Made available in DSpace on 2016-06-02T19:50:26Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 6578.pdf: 3445111 bytes, checksum: 56d12136f2a3343f6ca27033a2400b8f (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-02-04 / Financiadora de Estudos e Projetos / With the process of financialization of the economy, companies are reorganizing themselves. In front of this, the present work has as main objective observe the process of financialization and its impact on the social structure of a company that went through the privatization process. Also, analyze in the corporate environment, (the new) forms of organizational management and production, as well its key actors and their forms of interrelationship. This work is based on Political Economics, with studies in the financialization process rooted in culture, history and policy of a company that has undergone in a series of transformations. This research develops how the company changes its conception of control, and how this change has an impact in its overall structure. Thus, the scope of this work focused on an exploratory study in Eletropaulo. The central importance of the study in the Brazilian electric sector is that this sector has undergone to the most radical changes in the financialization since 1990. However, any research on the built of the executive s careers, in this Brazilian context, has been done so far. The analysis of curriculum is the most important contribution from this case study research. As a research procedure of this work, were combined quantitative and qualitative methods. In order to analyze the careers of executives of AES Eletropaulo, were collected the curriculum of the Board and Directors, since its appearance as state-owned company in 1979 to the year 2012. It is applied a cumulative frequency analysis and other correspondence multiple analysis to study these curricula. Also, to see how the company was restructured as a whole after the change of ownership, were used other qualitative tools, such as questionnaires and interviews to key players in the buying and selling process. To develop this thesis, the case study will be separated into three parts. In the first are analyzed and presented data, in the form of graphs, related to the performance indicators of the company's case over his years before and after privatization. The second part is related to the new organizational management, which refers to the shareholding after the sale of the company, thus, opens up the discussion to the internationalization of ownership and National Development Bank in Brazil - BNDES, being the major shareholders of AES Eletropaulo an international company and BNDES. And in the third, the focus is on the analysis of the careers of executives of this company, and how they constructed and reconstructed their careers after major changes. As result, it was observed that the case company has undergone a series of transformations, including the creation of a new identity. The Government acts in two different moments at the same company. It is observed in this study that the pressure of these new owners have consequences in organizational design and composition of the power of the company to a search for maximization of the value of the company. And the executives of the company had to find ways to rebuild their careers in accordance with the new financial logic at the moment. The present analysis also extends to the electricity utility workers and their vulnerabilities occurred by the financialization process. / Com o processo de financeirização da economia, as empresas vêm se reestruturando. Diante disso, o presente trabalho tem como objetivo central observar o processo de financeirização e seus impactos na estrutura social de uma empresa que passou pelo processo de privatização. Além disso, o trabalho procura analisar, em âmbito corporativo, as (novas) formas de gestão organizacional e da produção, bem como seus atores-chave e suas formas de inter-relação. Este trabalho é baseado na Economia Política, com estudos no processo de financeirização enraizados na cultura, história e política de uma empresa que passou por uma série de transformações. Esta pesquisa investiga como a companhia muda sua concepção de controle, e como esta mudança acaba por influenciar sua total estrutura. Para tanto, o escopo desta tese se concentrou em um estudo exploratório na AES Eletropaulo. A importância central do estudo no setor elétrico brasileiro é que esse setor tem sido sujeito a transformações mais radicais na financeirização desde 1990. No entanto, nenhuma pesquisa sobre as carreiras construídas de dirigentes nesse contexto brasileiro tem sido feita até agora. A análise de currículos é a mais relevante contribuição do estudo de caso desta pesquisa. Como procedimento de pesquisa deste trabalho, combinaram-se os métodos quantitativo e qualitativo. A