Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:24:22Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2010-08-24Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T19:52:00Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 fernandes_vb_me_arafcl.pdf: 719928 bytes, checksum: 24b56332600d8f45f3e1a968b126ce81 (MD5) / Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP) / A presente pesquisa trata da relação racial no cotidiano escolar, segundo as percepções de seus atores, professores e alunos, em uma escola pública da cidade de São Carlos. Buscou-se com o estudo compreender questões que envolvem o racismo e a discriminação racial neste espaço de sociabilidade. Para a realização desta pesquisa, de abordagem qualitativa, foram utilizados dois tipos de instrumentos metodológicos: a) entrevista individual com professores e alunos; b) grupo focal, realizado somente com os professores. Os resultados sinalizam para a existência de preconceito e discriminação racial na relação entre os alunos, sendo os alunos negros as principais vítimas. Embora os dados analisados não mostrem o impacto exato da discriminação racial na vida dos alunos negros, permitem compreender como as relações estabelecidas na escola interferem na construção da identidade positiva entre os afrobrasileiros, na medida em que prejudicam sua auto-estima, que é minada diariamente, tanto pelas atitudes de seus pares quanto pela postura silenciosa dos educadores. A partir do diálogo com os professores foi possível evidenciar como ainda são minimizadas questões que envolvem a problemática racial no âmbito escolar, dada a minimização das ofensas de cunho racial entre os alunos e o desconhecimento por parte destes educadores da lei 10.639/03, que tem como intuito a construção e o fortalecimento da identidade afro-brasileira, a partir do reconhecimento do legado da história e cultura Afro-brasileira e Africana / This research deals with the race relations in the daily school life according to the perceptions of his actors, teachers and students in a public school of the city of São Carlos. The objective was understand issues regarding racism and racial discrimination in that area of sociability. For the achievement of the qualitative approach survey were used two types of methodological tools: a) individual interviews with teachers and students; b) focal groups conducted only with teachers. The results indicate the existence of prejudice and racial discrimination in the relationship between students, black students being the main victims. Although the data analyzed do not show the exact impact of racial discrimination in the lives of black students, they clarify how the relations established at the school interfere in the building of positive identity amongst the afro-brazilians insofar as they affect their selfesteem, which is mined daily by the attitudes of peers as well as by the silent posture of the educators. The dialogue with the teachers highlighted how far the racial issues are minimized at schools, given the minimisation of racially motivated offences among students and the educators’ ignorance of the Law 10.639/03, whose aim is the building and strengthening of afro-brazilian identity, by recognizing the legacy of Afro-brazilian and African history and culture

Submitted by WALTER DE OLIVEIRA CAMPOS null (walteroliveiracampos@itelefonica.com.br) on 2016-08-09T22:57:50Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Versão final - Repositório Unesp.pdf: 3116737 bytes, checksum: 4b2fc569d8c62c1a340ae404fab6b22a (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Ana Paula Grisoto (grisotoana@reitoria.unesp.br) on 2016-08-12T14:05:34Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 campos_wo_dr_assis.pdf: 3116737 bytes, checksum: 4b2fc569d8c62c1a340ae404fab6b22a (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-12T14:05:34Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 campos_wo_dr_assis.pdf: 3116737 bytes, checksum: 4b2fc569d8c62c1a340ae404fab6b22a (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-06-20 / Este trabalho tem como objetivo, por meio da análise da repercussão da Lei Afonso Arinos em jornais brasileiros entre os anos de 1950 a 1952, pensar sobre aspectos de natureza política e ideológica presentes nas representações dominantes da sociedade brasileira naquele momento histórico em relação à temática racial, os quais podem ter influído na formulação da referida lei e na sua recepção por diversos segmentos sociais. A análise parte do pressuposto de que as relações raciais no Brasil eram então marcadas simultaneamente por uma visão influenciada pelo mito da democracia racial brasileira e pela prática insidiosa de manifestações discriminatórias. Após o delineamento do quadro histórico e teórico necessário à compreensão da Lei Afonso Arinos em suas dimensões histórica, jurídica, política e ideológica, o trabalho se concentrará na abordagem da temática racial brasileira e da Lei Afonso Arinos em particular a partir da análise de matérias jornalísticas sobre tais assuntos, estabelecendo uma conexão entre as representações veiculadas pela imprensa brasileira naquele período e as determinações de ordem histórica e ideológica. A síntese conclusiva procurará relacionar tais representações e determinações com o perfil da Lei Afonso Arinos enquanto um diploma legal caracterizado pela preponderância de sua função simbólica sobre sua eficácia social. / By means of the analysis of the repercussion, in Brazilian newspapers between 1950 and 1952, of Law 1390/51, known as Afonso Arinos Law, the first Brazilian anti-discrimination law, this work aims to reflect on the political and ideological aspects, present in the predominant representations concerning racial thematic in Brazilian society at that historical moment, that may have influenced the formulation of the aforesaid law and its reception by different social segments. The analysis assumes that racial relations in Brazil were then marked by a view influenced both by the myth of racial democracy and the insidious practice of discriminatory manifestations. After outlining the historical and theoretical picture necessary for the understanding of the Afonso Arinos Law in its historical, juridical, political and ideological dimensions, this work concentrates on the approach of the Brazilian racial thematic and the Afonso Arinos Law in special from the analysis of the journalistic coverage of those subjects, establishing a link between the representations conveyed by the Brazilian press at that time and the historical and ideological determinations. It concludes with a synthesis that tries to relate such representations and determinations with the profile of the Afonso Arinos Law as an act characterized by the preponderance of its symbolic functions over its social effectiveness.

