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[pt] O objetivo deste estudo é compreender o status da imprensa congolesa na era das Tecnologias da Informação e da Comunicação, em uma República Democrática do Congo ocupada pelos poderes patrimonialistas por meio de seus proxs, notadamente o Ruanda, o Uganda, alguns congoleses. Com base em uma análise de conteúdo, abrangendo o período de 2018 a 2020, e numa perspectiva das teorias de agenda setting e ecologia das mídias, é necessário sublinhar que, do ponto de vista da análise qualitativa usando o software Nvivo 14, a imprensa congolesa é ao mesmo tempo papagaiótica, híbrida e crítica. A análise quantitativa de conteúdo, pelo contrário, permite estabelecer um fio condutor que estrutura o conjunto da imprensa congolesa: desde a colonização até o hoje, a imprensa congolesa é fundamentalmente thuri-papagaiótica (retransmitindo fielmente o discurso do ator sociopolítico, elogiando-o). Com exceção de uma parte da imprensa pré-independência que anunciava o início da biocomunicação, ou seja, uma abordagem jornalística que coloca a vida, os seres vivos, o ambiente no qual e com o qual eles vivem, o interesse geral, a busca pela verdade e o bem-estar ético do jornalista no centro de toda a atividade comunicacional, a imprensa congolesa, no seu conjunto, retransmite e repete quase fielmente o discurso de qualquer ator sociopolítico que deseja divulgar sua ação. É quase impossível libertar o Congo com as mídias thuri-papagaióticas desejas pelas potencias patrimonialistas a fim de adormecer, emburrecer o povo e perpetuar a ocupação do Congo e, consequentemente, o sofrimento do povo. Mas não é possível ficar indiferente perante o drama do povo congolês. É por isso que pomos a libertação do Congo pelas mídias como uma obrigação, uma urgência e uma necessidade existencial a partir da prática do que denominamos biocomunicação. Nesse sentido, em uma perspectiva de liberação de si, compromisso e apropriação das TICs, as mídias do Pequeno resto do Congo deveriam ser dialógicas, verdadeiras, independentes, críticas, performativas, capazes de imaginação e criatividade. A tragédia da República Democrática do Congo não parece ser fatalidade. Mas é difícil ter uma RD Congo libertada sem jornalistas heroicos. Daí a importância do heroísmo jornalístico e da biocomunicação. / [en] The aim of this study is to understand the status of the Congolese press in the age of Information and Communication Technologies, in a Democratic Republic of Congo occupied by patrimonialist powers through their proxies, notably Rwanda, Uganda, some Congolese. On the basis of content analysis, covering the period from 2018 to 2020, and from the perspective of agenda setting and media ecology theories, it is necessary to note that, from the point of view of qualitative analysis using Nvivo 14 software, the Congolese press is at once perroquetic, hybrid and critical. Quantitative content analysis, on the other hand, enables us to establish a common thread running through the Congolese press as a whole: from colonization to the time of this study, the Congolese press is fundamentally thuri-perroquetic (faithfully transmitting the discourse of the socio-political actor by praising him). With the exception of a part of the pre-independence press that heralded the beginning of biocommunication, i.e. a journalistic approach that puts life, living beings, the environment in which and with which they live, the general interest, the search for truth and the ethical well-being of the journalist at the heart of all communicative activity, the Congolese press, as a whole, relays, repeats almost faithfully the discourse of the most high-profile socio-political actors. It is virtually impossible to liberate the Congo with the thuri-perroquetic media designed by the patrimonialist powers to numb and dumb down the people and perpetuate the occupation of the Congo and, consequently, the suffering of the Congolese people. But it is impossible to remain indifferent to the tragedy and misery of the Congolese people. That s why we see the liberation of the DR Congo through the media as an obligation, an emergency and an existential necessity, based on the practice of what we call biocommunication. In this sense, to liberate the DR Congo, in a perspective of self-liberation, commitment and appropriation of ICTs, the media of the Petit reste du Congo should be dialogical, truthful, independent, critical, performative, heroic, capable of imagination and creativity. The tragedy of DR Congo is not inevitable. But it is difficult to have a liberated DR Congo without heroic journalists. Hence the importance of journalistic heroism and biocommunication.