fim de analisar a carreira dos dirigentes da AES Eletropaulo, foram coletados os currículos do Conselho Administrativo e da Diretoria, desde o seu surgimento como empresa estatal em 1979, até o ano de 2012. Foram aplicadas uma análise de frequência acumulada e outra de correspondência múltipla para estudar esses currículos. Além disso, para verificar como a empresa se reestruturou como um todo após a mudança de propriedade, foram usadas outras ferramentas qualitativas, como questionário e entrevista para os principais atores do processo de compra e venda. No desenvolvimento desta tese, o estudo de caso será separado em três partes. Na primeira são analisados e apresentados dados, em forma de gráficos, referentes aos indicadores de desempenho da empresa caso ao longo de seus anos. A segunda parte está relacionada a história da empresa nos período antes e após privatização, e a nova gestão organizacional, que remete à composição acionária após a venda da empresa; desse modo, neste momento, abre-se a discussão em relação à internacionalização de propriedade e ao Banco Nacional de Desenvolvimento BNDES, sendo os maiores acionistas da AES Eletropaulo uma empresa estrangeira e o BNDES. Na terceira parte o foco é voltado para a análise das carreiras dos dirigentes dessa companhia, e como são construídas e reconstruídas as suas carreiras após grandes transformações. Como resultado, foi possível observar uma série de transformações que a AES Eletropaulo sofreu, inclusive com a criação de uma nova identidade. O Governo agiu em dois momentos diferentes nesta mesma empresa e esta pesquisa infere que a pressão desses novos donos tem consequências no desenho organizacional e na composição do poder da empresa para uma busca pela maximização do valor da companhia. Os dirigentes da empresa tiveram que buscar formas de reconstruir suas carreiras de acordo com a nova lógica financeira no momento. A presente análise ainda se estende para as carreiras dos trabalhadores do setor elétrico e suas vulnerabilidades ocorridas pelo processo de financeirização.

O objetivo central da tese é analisar se e como as economias emergentes ganharam poder no cenário político internacional, através do aumento de seus recursos de poder econômico. Como o foco do trabalho foi direcionado para a evolução do poder econômico das economias emergentes e suas implicações para o sistema de nações, a atenção maior foi dada às movimentações da economia política internacional, que não estão restritas aos organismos financeiros internacionais. Buscou-se mostrar que o jogo de poder se dá, preponderantemente, entre os Estados-nacionais. Neste trabalho foi analisado o funcionamento do sistema internacional contemporâneo, abordando-o através das principais correntes teóricas das relações internacionais. O tema em foco foi a distribuição de poder econômico no cenário político internacional. A hipótese considerada foi que alguns países emergentes têm aumentado seu poder global e desta forma impactado a organização do sistema e as relações econômicas internacionais. No capítulo 2 defende-se que o poder econômico, atualmente, pode ser considerado a principal fonte de poder tendo em vista os temas da agenda das relações internacionais. Defende-se que mesmo os EUA não sendo mais a nação hegemônica que garante a estabilidade do sistema, este ainda é o sistema criado pelos americanos e não há evidência de que haja alguma nação capaz de assumir a liderança e implantar outro sistema. Por último defendo que vivemos em um sistema internacional híbrido, que ora é anárquico, ora é cooperativo ou coordenado, dependendo da agenda internacional. O capítulo 3 trata das instituições de Bretton Woods e analisa sua evolução e o papel da moeda padrão. Reforça a análise do capítulo anterior quanto à inexistência de um movimento de ruptura ou mesmo de substituição da moeda americana como referência das transações internacionais inclusive na hipótese da adoção de uma unidade de conta baseada numa cesta de moedas. O atual sistema monetário internacional, no qual países exportadores de petróleo e a China sustentam o dólar americano como moeda de referência e o nível de consumo dos americanos, é a prova das dificuldades de institucionalização de uma nova ordem. No capítulo 4 distinguem-se os conceitos econômicos para estipular a melhora do bem-estar da população e como as mesmas estatísticas são utilizadas para medir o poder nas relações econômicas internacionais. Baseado no exposto considera-se que as economias emergentes estão aumentando sua fonte de poder econômico e começa a influir nas decisões que durante décadas foram limitadas ao G-7 e as evidências disso são a constituição do G-20, a participação no Grupo de Estabilidade Financeira do BIS e o aumento do peso nos votos do FMI. / The main objective of this thesis is to examine whether and how emerging economies have