By agreeing to The Responsibility to Protect doctrine (R2P) at the United Nations World Summit in 2005, and later adopting a resolution reaffirming the support, the Russian federation accepted a responsibility of the international community to protect populations of other states, if the state itself manifestly fails to protect its own populations. However, Russia has acted in an inconsistent way by exercising its commitment to the R2P principle occasionally. The purpose of this study is to give an answer to the question of why Russia has acted in an inconsistent way to The Responsibility to Protect doctrine. Analyzing the inconsistency puzzle through the realist, liberal and constructivist lens, questioning why Russia has accepted an R2P intervention regarding Libya to halt ongoing mass atrocities, but repeatedly has vetoed against R2P interventions regarding Syria and recently regarding Venezuela, the study concludes that a combination of the three approaches is needed to explain and understand Russia’s inconsistent reaction. Second, it concludes that Russia acted inconsistently because President Medvedev was affected by, and agreeing with, international norms, thereby accepting an R2P into Libya, while President Putin was affected by, and wanted to hold on to the Russian identity. By rejecting R2P interventions in the Syria and Venezuela cases, Putin thereby secured Russian national interests, using a liberal narrative as a pretext for the actions.

The topic of this master thesis is the Relationship of the Federal Republic of Germany to the intervention in Libya. The aim of this master thesis is to answer the research question: "Why did not Germany support the intervention in Libya?". After the abstention on the United Nations Security Council Resolution 1973, Germany was for not continuing human rights protection. The decision, to reject the intervention, has confirmed that Germany is still very skeptical regarding the involvement of its military personnel and assets abroad. The decision of the Security Council is not only a milestone in German history, but also a milestone for the international community. For the first time has the United Nations Security Council agreed to use military forces against a functioning state with the aim of protecting civilian population. This master thesis is a single case study; through which the author examines a very specific situation when Germany decided not to participate in the voting process regarding the intervention in Libya. The theoretical part of the thesis is based on the constructivist theory, furthermore the thesis focuses also on the concepts of civilian power, multilateralism, culture of restraint, and the protection of human rights. All these terms have significant influence on German foreign...

Diploma thesis Relation between the concepts of humanitarian intervention and regime change: the case of Libya is concerned with the study of military interventions after 1989 in the context of current theoretical discourse. It's main goal is assessing the 2011 NATO operation Unified Protector. The key question of thesis is, whether the intervention, due to the extensive reading of UNSC Resolution 1973, mandate still can be described in the terms of humanitarian intervention concept (in accordance with international law paradigm of R2P), or whether it rather had been a regime change. Based on primary data analysis, the paper shows that actors (most significantly the USA, France and Great Britain) contributing with a theoretically impartial military force, despite the immediate positive humanitarian outcome, helped significantly to overthrow the regime of Muammar Gaddafi. Due to the specifics of the operation, it can rather be described as a hidden regime change - a definition is also offered in the thesis. Based on the theoretical framework created by Michael Reisman, the author also assesses legitimacy of such deeds. The text is divided into three main chapters. Chapter one gives an account of broader context of just war theories, humanitarian intervention and regime change concepts. In the second...

As a permanent member of the UN Security Council, the Russian Federation plays an important role in the debate over humanitarian interventions. These are defined by the Responsibility to Protect principle that allows international military intervention into internal political crisis of other countries in case the security of civilian population is in danger. Russia sent its army to Georgia in 2008 and Crimea in 2014 referring to this principle. However, it was Russia's reluctance to approve any intervention that governed the diplomatic negotiations during the Libyan civil war in 2011. The importance of the problem of various understanding of the R2P principle by different world powers is still crucial and is also clearly visible on the ongoing conflict in Syria. This thesis focuses on the approach of the Russian Federation to the Responsibility to Protect principle. It determines general factors that influence the issue of humanitarian intervention in the framework of Russian foreign policy, and puts Russian attitude to the overall context of the discussion about this principle. The thesis confirms the assumption that the R2P principle has become a Russian foreign policy instrument, which has been misused within the Russian sphere of interest and used to obstruct the interventions initiated by the...