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2012. / Includes bibliography / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Conflicts are a prevalent phenomenon in Africa. Of major wars after the Second World War, many occurred on the African continent. Families go to bed not sure of seeing one another on the following day. Conflicts and the lack of peace in Africa have been correctly identified as a major obstacle on the emancipation path that the African masses tread from poverty, underdevelopment and much want. Africa thus needs to take conflict resolution and the maintenance of peace on the continent seriously. One cannot, in any way, attempt to solve something that one does not understand. Research is, thus, important in the search for a peaceful Africa. In expression of such sentiments, the current study was undertaken to gain an understanding of peacemaking in the Southern African Development Community (SADC) region. The study seeks to make a comparative analysis of Namibia’s peacemaking role in this region. Such was wanting or minimal in the literature on Namibia. The study considered two case studies, those of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and Angola. The study found that Namibia is not only an active participant in SADC peacemaking, but it has contributed to the return of peace and stability in the region; the country played an important role in peacemaking in both the DRC and Angola. It found various similarities and differences between the two case studies. It was established that Namibia takes a twofold approach to peacemaking for it engaged in both diplomatic and military actions. Additionally, the study found that Namibia’s peacemaking role, in the cases considered, was conducted in a secretive manner. This is to say that the approach was somewhat secretive albeit becoming public knowledge later. While all cases are regarded as successful in terms of objectives vis- à-vis results analysis, the study found that the Angolan peacemaking was more successful than the DRC. This comparative analysis is, therefore, presented for those seeking to understand Namibia’s peacemaking in the region and also as a basis for future studies. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Konflik is ʼn algemene verskynsel in Afrika. Van die grootste oorloë sedert die Tweede Wêreldoorlog het op die Afrikavasteland plaasgevind. Gesinne gaan saans bed toe sonder om te weet of hulle mekaar die volgende dag sal sien. Konflik en die gebrek aan vrede in Afrika word met reg bestempel as ʼn groot struikelblok vir die Afrikamassas se bevryding van armoede, onderontwikkeling en uiterste gebrek. Afrika behoort dus erns te maak met konflikbeslegting en die handhawing van vrede op die vasteland. Tog kan ʼn mens nie eintlik iets probeer oplos indien jy dit nie volkome begryp nie. Navorsing is dus belangrik in die strewe na ʼn vreedsame Afrika. Hierdie studie is derhalwe onderneem om ʼn begrip te bied van vredestigting in die Suider-Afrikaanse Ontwikkelingsgemeenskap- (SAOG-)streek. Meer bepaald bied die ondersoek ʼn vergelykende uiteensetting van Namibië se rol in vredestigting in die SAOG-streek – ʼn onderwerp waaroor daar tot dusver weinig, indien enigiets, in literatuur oor Namibië te vinde was. Die studie ondersoek twee gevallestudies, naamlik die Demokratiese Republiek van die Kongo (DRK) en Angola. Die navorsing bevind dat Namibië nie net ʼn aktiewe deelnemer aan SAOG-vredestigting is nie, maar ook tot die herstel van vrede en stabiliteit in die streek bygedra het; die land het ʼn belangrike rol in konflikbeslegting in sowel die DRK as Angola gespeel. Verskeie ooreenkomste en verkille tussen die twee gevallestudies het uit die navorsing na vore gekom. Dit blyk dat Namibië ’n tweeledige benadering tot vredestigting volg: Die land onderneem diplomatieke sowel as militêre optrede. Verder het die studie bevind dat Namibië sy rol as konflikbeslegter in die twee gevalle wat ondersoek is op ’n skugter manier vervul het. Dit is om te sê dat die benadering was ietwat geheimsinnig al is dit besig om openbare kennis later. Hoewel alle gevalle as geslaagd beskou kan word aan die hand van die oogmerke en die uiteindelike uitkomste, het die studie bevind dat vredestigting in Angola geslaagder was as in die DRK. Hierdie vergelykende uiteensetting word dus aangebied vir diegene wat Namibië se benadering tot vredestigting in die streek wil verstaan, en dien terselfdertyd as grondslag vir toekomstige studies.