gained power in the international political scene, by increasing their economic power resources. As the focus of the study was directed towards the development of the economic power of emerging economies and its implications for the system of nations, greater attention was given to the movements of international political economy, which are not restricted to international financial organizations. We tried to show that the power game occurs, mainly, among National States. This work analyzed the functioning of the contemporary international system by addressing it through the principal theories of international relations. The theme in focus was the distribution of economic power in the international political scenario. The assumption made was that some emerging countries are increasing their global power and thus impacted the organization of the system and international economic relations. Chapter 2 argues that the economic power may currently be considered the main source of power in view of the topics on international relations agenda. It is argued that the U.S. is not even the most homogenous nation which ensures the stability of the system, this is still the system created by the Americans and there is no evidence that there is any nation able to take the leadership and implement a different system. Finally It’s argued that we live in an international hybrid system, which is sometimes anarchic, sometimes it is cooperative or coordinated depending on the international agenda. Chapter 3 deals with the Bretton Woods institutions and examines their evolution and role of the currency standard. Reinforces the analysis of the previous chapter as to the absence of a movement to break or even replacement of the U.S. currency as a benchmark for international transactions including the assumption of adopting a unit of account based on a basket of currencies. The current international monetary system in which oil exporters and China support the U.S. dollar as reference currency and the level of consumption of Americans is proof of the difficulties of institutionalizing a new order. Chapter 4 distinguished economic concepts to provide the improvement well-being of the population and how those statistics are used to measure power in international economic relations. Based on the foregoing it is considered that emerging economies are increasing their sources of economic power and begin to influence decisions which for decades limited to the G-7 and the evidence for this is the formation of G-20, participation in the Group Stability Financial BIS and increasing their weight in votes in the IMF.

O objetivo central da tese é analisar se e como as economias emergentes ganharam poder no cenário político internacional, através do aumento de seus recursos de poder econômico. Como o foco do trabalho foi direcionado para a evolução do poder econômico das economias emergentes e suas implicações para o sistema de nações, a atenção maior foi dada às movimentações da economia política internacional, que não estão restritas aos organismos financeiros internacionais. Buscou-se mostrar que o jogo de poder se dá, preponderantemente, entre os Estados-nacionais. Neste trabalho foi analisado o funcionamento do sistema internacional contemporâneo, abordando-o através das principais correntes teóricas das relações internacionais. O tema em foco foi a distribuição de poder econômico no cenário político internacional. A hipótese considerada foi que alguns países emergentes têm aumentado seu poder global e desta forma impactado a organização do sistema e as relações econômicas internacionais. No capítulo 2 defende-se que o poder econômico, atualmente, pode ser considerado a principal fonte de poder tendo em vista os temas da agenda das relações internacionais. Defende-se que mesmo os EUA não sendo mais a nação hegemônica que garante a estabilidade do sistema, este ainda é o sistema criado pelos americanos e não há evidência de que haja alguma nação capaz de assumir a liderança e implantar outro sistema. Por último defendo que vivemos em um sistema internacional híbrido, que ora é anárquico, ora é cooperativo ou coordenado, dependendo da agenda internacional. O capítulo 3 trata das instituições de Bretton Woods e analisa sua evolução e o papel da moeda padrão. Reforça a análise do capítulo anterior quanto à inexistência de um movimento de ruptura ou mesmo de substituição da moeda americana como referência das transações internacionais inclusive na hipótese da adoção de uma unidade de conta baseada numa cesta de moedas. O atual sistema monetário internacional, no qual países exportadores de petróleo e a China sustentam o dólar americano como moeda de referência e o nível de consumo dos americanos, é a prova das dificuldades de institucionalização de uma nova ordem. No capítulo 4 distinguem-se os conceitos econômicos para estipular a melhora