Denna uppsats har som syfte att besvara frågeställningen: Vilken roll spelade det humanitära inslaget som en motiverande faktor för Sveriges deltagande i Libyenkonflikten mellan den 2 april 2011 och den 24 oktober 2011? Fallstudie: Riksdagens protokoll 2010/11:81. Detta kommer att göras genom att olika analysmetoder appliceras på de tal som finns representerade i Riksdagens protokoll 2010/11:81. De analysmetoder som används är politisk diskursanalys (PDA), kvalitativ innehållsanalys, samt kritisk diskursanalys (CDA). Genom utförandet av dessa kommer uppsatsen att besvara i vilken utsträckning riksdagsledamöter använde humanitära aspekter i sin debatt om Sveriges beslut att delta i den internationella militära interventionen med namn Resolution 1973. Genom att utföra en PDA och en kvalitativ innehållsanalys kan vi finna de viktigaste argumenten samt påståendena för dessa i texten Riksdagens protokoll 2010/11:81. Därefter kommer en CDA att genomföras. Genom att göra detta kan den debatt som analyseras samt det resultat vi kom fram till genom utförandet av en PDA och en kvalitativ innehållsanalys placeras i en kontext. På så sätt kan en bedömning av politikernas argument och påståenden som de använde för att motivera Sveriges deltagande i Libyenkonflikten även granskas och jämföras med den kontext som rådde innan och under tidpunkten för debatten. Genom PDA och en kvalitativ innehållsanalys kommer uppsatsen att fastställa att de humanitära aspekterna var av stor betydelse och var den främsta motiverande faktorn i debatten om Sveriges deltagande i Libyenkonflikten. Genom implementeringen av en CDA kommer denna debatt att sättas i en kontext. En kontext där en stor mediakampanj mot den dåvarande Libyska ledaren Muammar Gaddafi skedde, och där flera framstående politiker tycktes påverka FN att implementera Skyldigheten att skydda (R2P) och interventionen mot Libyen, Resolution 1973. Baserat på debatten och den offentliga information som finns tillgänglig verkade det som att media, samt högt uppsatta politiker var en bidragande faktor till Resolution 1973. Därmed verkar det som att olika maktrelationer starkt påverkade den politiska arenan och de politiska beslut som togs i och med Libyenkonflikten 2011.

<p>In this thesis I argue that it is an implication of the acceptance of the human right to water and the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) that violations of the human right to water can invoke the Responsibility to Protect. Extreme violations of the right to water can invoke the responsibility to react, and ultimately the responsibility to prevent and rebuild. Although this is the case, I argue that the human right to water is unlikely to invoke R2P on its own. Instead, water issues are more likely to compound with issues of poverty, weak political institutions, poor leadership and social tension to create situations that have the potential for mass atrocity. Furthermore, I provide an analysis of the actions that will need to be taken before, during and after an intervention to fulfill the responsibilities to prevent, react and rebuild and the actors that can and/or should take such action.</p> / Master of Arts (MA)

The “Responsibility to Protect” (R2P) doctrine was created with the purpose of providing an implementation mechanism for the international community to halt and prevent mass atrocity conflicts, however, it is not a legally binding framework, and requires the UNSC’s engagement for its successful implementation. Whilst R2P is a rhetorically compelling international norm, it falls apart in practice. The lack of consistency in its implementation and the UNSC’s inaction to various cases of mass atrocity, which are, in principle, applicable to the doctrine, has sparked controversy. This thesis examines conflicts in which R2P has been utilized and one conflict of similar dimensions in which the principle wasn’t applied, discussing the factors that could explain the question ‘why has the application of R2P been inconsistent at halting atrocity conflicts?’. By juxtaposing two theoretical lenses, Realism and English School, and applying a comparative analysis to these three cases, the thesis establishes that state behavior is driven by preserving power and resources, when it converges with upholding international norms and values. Thus, the thesis concludes that members of the Security Council will support R2P implementation and uphold shared norms and values, only when it serves their national interests.

This study draws on the theories of pluralism and solidarism from the English School to analyze the approaches of Security Council members towards the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in Libya and Syria. Using Stephen Toulmin's model of argumentation analysis, the study also provides a normative critique of these arguments. The study illuminates the divergent positions taken by the permanent members of the UN Security Council in the context of R2P during the crises in Syria and Libya. The analysis uncovers two starkly different approaches. On one side, representatives from Great Britain, France, and the United States advocate for the protection of human rights, democracy, and freedom. On the other side, representatives from Russia and China prioritize state sovereignty and the maintenance of order and stability. This stark contrast underscores the complexity and challenges inherent in implementing R2P. The study also highlights the concrete arguments and approaches taken by the Security Council’s permanent members. This provides a detailed understanding of how these differences manifest in practice and how they affect decision-making in the Security Council.  Based on the normative analysis, The study found that the normative frameworks of pluralism and solidarism offer distinct perspectives on human rights and state sovereignty, influencing the strength of the permanent members' arguments. Pluralism emphasizes state sovereignty and non-intervention, showing skepticism towards R2P, while solidarism highlights the protection of human rights and supports international interventions, aligning with R2P principles. In practice, examples like Libya and Syria have demonstrated the complexity and challenges of implementing R2P. In the case of Libya, NATO's intervention led to significant loss of life and destabilization, questioning the legitimacy and effectiveness of the actions. This situation has underscored the difficulty of balancing the protection of human rights with respect for state sovereignty. The integration of Responsibility While Protecting is proposed in R2P's third pillar to ensure responsible and effective humanitarian interventions.