La participation active des enfants aux conflits armés affectant de manière endémique les territoires de la République du Congo et de la RDC est une réalité indéniable. Cette participation des enfants est dûment constatée par les organismes des Nations Unies, le CICR, les ONG de défense des droits de l’Homme, les médias internationaux. Elle est dénoncée par eux comme violation grave des droits de l’Homme et comme crime de guerre. La théorie du choix rationnel et le paradigme interactionniste sont les outils qui permettent le mieux d’appréhender et de comprendre les logiques des recruteurs d’enfants dans les deux Congo.Les seigneurs de la guerre, les leaders des groupes politico-militaires et certains chefs des armées régulières sous-estiment volontairement le phénomène de militarisation des enfants qui n’a cessé de prendre de l’ampleur avec la résurgence des conflits à l’Est de la RDC. Bien que le phénomène ait des origines anciennes, la militarisation de l’enfant dans les deux Congo lui a fait connaître une évolution considérable au cours des deux dernières décennies. Cette évolution a engendré des modifications profondes de l’image et de la fonction de ces enfants, passés du statut de victimes civiles, à celui d’enfants-soldats, indissociablement victimes et bourreaux.L’histoire des deux Congo, depuis longtemps émaillée de conflits sporadiques, semble être désormais entrée dans un cycle continu de guerres larvées ou déclarées, civiles, régionales, ethniques, sociopolitiques, économiques, voire vivrières, que seul l’enrôlement des enfants permet d’entretenir. L’enfant-soldat est devenu un acteur central des conflits actuels de la région. Comment évaluer et comprendre cette évolution fondamentale des conflits congolais ? Quelles perspectives de solution à ce phénomène ? Quelle prophylaxie?Pour éviter que perdure l’enrôlement des enfants, et obtenir la démobilisation de ceux qui servent déjà dans les rangs des armées régulières et des groupes armés de tous bords, l’implication réelle des responsables politiques nationaux et internationaux dans le processus « Désarmement, Démobilisation et Réinsertion » de l’ONU et l’Union Européenne, ainsi qu'une action concertée, rapide et efficace de la Communauté Internationale, sont indispensables. Il s’agit notamment de lobbying sur les Chefs des Armées Nationales et sur les seigneurs de la guerre, pour qui la perspective d’éventuelles poursuites de la Cour Pénale Internationale, et leurs conséquences, constitue une des rares menaces crédibles. / It has become an undeniable reality that the active involvement of children in armed conflict is an endemic problem affecting the countries of the Republic of Congo and the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). The participation of children has been condemned by the United Nations Organisation, the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC), international human rights Non-Governmental Organisations (NGOs), and the international media, because of the human rights violations involved and war crimes perpetrated. Rational choice theories and interactionist paradigm can be used to analyse the logic of the forced recruitment of children in the two Congos. The war barons, the leaders of the politico-military groups and some of the chiefs of the national armies underestimate the phenomenon of the participation of children in armed conflict, which is on the rise with the re-emergence of fighting in the Eastern part of the Democratic Republic of Congo. While the recruitment of child soldiers is nothing new, the role of children in combat has evolved considerably over the past two decades. This evolution has brought about profound changes in the way these children are perceived and used; from being seen as civil victims of the conflicts to being seen as child soldiers -concomitantly victims and perpetrators.The history of the two Congos, which have been beset over a long period with sporadic fighting, seems to have entered into a cycle of simmering conflicts and all-out war having civil, regional, ethnic, socio-political, and economic dimensions. The armies would be, without the forced recruitment of children, too thinly spread to continue these conflicts. The child soldier has therefore become a principal actor in the region. How can we evaluate and understand this fundamental evolution of the Congo conflicts? What solutions can be envisaged to this phenomenon? What can be done to prevent it? Which counter-measures can be undertaken?Real commitment from the national and international political leaders in the Disarmament, Demobilisation and Reintegration (DDR) process of the United Nations and the European Union, as well as quick and efficient concerted action from the international community is required to prevent the continued enrolment of children, and to obtain the demobilisation of those who served in the armies and the armed groups in both countries. This involves lobbying the army chiefs and the war barons, for whom the prospects of being arrested and appearing before the International Criminal Court, and the consequences of subsequent sentencing constitute a real threat.