do bem-estar da população e como as mesmas estatísticas são utilizadas para medir o poder nas relações econômicas internacionais. Baseado no exposto considera-se que as economias emergentes estão aumentando sua fonte de poder econômico e começa a influir nas decisões que durante décadas foram limitadas ao G-7 e as evidências disso são a constituição do G-20, a participação no Grupo de Estabilidade Financeira do BIS e o aumento do peso nos votos do FMI. / The main objective of this thesis is to examine whether and how emerging economies have gained power in the international political scene, by increasing their economic power resources. As the focus of the study was directed towards the development of the economic power of emerging economies and its implications for the system of nations, greater attention was given to the movements of international political economy, which are not restricted to international financial organizations. We tried to show that the power game occurs, mainly, among National States. This work analyzed the functioning of the contemporary international system by addressing it through the principal theories of international relations. The theme in focus was the distribution of economic power in the international political scenario. The assumption made was that some emerging countries are increasing their global power and thus impacted the organization of the system and international economic relations. Chapter 2 argues that the economic power may currently be considered the main source of power in view of the topics on international relations agenda. It is argued that the U.S. is not even the most homogenous nation which ensures the stability of the system, this is still the system created by the Americans and there is no evidence that there is any nation able to take the leadership and implement a different system. Finally It’s argued that we live in an international hybrid system, which is sometimes anarchic, sometimes it is cooperative or coordinated depending on the international agenda. Chapter 3 deals with the Bretton Woods institutions and examines their evolution and role of the currency standard. Reinforces the analysis of the previous chapter as to the absence of a movement to break or even replacement of the U.S. currency as a benchmark for international transactions including the assumption of adopting a unit of account based on a basket of currencies. The current international monetary system in which oil exporters and China support the U.S. dollar as reference currency and the level of consumption of Americans is proof of the difficulties of institutionalizing a new order. Chapter 4 distinguished economic concepts to provide the improvement well-being of the population and how those statistics are used to measure power in international economic relations. Based on the foregoing it is considered that emerging economies are increasing their sources of economic power and begin to influence decisions which for decades limited to the G-7 and the evidence for this is the formation of G-20, participation in the Group Stability Financial BIS and increasing their weight in votes in the IMF.

China’s emergence as an economic powerhouse has often been portrayed as threatening to America’s economic strength and to its very identity as “the global hegemon.” The media’s alarmist response to an economic competitor is familiar to those who remember US-Japanese relations in the 1980s. In order to better understand the basis of American threat perception, this study explores the independent and interactive impact of three variables (perceptions of the Other’s capabilities, perceptions of the Other as a threat versus as an opportunity, and perceptions of the Other’s political culture) on attitudes toward two different economic competitors (Japan 1977-1995 and China 1985-2011). Utilizing four methods (historical process tracing, public polling data analysis, social scientific experimentation, and content analysis), this study demonstrates that increases in the Other’s economic capabilities have a much smaller impact on attitudes than is commonly believed. It further shows that while perceptions of threat/opportunity played a significant role in shaping attitudinal response toward Japan, perceptions of political culture are the most important factor driving attitudes toward China today. This study contributes to a better understanding of how states react to threats and construct negative images of their economic rivals. It also helps to explain the current Sino-American relationship and enables better predictions as to its potential future course. Finally, these findings contribute to cultural explanations of the democratic peace phenomenon and provide a boundary condition (political culture) for the liberal proposition that opportunity ameliorates conflict in the economic realm.

