC behaviour, including the Autoepistemic Sunk Cost Effect (ASCE), the age of the DMU and anthropomorphic revenge motives. It is suggested that these two prescriptive responses will also promote focussed future EoC behaviour research, designated in the thesis as research direction. This thesis contributes to existing knowledge by not only recognising research issues that have not previously been acknowledged but also by prescribing for these issues through a complete concept exploration, coupled with a complete collective framework.

The purpose of this research is to explore the policy processes in Kuwait by examining the recent privatization legislation, which has been adopted but not yet implemented. First, the research reports data from elite interviews, focus groups, and document reviews about policymaking, to illuminate the processes that lead up to the adoption of privatization. Limited data of this nature currently exist. Second, it is anticipated that findings reported in this study will be of theoretical relevance to scholars of comparative politics and particularly to privatization theorists. The research contributes to a better understanding of the differences in policymaking processes between consolidated democracies of Western countries and transitional democracies of Gulf countries, with a particular focus on Kuwait. Data analyzed depict Kuwait in its struggle to become part of an internationally diversified economy. While the government is still centralized in its operations, there is a push towards greater openness and inclusiveness in the political process. The research draws on the interpretivist and social constructivist paradigms, and employs the use of a phenomenological data analysis method. Ministers, directors of public agencies, and private sector executives were interviewed, as well as leaders of nonprofits and representatives of international organizations. Essentially, the study attempted to include all participants in the privatization policy development. The research shows that Kuwait’s economy is the least diversified in the Gulf region, with a great dependency on hydrocarbon revenues. Results indicate that fluctuating oil prices, economic stagnation, and declining citizen satisfaction, drove privatization discussions at different points in time. Although the privatization legislation was enacted in 2010 via Law 37, the government is still struggling with implementation across the public sector. Data analysis of the reasons behind the lack of implementation reveals that limitations in the legal framework, lack of private sector incentives, capacity issues, national workforce concerns, inadequate infrastructure, and the lack of evaluation and management criteria are drastically hindering the policy implementation process in Kuwait.

What defines a Swedish university college? This is the overarching question in this archival study of the development of the Swedish university colleges during the past 35 years. The objective of the study is to explore the binary elements in the overall unitary Swedish university system. Departing from existing macro level research on the university colleges (UCs), this study focuses on one single UC. Development of the UC was conceptualized as a question of decision-making in the UC in interplay with political decisions. The UC was explored by taking an extensive inductive approach starting from the original Garbage Can Model of Organizational Choice, a perspective on organizations that focuses on the temporal order emerging from decisions, rather than enduring orders. Nine decisions situations in the UC were identified as well as four political reforms. The study shows that the concept “streams” from the model are the phenomena occupying organization members mind over time, thus constituting a recurring element although not an enduring order, tying together the temporal orders. The streams are shared between the UC and political decision-making; the two decision-making entities both take part in forming the streams over time. The streams are: (1) the academic discipline; (2) the vocational education; (3) research as a means to enhance the quality of education; and (4) regional relevance. The study proposes the emergence of a fifth stream, the research profile, which is taken to be a unique stream for the UCs in general, that differentiates them from the universities. The analysis shows that the UC continuously adjusts the law to the organizational conditions rather than implements legislation when new, hence offering a perspective on organizational change as a persistent condition inherent in the organizational body rather than definable events. By using the concept stream the study suggests a conceptualization of the political influence on the UC organizational body as well as a conceptualization of how the UC influence political decisions. This conceptualization provides a novel perspective on the relationship between state and the universities. A perspective that can be explored in future research, focusing on mutual adjustments of the streams.

This thesis addresses the conflict traditionally found within moral philosophy between deontological and utilitarian schools of thought. Using the example of the serious moral ambivalence experienced by individuals who are deciding whether to end or continue a difficult pregnancy, it is argued that this ambivalence is the result of both absolute principles (such as the intrinsic value of human life) and outcome based considerations (such as the desire to avoid causing pain and suffering) appearing to be morally reasonable, while also being fundamentally opposed: Each course of action is at once morally defensible on the basis of its own reasonableness, and, conversely, reprehensible due to the reasonableness of the other. This lived experience of moral ambivalence is directly reflected by the tension between deontology and utilitarianism as it occurs at the moral philosophic level, where the deontological emphasis on the unconditional rightness of certain principles is seen to be at irreconcilable odds with the utilitarian emphasis on the attainment of certain ends. The thesis’ central claim is that such ambivalence strongly indicates that human morality is neither exclusively one type or the other, and that both types of moral property are in fact reasonable, and thus have moral value. It is theorised that accounting for this dual reasonableness would lead to the most accurate and helpful representation of the human moral experience – but that the philosophic ‘divide’ between the two types of principle has led to an either/or situation, which has largely prevented this sort of understanding from being developed. The thesis argues that Victorian philosopher Henry Sidgwick developed a view in which neither deontological nor utilitarian principles can be fully realised without reference to the other, precisely on the basis that both can be found to be ultimately rational. This thesis aims to revitalise that theory – represented by the term ‘Rational Benevolence’ - to show that Sidgwick reconciled the divide between absolute and end based principles in such a way that the relationship between them becomes a ‘synthesis’. In this synthesis, deontological and utilitarian concepts are both seen as essential components of morality, that combine to form a dynamic whole in which the value of each principle is both indicated and naturally limited by the value of the other, on account of their respective rationalities. It is argued that this provides a more comprehensive understanding of the reality of the human moral experience, and better moral justification for either course of action in situations of complex and sensitive ethical decision making.