Orientador: Alberto Tsuyoshi Ikeda / Banca: Gisela Pupo Nogueira / Banca: Dilma de Melo Silva / Resumo: A partir da obra do violonista peruano Félix Casaverde, o presente trabalho disserta sobre as diversas tensões que perpassam o trabalho do referido músico e seu contexto político e cultural. Desde uma abordagem crítica das relações de poder na música, revisamos alguns aspectos da convivência social, atravessados pelas definições de racismo, discriminação e exclusão, que delimitaram a construção das alteridades na cidade de Lima, a capital do Peru, entre finais do século XIX e grande parte do século XX. Nesse marco histórico, apresentamos os conceitos de "Peru negro" e "Negro do Peru" com os quais comentamos o chamado "renascimento" afroperuano da década de 1950 e seus vínculos com os conceitos de negritude e afrodescendência influenciados, principalmente, pelos movimentos dos direitos civis nos Estados Unidos. No final, tenta-se traçar um elo entre as questões expostas ao longo da pesquisa e o relato contextualizado das músicas que povoam a memória do violonista. A análise da suíte composta por ele, Cuatro Tiempos Negros Jóvenes, se propõe como exemplo prático de sua síntese artística e política, em resposta aos sentidos e escalas de valor da interpretação e a estética cultural-musical do seu tempo. / Abstract: This dissertation elaborates on the various political and cultural tensions pervading the work of Peruvian guitarist Felix Casaverde. From a critical view of power relationships in music, I discuss aspects of social life crossed by definitions of racism, discrimination and exclusion, to delimit the construction of otherness in Lima, from the late nineteenth century through much of the twentieth. At this historic period, I will introduce the concepts of "Black Peru" and "Black of Peru" through which I will comment on the so-called afroperuvian "renaissance" in 1950s and its links to the concepts of blackness and African ancestry defined by the influence of the civil rights movements in United States. Finally, I attempt to draw a bridge between the issues explored during the research and a contextualized account of the songs in the memory of the guitarist. The analysis of a suite composed by him, Cuatro tiempos negros jóvenes, is proposed as a practical example of the way in which his artistic synthesis and policy were challenged by the meanings and value scales of cultural-musical interpretation and aesthetics of his time. / Mestre