Electoral Rules and Leader Selection: Experimental Evidence from Ugandan Community Groups. Despite a large body of work documenting how electoral systems affect policy outcomes, less is known about their impact on leader selection. We study this by comparing two types of participatory decision making in Ugandan community groups: (i) vote by secret ballot and (ii) open discussion with consensus. Random assignment allows us to estimate the causal impact of the rules on leader types and social service delivery. Vote groups are found to elect leaders more similar to the average member while discussion group leaders are positively selected on socio-economic characteristics. Further, dropout rates are significantly higher in discussion groups, particularly for poorer members. After 3.5 years, vote groups are larger in size and their members save less and get smaller loans. We conclude that the secret ballot vote creates more inclusive groups while open discussion groups favor the already economically successful. Preparing for Genocide: Community Meetings in Rwanda. How do political elites prepare the civilian population for participation in violent conflict? We empirically investigate this question using data from the Rwandan Genocide in 1994. Every Saturday before 1994, Rwandan villagers had to meet to work on community infrastructure. The practice was highly politicized and, according to anecdotal evidence, regularly used by the political elites for spreading propaganda in the years before the genocide. This paper presents the first quantitative evidence of this abuse of the community meetings. To establish causality, we exploit cross-sectional variation in meeting intensity induced by exogenous weather fluctuations. We find that an additional rainy Saturday resulted in a five percent lower civilian participation rate in genocide violence. Selection into Borrowing: Survey Evidence from Uganda. In this paper, I study how changes to the standard credit contract affect loan demand and selection into borrowing, using a representative sample of urban micro enterprises, most with no borrowing experience. Hypothetical loan demand questions are used to test whether firm owners respond to changes in loans' contractual terms and whether take-up varies by firms' risk type and other firm owner characteristics. The results indicate that contracts with lower interest rates and less stringent collateral requirements attract less risky borrowers, suggesting that there is scope for improvement of standard financial contract terms. Credit Contract Structure and Firm Growth: Evidence from a Randomized Control Trial. We study the effects of credit contract structure on firm outcomes among small and medium sized firms. A randomized control trial was carried out to distinguish between some of the key constraints to efficient credit use connected to the firms' business environment and production function, namely (i) backloaded returns (ii) uncertain returns and (iii) indivisible fixed costs. Each firm was followed for the 1-year loan cycle. We describe the experiment and present preliminary results from the first 754 out of 2,340 firms to have completed the loan cycle. Firms offered a grace period have higher profits and higher household income than firms receiving a rebate later on as well as the control group. They also increased the number of paid employees  and reduced the number of unpaid employees, an effect also found among firms that received a cash subsidy at the beginning of the loan cycle. We discuss potential mechanisms behind these effects.

Die vorliegende Dissertation setzt sich aus drei Aufsätzen zusammen: zwei im Bereich der Arbeitsmarktökonomie und einer im Bereich der politischen Ökonomie. Der erste Aufsatz untersucht die Rolle der zunehmenden Firmenheterogenität für die Stagnation des Gender Wage Gaps auf dem westdeutschen Arbeitsmarkt in den 1990er und 2000er Jahren. Die Ergebnisse zeigen, dass die steigende Firmenheterogenität während dieses Zeitraums einen Rückgang des Gender Wage Gaps um 15% bzw. 3,6 Log-Prozentpunkte verhindert hat. Darüber hinaus zeigen die Analysen, dass eine zunehmende Lohnflexibilisierung, bedingt durch einen Rückgang der Tarifbindung und wachsende Dezentralisierungs- und Flexibilisierungstendenzen innerhalb der vorhandenen Tarifbindungsregime, den Anstieg der Lohnungleichheit zwischen Betrieben und folglich die Lohnungleichheit zwischen Männern und Frauen verstärkt hat. Der zweite Aufsatz untersucht die Auswirkungen des Anfang der 1990er Jahre von Flüchtlingsmigranten verursachten, plötzlichen Anstiegs des Arbeitskräfteangebots auf Löhne und Beschäftigung der einheimischen Arbeitnehmer. Die empirischen Analysen zeigen, dass ein 1%iger Zuwachs in der Beschäftigung von Migranten mit einer Reduzierung des lokalen Lohn- und Beschäftigungswachstums in den betroffenen Regionen um durchschnittlich etwa 0,68 bzw. 1,13% einhergeht; auf längere Sicht zeigen sich indes keine negativen Auswirkungen. Zwei Drittel des lokalen Beschäftigungsrückgangs werden durch entsprechende Beschäftigungsgewinne in solchen Regionen kompensiert, die von der Flüchtlingszuwanderung nicht betroffen sind. Die Unterschiede zwischen kurz- und langfristigen Konsequenzen sowie die Umverteilung der Beschäftigung zwischen