No description available.

La conduite de réformes présente un risque élevé pour les décideurs publics : les échecs sont lourds de conséquences pour les politiques publiques visées comme pour les responsables politiques qui les portent. Si le risque politique des réformes est reconnu comme un élément clé dans la prise de décision, sa définition reste floue pour les praticiens. Une revue de littérature en sciences de la décision, science politique et économie politique montre que ce concept est également dans un angle mort théorique. Sur le terrain des réformes, cette recherche vise à définir le risque politique comme la combinaison de facteurs de risque déclenchant des événements perturbateurs conduisant à un degré d'adoption plus ou moins élevé de la réforme projetée. Plus de quarante études de cas ont permis de dégager six facteurs de risque : les caractéristiques intrinsèques de la réforme, l’opinion publique, les parties prenantes, l’environnement politique, le processus de décision et le contexte socio-économique. Le concept de risque politique est ensuite opérationnalisé et testé grâce à des grilles de scores. Il en ressort qu'il existe des relations robustes entre les scores atteints sur les facteurs de risque, les événements perturbateurs et le degré d'adoption des réformes. Cette recherche est une contribution à une meilleure compréhension des interactions entre stratégie et politique dans la prise de décision, améliore la compréhension des ressorts de la prise de décision stratégique dans le secteur public et ouvre la voie à une approche de la conduite des réformes par la gestion des risques. / Carrying out reforms entails a high level of risk for policy makers: reform failure can have far-reaching consequences on both the public policy concerned and the reputation of the political leaders who are pushing for the reform. Policy makers widely acknowledge the role of “political risk” in public decision making. However, its definition remains vague. A literature review in decision sciences, political science and political economy shows that the concept of political risk is a blind spot in academic theory. This research project aims to develop a better understanding of the reasons why some reform initiatives fail while others succeed. It defines political risk as a combination of risk factors which contribute to trigger disruptive events and, in turn, influence the enactment of reforms. Six risk factors are identified on the basis of more than forty reform case studies: intrinsic characteristics of the reform, public opinion, stakeholders, political context and socio-economic context. The concept of political risk is then operationalized and tested using a scorecard approach. The tests show a consistent relation between risk factors, disruptive events and reform enactment. This project contributes to a better understanding of the link between strategy and politics in decision making and the dynamics of strategic decision making in the public sector. It paves the way for a risk based approach to steering public policy reforms.