Orientador: Ricardo Antunes / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-09T22:12:57Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Silva_JairBatistada_D.pdf: 12009906 bytes, checksum: 4b551bb6b47697c8ac666f82f50e41b7 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008 / Resumo: Esta tese discute como as duas principais centrais sindicais abordam o racismo no Brasil. O fio condutor utilizado foi a polêmica com a teoria do reconhecimento, cuja finalidade era tornar patente que as lutas por reconhecimento estão articuladas às lutas por redistribuição. Deste modo, a pesquisa evidenciou através de sistemática análise documental como a luta econômica, política e cultural se articulam no interior do sindicalismo brasileiro para sublinhar como os ativistas sindicais pensam o racismo, o preconceito e a discriminação racial. Em outros termos, demonstra-se como a luta de classe pode, e deve, se combinar com as lutas identitárias (lutas por reconhecimento) - especialmente a luta anti-racista -, com a finalidade de transformar práticas e culturas políticas arraigadas na tradição sindical. Por isso, a investigação deteve-se ainda sobre o conceito de classe social. A pesquisa analisou teses e resoluções de congressos, plenárias, documentos conjuntos, livros, jornais e revistas etc. Se o sindicalismo brasileiro tem passado, nos últimos anos, por profundas alterações, então aos dirigentes sindicais têm aparecido novas demandas: políticas, econômicas e culturais que provocam significativas mudanças na cultura política das entidades sindicais: lutas por igualdade de gênero, contra a discriminação e o preconceito racial, lutas contra o preconceito e discriminação aos homossexuais etc. impõem, em alguma medida, refazer toda uma tradição política e cultural para enfrentar esses amplos e renovados desafios. Assim, pelos resultados da pesquisa, foi possível concluir que a luta contra o racismo nas centrais limitou-se à garantia e ampliação de direitos. Desta forma, a luta anti-racista afastou-se paulatinamente de uma concepção classista, o que significou que as práticas e ações dos ativistas e das centrais sindicais permaneceram circunscritas à luta pela cidadania plena / Abstract: This dissertation explores how the two principal Brazilian trade unions (Central Única dos Trabalhadores and Força Sindical) address racism. The study utilized the theory of recognition, which argues that struggles for social recognition are linked to struggles for redistribution. Documentary research was directed at a comprehension of the relations between wider economic, political, and cultural conflicts and the inner workings of Brazilian syndicalism, to show how union activists conceive of racism and racial discrimination. The dissertation demonstrates that class struggles can, and should, combine with struggles for the recognition of social identities¿especially anti-racism movements¿in order to transform the traditional practices and political cultures of trade unions. To that end, the study also investigated conceptions of social class within the unions. Primary and secondary sources included resolutions of union congresses and plenary sessions, other union documents, books, theses, newspapers, and magazines. These sources show that, while Brazilian syndicalism has undergone profound change in recent years, union leaders are also being presented with a range of new demands that can significantly impact their own political culture: struggles for gender and racial equality, movements against the discrimination of homosexuals, et cetera, have the potential to both challenge and reinvent the unions¿ political and cultural traditions. Results of the study indicate that within these two trade unions, the anti-racism movement has gradually abandoned the class dimensions of its earlier initiatives to focus more narrowly on the general expansion of citizenship rights / Doutorado / Trabalho, Politica e Sociedade / Doutor em Ciências Sociais

Orientador: Mariza Corrêa / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-17T06:48:09Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Sakurai_Celia_D.pdf: 14978946 bytes, checksum: 0e25b00d4183fe32fd4056ff182e40a8 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2000 / Resumo: As condições sócio-históricas do país de origem podem estar intimamente ligadas a estratégias de fixação dos imigrantes no seu país de destino. No Brasil, os japoneses e seus descendentes têm a sua imagem pública ligada à agricultura. A noção de imigração tutelada ajuda a refletir sobre como o grupo imigrante japonês se fixa no país, e atende aos interesses do Japão no Brasil. Até a discriminação contra os japoneses é utilizada para construir uma marca postiva para o grupo / Abstract: Social-historic conditions of the country of origin may be closely related to immigrant s strategies into a new country. In Brazil, Japanese immigrants and their descendents developed a public image assaciated to agriculture. The idea oftuttelled migration helps us to better understand how the Japanese immigrants as a group simultaneously set up in Brazil, and meet the interests of Japan. Even the discrimination against the Japanese has been used to get a positive score to the group / Doutorado / Doutor em Antropologia

Orientador: Elisabete Monteiro de Aguiar Pereira / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Faculdade de Educação / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-05T18:07:34Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Camargo_EdwigesPereiraRosa_D.pdf: 732440 bytes, checksum: 63747ab1029ea5d655793e977a3e145e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2005 / Resumo: A presente pesquisa objetiva avaliar a presença do negro na universidade e as medidas governamentais propostas, tendo em vista ampliar o número de negros na educação superior. A pesquisa foi desenvolvida na PUC-Campinas, valendo-se de questionários aplicados aos acadêmicos do Programa de Pós- Graduação e dos cursos de Especialização e Graduação da Faculdade de Educação. Foram sujeitos da pesquisa 331 alunos os quais opinaram sobre ação afirmativa, cota, democracia racial, fornecendo dados quanto ao trabalho, aos cursos freqüentados anteriormente, à renda familiar e auto declaração quanto à cor, a fim de mapear-se o número de alunos negros na Faculdade de Educação. Como resultado, obtiveram-se estes dados: a faculdade de educação é freqüentada por uma maioria feminina e branca e o total de negros (a soma daqueles que se auto declararam de cor preta ou de cor parda) é de 61 alunos. Brancos e negros declararam a inoperância das cotas e questionaram as ações afirmativas dirigidas ao negro por julgarem a medida discriminatória / Abstract: This study aims to evaluate the presence of black students in the university, analyzing the measures proposed by the government for augmenting the number of black students in higher education. This research was proposed at the Catholic University of Campinas, using questionnaires answered by graduate, specialization and undergraduate students at the School of Education. Opinions on affirmative action, quotas, and racial democracy were emitted by 331 research subjects. Data was collected on work, previous university programs, family income and self declarations about color, in order to map out the number of black students in the School of Education. The results showed that the student body at the School of Education is made up primarily of white female students. The total number of black students (who declare themselves black or of mixed blood) is 61 students. Both black and white declare that the quota issue is not viable and they question affirmative actions directed towards the black population, as being essentially discriminatory / Doutorado / Doutor em Educação