Regionen sind für die politische Evaluation der Vor- und Nachteile von Migration von Bedeutung. Der dritte Aufsatz untersucht, ob die Parteienlandschaft im Gemeinderat einen Effekt auf die Struktur von Gemeindezusammenlegungen hat, indem sie die Wahrscheinlichkeit der Wiederwahl und folglich des Machterhalts der im Amt befindlichen politischen Entscheidungsträger beeinflusst. Die empirischen Ergebnisse deuten darauf hin, dass die Parteienstruktur für die Realisierung von Gemeindezusammenlegungen von Bedeutung ist. / This dissertation is composed of three essays: two in the field of labour economics and one in political economics. The first essay studies the role of growing workplace heterogeneity for the stagnation of the gender pay gap on the West German labour market during the 1990s and 2000s. The analysis shows that the expansion of workplace-specific wage premiums over that time period prevented the gender wage gap from narrowing by around 15% or 3.6 log points. This effect is not driven by a relocation of men and women across high and low wage firms, but is entirely attributable to a widening in the distribution of wage premiums. The study further shows that rising wage flexibilisation, facilitated by deunionisation and decentralisation tendencies within unions, has led to higher rent-sharing elasticities, and thereby catalysed the role of workplace heterogeneity for overall inequality and the wage gap between genders. The second essay investigates the impact of a refugee-driven labour supply shock on native wages and employment. By exploiting a large and unexpected refugee wave hitting the West German labour market between 1988 and 1993, the analysis shows that an increase in local immigrant employment by 1% reduces native wages and employment by about 0.68 and 1.13%, respectively; in the longer perspective, however, these negative effects disappear. The study also shows that about two-thirds of the local employment decline is compensated by corresponding employment gains in regions not affected by immigration. Both findings—the difference between short and long run effects and the redistribution of native employment across regions — are important for the political evaluation of immigration. The third essay investigates the political determinants of municipality amalgamations. By exploiting a boundary reform in the state of Brandenburg, which reduced the number of municipalities by about 70%, the study asks whether party representation in the town council influences the structure of municipality mergers by affecting the political decision makers’ probability to remain in power. The empirical estimates suggest that political representation matters for the structure of mergers that materialise.

This thesis consists of three essays in the field of information economics. The first essay studies manipulation of information by partisan media. The recent increase in partisan media has generated interest in what drives media outlets to become more partisan. I develop a model to study the role of diffusion of information by word of mouth. In the model, a media outlet designs an information policy, which specifies the level of partisan slant in the outlet’s news reports. The news spread via a communication chain in a population of agents with heterogeneous preferences. The slant has an impact on whether the agents find the news credible and on their incentives to pass the news to others. The analysis elucidates how partisanship of media can be driven by political polarisation of the public and by the tendency of people to interact with people with similar political views. The second essay, co-authored by Jakub Redlicki, investigates falsification of scientific evidence by interest groups. We analyse a game between a biased sender (an interest group) and a decision maker (a policy maker) where the former can falsify scientific evidence at a cost. The sender observes scientific evidence and knows that it will also be observed by the decision maker unless he falsifies it. If he falsifies, then there is a chance that the decision maker observes the falsified evidence rather than the true scientific evidence. First, we investigate the decision maker’s incentives to privately acquire independent evidence, which not only provides additional information to her but can also strengthen or weaken the sender’s falsification effort. Second, we analyse the decision maker’s incentives to acquire information from the sender. The third essay analyses competition between interest groups for access to a policy maker. I study a model of lobbying in which two privately-informed experts (e.g., interest groups) with opposite goals compete for the opportunity to communicate with a policy maker. The main objective is to analyse the benefits which competition for access brings to the policy maker as opposed to hiring an expert in advance. I show that competition for access is advantageous in that it provides the policy maker with some information about the expert who did not gain access and gives the experts an incentive to invest in their communication skills. On the other hand, hiring an expert in advance allows the policy maker to use a monetary reward to incentivise the expert to invest more in his communication skills.