Submitted by Mauricio Brilhante Mendonça (mauricio_bm@hotmail.com) on 2013-03-21T13:10:19Z No. of bitstreams: 1 MAURICIO BRILHANTE MENDONÇA TESE CDAPG.pdf: 2107159 bytes, checksum: f169ebd0a723a4481356850ad3bb58c3 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Eliene Soares da Silva (eliene.silva@fgv.br) on 2013-03-21T13:19:56Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 MAURICIO BRILHANTE MENDONÇA TESE CDAPG.pdf: 2107159 bytes, checksum: f169ebd0a723a4481356850ad3bb58c3 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2013-03-21T13:57:58Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 MAURICIO BRILHANTE MENDONÇA TESE CDAPG.pdf: 2107159 bytes, checksum: f169ebd0a723a4481356850ad3bb58c3 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-02-26 / The Manaus Free Trade Zone (ZFM) is the Union’s regional development policy for the Western Amazonia which is based on the concession of tax incentives to the productive capital. Its main results can be seen in the Industrial Pole of Manaus (PIM). Based on theoretic references on public policies, political decision process and on the framework of historical institutionalism, the thesis analyses three relevant decisions to the ZFM, as well as the public agencies where these decisions are made, characterizing the actors who influence them while also trying to understand the flow of public decisions in each one of the decision making processes. The first one of them refers to the two moments in which the decision of extending the ZFM’s applicability was being discussed in the National Congress, when interest groups were capable of joining their political forces to guarantee the constitutional status of the ZFM. The second one refers to the evaluation of the implantation, update, diversification or extension’s pleas of the industrial projects in the ZFM, on which the research provided understanding that once the technical-economical project is coherently presented, according to the established Basic Productive Process (PPB), the legislation and accompanied by the necessary documentation, the projects of whichever sector will not face any difficulty to be approved by the CAS. The need of a previous PPBs existence makes their establishment process a vital decision in the ZFM policies. This is the third process. PPB is the tool which has allowed the ZFM’s tax incentives’ policy’s governance through the regularization of processes and procedures which are to be abode by the companies which enjoy the benefits. The PPBs are established after negotiation among producers, suppliers and the Federal State, this last one being represented by MDIC, MCTI and SUFRAMA, under the GT-PPB’s management, whose operation is regulated by means of the Interministerial Ordinance MDIC/MCT n°170/2010. The PPB has been used by the State to establish counterparts to the companies which benefit from the ZFM’s tax incentives and also to allow the installation of productive sectors in that zone. It was noted that what is effectively valued is the risk of the PPB being published causing, therewith, the displacement of other productive plants from different regions in Brazil to the ZFM, situation which would turn into a negative decision. However, in cases in which the other federation units, cities or micro regions’ loss is not clear, there may be conflicts of political character, which leaves the decision to be made by negotiation levels and power above the GT-PPB. It is important to mention that the GT-PPB members understand that the ZFM is a public policy for the Western Amazonia, and also that they recognize the power that these members’ functions altogether have, each one with their own specialty, limits and objectives, functions which may influence the formulation and implementation of the industrial, science and technology and regional development policy in Brazil. It was possible to notice the participants’ effort with the current rules to promote improvements in these policies as well as the fact of how these teams are reflected by the lack of an effective national productive development project. / A Zona Franca de Manaus (ZFM) é a política de desenvolvimento regional da União para a Amazônia Ocidental baseada na concessão de incentivos fiscais ao capital produtivo, a qual tem no Polo Industrial de Manaus (PIM) o seu principal resultado. Partindo de referenciais teóricos sobre políticas públicas, processo de decisão política e do arcabouço do institucionalismo histórico, a tese analisa três decisões relevantes para a ZFM, para as quais se buscou identificar as agências públicas onde estas são tomadas, caracterizando os atores que nelas influenciam, ao passo que procurou compreender o fluxo de decisões públicas desses processos decisórios. A primeira delas refere-se aos dois momentos em que a decisão de prorrogar a vigência da ZFM estivera em discussão no Congresso Nacional, quando os grupos de interesse foram capazes de agregar força política para garantir o status constitucional da ZFM. A segunda refere-se à avaliação dos pleitos de implantação, atualização, diversificação ou ampliação de projetos industriais na ZFM, sobre a qual a pesquisa proporcionou o entendimento de que uma vez apresentado o projeto técnico-econômico de forma coerente, de acordo com o Processo Produtivo Básico (PPB) estabelecido, com a legislação e acompanhado da documentação necessária, os projetos de qualquer que seja o setor não enfrentam dificuldades de aprovação no CAS. A necessidade da existência prévia de PPBs torna o processo de estabelecimento destes uma decisão fundamental na política da ZFM. Esse é o terceiro processo. O PPB é a ferramenta que tem permitido a governança da política de incentivos fiscais da ZFM, através da regulação de processos e procedimentos cumpridos pelas empresas que usufruem dos benefícios. Os PPBs são estabelecidos após negociação entre produtores, fornecedores e o Estado brasileiro, sendo este representado pelo MDIC, MCTI e SUFRAMA, sob a gestão do GT-PPB, cujo funcionamento é regulamentado pela Portaria Interministerial MDIC/MCT n°170/2010. O PPB vem sendo utilizado pelo Estado para estabelecer contrapartidas às empresas beneficiárias dos incentivos fiscais da ZFM e para permitir instalação de setores produtivos naquela zona. Notou-se que o efetivamente valorado é o risco de o PPB, ao ser publicado, causar deslocamento de plantas produtivas de outras regiões do Brasil para a ZFM, situação que leva ao indeferimento. Contudo, em situações nas quais não é claro o prejuízo para outras unidades da federação, cidades ou microrregiões, pode haver conflitos de caráter político, alçando a decisão para níveis de negociação e de poder acima do GT-PPB. Destaca-se o entendimento dos membros do GT-PPB de que a ZFM é uma política pública da União para a Amazônia Ocidental e de reconhecerem o poder que, em conjunto, têm suas funções, por meio das quais, cada um com sua especialidade, limites e objetivos, pode influenciar por dentro do Estado brasileiro na elaboração e implementação da política industrial, de ciência e tecnologia e de desenvolvimento regional. Foi possível perceber o esforço dos participantes para, com as regras atuais, promoverem melhorias nessas políticas e como se reflete nessas equipes a falta de um efetivo projeto de desenvolvimento produtivo nacional.