[pt] Esta dissertação oferece uma análise crítica do discurso da Responsabilidade de Proteger (R2P). Para isso, eu sigo o entendimento pós-estruturalista da língua como performatividade, isto é, eu entendo que língua em uso (discurso) tem um papel no processo de construção de subjetividades. Eu adoto a estrutura de análise de dupla leitura de Richard Ashley para problematizar o discurso da R2P. Na primeira leitura, eu leio o discurso tradicional da R2P, começando por algumas de suas fundações no direito internacional e em debates sobre intervenção, soberania e segurança humana, seguindo para as discussões que ajudaram a constituir e delinear o escopo desse conceito. Esse discurso, como podemos ver, foi proposto como se fosse para a proteção de um universal (a humanidade). Dessa forma, na segunda leitura eu proponho uma reversão nas estruturas hierárquicas sobre as quais esse discurso foi erguido. Começando com uma crítica à estrutura da modernidade, eu argumento que o discurso da R2P, como parte dessa estrutura, reproduz suas lógicas de diferenciação e práticas de exclusão. Ao trazer o corpo daqueles que sofrem com a violência humanitária, eu questiono o que aconteceria se a R2P fosse de fato universal. Meu argumento é que, ao reivindicar um universal enquanto diferencia entre aqueles que promovem a proteção, aqueles que são protegidos, aqueles que poderiam ser protegidos mas sofreram os danos colaterais da violência humanitária, e aqueles que não podem ser protegidos, o discurso da R2P performa na constituição dessas distintas subjetividades. / [en] This dissertation offers a critical analysis of the discourse of the Responsibility to Protect (R2P). For this, I follow the poststructuralist understanding of language as performativity, i.e., I understand that language in use (discourse) has a role in the process of construction of subjectivities. I adopt Richard Ashley s structure of analysis of double reading to problematize the discourse of R2P. In the first reading, I read the traditional discourse of R2P, starting from some of its foundations in international law and in debates about intervention, sovereignty, and human security, following to the discussions that helped to constitute and delineate the scope of this concept. This discourse, we see, was proposed as if it were for the protection of a universal (the humanity). Accordingly, in the second reading I propose a reversal in the hierarchical structures upon which this discourse has been erected. Starting with a critique of the structure of modernity, I argue that the R2P discourse, as part of this structure, reproduces its logic of differentiations and exclusionist practices. By bringing the body of those who suffer from the humanitarian violence, I question what would happen if R2P were in fact for a universal. My argument is that, by claiming for a universal while it differentiates between those that provide protection, those that are protected, those that could be protected but suffered the collateral damages of the humanitarian violence, and those that cannot be protected, the discourse of R2P performs in the constitution of these distinct subjectivities.

[pt] As migrações são movimentos populacionais presentes desde o início da humanidade e foram responsáveis pode moldar a sociedade. Os migrantes precisam e devem ser acolhidos com dignidade, todavia é importante analisar as causas de sua migração como forma de garantir que as pessoas só migrem no exercício de sua livre escolha. Nenhum ser humano deve ser forçado a migrar, a sair do seu país para buscar condições de vida dignas, se expondo aos inúmeros riscos e problemas oriundos desse tipo de migração. A responsabilidade de proteger tem potencial para ser uma ferramenta útil na prevenção de migrações forçadas considerando a segurança humana como uma meta a ser garantida e a soberania como uma responsabilidade e não, um direito absoluto do soberano. Além disso, a segurança humana, através da análise das situações inerentes à sua ausência é um importante sistema de alerta precoce visando a uma atuação com menos efeitos colaterais pela detecção de inseguranças humanas nos estágios iniciais. Embora seja importante a análise ainda que sucinta de alguns casos específicos onde a responsabilidade de proteger tenha sido, ou não, utilizada, o enfoque será prognóstico e focado na potencialidade dos conceitos e princípios, mesmo que nas situações pretéritas eles tenham sido mal utilizados. Como se demonstrará, muitos dos problemas na aplicação da responsabilidade de proteger são oriundos de questões políticas e não, do instituto em si. / [en] Migrations are population movements that exists since the beginning of humanity and were responsible for shaping the society. Migrants need and should be welcomed with dignity, but it is also important to analyze the causes of their migration as a way of ensuring that people only migrate at their free agency. No human being should be forced to migrate, to leave their country in order to seek for a decent living condition, exposing themselves to the numerous risks and problems that this type of migration brings with it. A study of how the responsibility to protect can be an useful tool to prevent forced migrations taking human security as a goal to be guaranteed and sovereignty interpreted as a responsibility, not an absolute right of the sovereign. In addition, human security through the analysis of situations inherent to its absence will be considered as an important early warning system in the search for a way of action with fewer side effects by detecting human insecurities in the early stages. A briefly analyze of some specific cases where the responsibility to protect has been used or not, is important. However, the focus will be prognostic with focus on the potential of the concepts and principles, even if in the past they have been misused. As will be shown, many of the problems in applying the responsibility to protect came from political issues rather than from the concept itself.