Cette dissertation aborde le concept mondialisation comme résultat d'une compétition politique, à travers une analyse des sources et conséquences de conflit, tout en mettant en lumière sa dimension socio-culturelle. Dans le cadre thématique de l'économie politique et de l'économie du développement, nous adressons un large éventail de sujets qui sont actuellement au centre du débat public. En particulier, j'explore les liens entre migrations et attitudes, aide et conflit, ainsi que les conséquences intergénérationnelles des conflits dans le développement économique. Je traite ces sujets de façon théorique et empirique, en utilisant un grand nombre de stratégies économétriques. La composante empirique de cette dissertation comprend une analyse de la migration et de la proximité culturelle sur plusieurs pays; une analyse à l'échelon sous-national de l'aide Chinoise en Afrique, et une analyse sur les conséquences de la guerre en Irak au niveau des ménages. / This dissertation sheds light on the concept of globalization as a result of political competition, analyzing the sources and consequences of conflict, as well as highlighting the socio-cultural dimensions of globalization. Under the thematic umbrella of political economics and economic development, I address a broad range of topics that have been at the center of the public debate in recent years. ln particular, I explore the links between migration and culture, attitudes, aid and conflict, and the inter-generational consequences of conflict for economic development. I address these subjects both theoretically and empirically, using a broad set econometric strategies. The empirical component of this dissertation comprises a global cross-country analysis of migration and cultural proximity, a sub-national analysis on Chinese aid in Africa, and a household-level analysis on the consequences of war in Iraq.

Cette thèse s'inscrit dans une perspective d'économie politique pour aborder les contraintes institutionnelles engendrées par la mise en œuvre des réglementations environnementales à l'échelle locale. La pertinence des dispositifs institutionnels environnementaux (DIE) comme solution coopérative à la fragmentation de la structure politico-administrative française focalise l'analyse. La thèse développe deux types de travaux. Les propositions du fédéralisme environnemental, sur la supériorité de la centralisation des compétences de gestion en présence d'un enjeu environnemental avec effets de débordement, sont évaluées à l'aune des réalités politiques locales. Une analyse économétrique des votes des élus locaux pour le cas du SAGE « Estuaire de la Gironde » permet d'apprécier la coïncidence entre le plan de gestion du bassin versant et les enjeux économiques auxquels les élus sont confrontés, via les groupes d'intérêts. La portée incitative des DIE est ensuite abordée. La théorie des coûts de transactions permet de les considérer comme des contrats relationnels basés sur la spécificité des acteurs et leur positionnement les uns vis-à-vis des autres. La reconstruction du réseau des acteurs qui portent les enjeux environnementaux de l'estuaire de la Gironde montre l'importance des acteurs publics locaux. L'analyse statistique de la formation des liens de collaboration intègre cette particularité en se concentrant sur la relation élu-technicien. La thèse montre que les dimensions politique, administrative et économique des interactions entre les acteurs altèrent l'utilité et la portée des DIE pour la coordination autour de la gestion environnementale à l'échelle locale. / This thesis adopts a political economy perspective to address the institutional and political constraints influencing the implementation of environmental policies at a local level. A central focus of the analysis is on assessing the continued relevance of Environmental Institutional Devices (EIDs) as solutions for addressing French political and administrative fragmentation. The thesis pursues two core lines of inquiry. First, proposals developed within an environmental federalism tradition, which state that centralization of power is preferable in cases when environmental problems generate spillover, are evaluated against the realities of local community interests. Through carrying out an econometric test based on local elected representatives' votes, the thesis compares the contents of a watershed policy project in Gironde estuary with the types of issues representatives face on a daily basis, in particular from economic interest groups. Second, the thesis analyses incentives contained in EIDs. Transaction costs theory provides the tools for interpreting EIDs as relational contracts based on an actor's specificity and his/her respective positioning vis-à-vis others. Through this reconstruction of an environmental governance network on the Gironde estuary, I reveal the prevalence of public actors. A statistical analysis of network formation integrates this feature by focusing on the politician-bureaucrat relationship. The results show how political, administrative and economic dimensions of environmental coordination mitigate against the usefulness and the incentive-compatibility of EIDs as tools for environmental policy implementation at local level.