A segregação socioeconômica da população negra brasileira remonta as relações sociais do período escravista até os dias atuais através do preconceito, da discriminação racial e do racismo institucional, naturalizado pelo contrato racial. Os negros sempre resistiram e lutaram contra o racismo e para a promoção da igualdade racial. O racismo midiático é disseminado pelas elites logotécnicas detentoras do poder simbólico da mídia. Contudo, a implementação de cotas sócio-raciais nas universidades públicas tem sido debatida de forma polêmica pelos meios de comunicação de massa. Este trabalho avalia o discurso da mídia sobre as políticas públicas de inclusão sócio-racial no período de abril a setembro de 2012. / The socioeconomic segregation of black people dating social relations of slavery period to the present day through prejudice, racial discrimination and institutional racism, the national racial contract. Blacks have always resisted and struggled against racism and to promote racial equality. The media racism is spread by the elite logotécnicas holding the symbolic power of the media. However, the implementation of socio-racial quotas in public universities has been debated polemic manner by means of mass communication. This paper evaluates the media discourse about public policies for social and racial inclusion in the period April to September 2012.

Magister Commercii (Industrial Psychology) - MCom(IPS) / The aim of this research study was to assess the existence and impact of career barriers on women in a municipal environment and to understand whether career salience explains some of the differences in the perception of career barriers. To answer the research hypothesis, permission was obtained from the municipal management to embark on the study and the respondents were notified in writing of the purpose and benefits of the study. A cross-sectional, convenience sample of 89 female employees in post levels one to ten was used. The survey questionnaire consisted of a demographical questionnaire, The Career Barriers Inventory-Revised (CBI-R) (Swanson, Daniels & Tokar, 1996) and a career salience scale. The statistical analyses included descriptive, inferential statistics and analysis of variance. The data was also subjected to a Scheffe’s test to determine the differences in perceptions. The results (N = 89) of this study do not support the hypothesis that there is a significant difference between age and women’s experiences of sex discrimination as a career barrier. The first and second hypothesis, which meant to prove a significant relationship between career salience and career barriers and a significant difference in women’s perceptions of career barriers based on their career salience, was partially accepted

Traditional policies dictate that Black-White multiracial people conform to monoracial minority status arising from Hypodescent (the “One-Drop Rule”) and White privilege. Despite some social recognition of Black-White persons as multiracial, racial microaggressions persist in daily life. Subtle racist acts (Sue, Capodilupo, Torino, Bucceri, Holder, Nadal, & Esquilin, 2007b) negatively impact multiracial identity development. Since 2007, studies have increasingly focused on the impact of racial microaggressions on particular monoracial ethnic groups. Johnston and Nadal (2010) delineated general racial microaggressions for multiracial people. This project examines the effects of racial microaggressions on the multiracial identity development of 11 part-Black multiracial university students, including the concerns and challenges they face in familial, academic, and social racial identity formation. Data were analyzed through a typological analysis and Racial and Multiracial Microaggressions typologies (Johnston & Nadal, 2010; Sue et al., 2007b). Three themes arose: (a) the external societal pressure for the multiracial person to identify monoracially; (b) the internalized struggle within the mixed-race person to create a cohesive self-identity; and (c) the assertion of a multiracial identity. Participants experienced Racial Microaggressions (Sue, 2010a; Sue et al., 2007b), Multiracial Microaggressions (Johnston & Nadal, 2010), and Monoracial Stereotypes (Nadal, Wong, Griffin, Sriken, Vargas, Wideman, & Kolawole, 2011). Implications included encouraging a multiracial identity, educating the school community, and eliminating racial microaggressions and stereotypes.

Extensive literature has documented The United Methodist Church’s’ (UMC) commitment to social justice. A current focus in the church is working with economically marginalized populations, including the 231,170 Black children and youth in Mississippi. To better understand adults that serve this population, I conducted an exploratory study to gather baseline data about UMC adults’ contemporary attitudes and beliefs about race, racism, and discrimination. A cross-sectional survey was administered at the 2017 Mississippi Annual Conference of The UMC. Using a critical race lens, I found that most of the attendees espoused moderate color-blind racial attitudes and beliefs about the frequency that low-income, Black youth experience racial discrimination. I suggest that espousal of these attitudes and beliefs may promote notions of white privilege or internalized oppression and may lead to increased acts of racial prejudice and discrimination when these adults interact with low-income, Black youth.