Cette thèse est une contribution à l’analyse économique des institutions politiques et économiques dans les pays en développement. Elle s’inscrit dans la lignée des travaux de la Nouvelle Economie Institutionnelle et de la Nouvelle Economie Politique. Précisément, nous nous intéressons aux institutions telles que la constitution, la corruption et la démocratie. Cette thèse est structurée en cinq chapitres. Le chapitre 1 aborde la problématique des institutions dans sa globalité. Dans ce chapitre, nous définissons le terme institutions comme : « règle et contrainte », « instrument de gouvernance » et « équilibre de jeux ». Nous discutons ensuite des théories du changement institutionnel. Enfin, nous identifions les facteurs influençant la qualité des institutions. Dans le chapitre 2, nous revisitons la théorie de la modernisation. Nos différentes analyses empiriques nous conduisent à conclure que la théorie de la modernisation, telle que définie actuellement et selon laquelle l’éducation, le revenu, l’urbanisation et l’industrialisation influencent la démocratie, n’explique pas la dynamique négative de démocratie en Afrique. Dans le chapitre 3, nous démontrons que le manque d’expérience parlementaire à l’indépendance exerce un effet négatif sur la qualité de la démocratie en Afrique plusieurs années après les indépendances. Le chapitre 4 aborde la problématique du changement constitutionnel en Afrique. Il identifie les facteurs qui influencent la tentative et la réussite du changement de l’article constitutionnel sur la limitation du nombre de mandats présidentiels, et montre qu’ils sont d’ordre institutionnel, macroéconomique, culturel et socioculturel. Enfin, le chapitre 5 met en évidence le fait que les déterminants de la corruption varient selon le niveau de développement des pays et selon les zones géographiques. / This thesis is a contribution to the economic analysis of political and economic institutions in developing countries. It is in line with the works of the new institutional economics and the new political economics. Precisely, we are interested in institutions such as constitution, corruption and democracy. This thesis is articulated around five chapters. The first chapter provides a global approach of the analysis of institutions. In this chapter, we define institutions as « rule and constraint », « governance tool » and « game equilibrium ». Then, we discuss the theories of institutional changes. Finally, we identify the key drivers of the institutional quality. In the second chapter, we revisit the modernization theory. The empirical analyses lead to the conclusion that the modernization theory according to which the democracy is mainly driven by the level of education, income, urbanization and the industrialization do not explain the negative dynamic of the democratic process in Africa. In chapter 3, we show that the lack of parliamentary experience at the independence has a negative persistent effect on the current state of democracy in Africa. Chapter 4 adresses the issue of constitutional changes in Africa. It shows that the factors which affect the attempt and the success of the change of the article limiting the number of presidential terms are of institutional, macroeconomic, cultural and sociocultural order. Finally, chapter 5 highlights the fact that the determinants of corruption vary according to the country’s level of development and according to the geographic area.