This study on "The road to constitutionalism and democracy in post-colonial Africa: the case of the Democratic Republic of Congo" revolves around a major research problem: What has been the road to constitutionalism and democracy in Africa since independence and how can constitutionalism and democracy be established and consolidated on the African continent? The importance of the problem and its implications for the life of millions of African people and the state of the literature still dominated by persons foreign to Africa make constitutionalism and democracy one of the most fascinating and challenging intellectual projects, particularly among African scholars. This work is a contribution to the development of knowledge and to the building and consolidation of constitutionalism and democracy in Africa. It revisits and critically examines the concepts and the various discourses and voices we have heard form both inside and mostly outside the continent. It highlights the African struggle, explores the major trends, and stresses the challenges and prospects for constitutionalism and democracy in Africa. The Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) is a case study. The research deals with the unfinished struggle of the people of the Congo and explains why the Congo has gone from DRC to DRC via Zaire, from one crisis of the Congo in the 1960s to another crisis of the Congo since the early 1990s and why the DRC history has been rehearsing in a vicious circle of coups and countercoups, rebellions, unsuccessful national conferences, authoritarian and unconstitutional regimes. Central to the crisis in many African states, including the DRC, is the crisis of constitutionalism and democracy and the failure of the post-colonial state. The study ends with the conclusion that constitutionalism and democracy also belong to Africa and constitute a prerequisite for African survival and renaissance. / Constitutional and Public International Law / LL.D.

The mission of the Gareganze's Brothers in Christ Church facing the chaos of the socio-political situation in DRC resulting mostly from the question of the Congolese nationality is to dynamise the christian mission and to protect the poor, set free the captives, because God is always at their side. The DRC, though, has enormous natural resources and the competent human resources capabilities. The national institutions seem to be unable to handle this situation because of the lack of political culture, mismanagement and moral untidiness. The successive Congolese crises mostly are the same, the common denominator resides in the causes that brought them about. The main objectives of the antagonist groups are political leadership and material wealth. The findings of our analysis will help the Church of Christ in Congo, to fulfill the prophetic mission and the vision of God, for the positive transformation of the Congolese society. / Christian Spirituality, Church History and Missiology / M. Div. (Missiology)

This dissertation explores the need to involve churches in mission according to the Lord Jesus Christ, whose mission was indeed holistic and comprehensive. To achieve this goal, the study calls upon churches to move from a “maintenance Christianity” status, which has been almost a way of life for churches, to a holistic and comprehensive approach to mission. Practically speaking, this is to be illustrated through a case study of churches in the North Kivu Province of the Democratic Republic of the Congo. The churches in this part of the world present many challenges that sustain such an exploration, namely, misunderstanding regarding mission, lack of well-skilled and visionary church leaders, maintenance Christianity mentality, spirit of tribalism among Christians, and poverty. The study concludes with practical recommendations on how the issues raised through the dissertation can be applied to a broader field than the churches in the North Kivu Province. / Christian Spirituality, Church History & Missiology) / M. Th. (Missiology)

Le dimanche 1er janvier 2012, la République Démocratique du Congo devenait le 48ème Etat africain sur 54 à se doter de la TVA. C’est une ordonnance –loi, du 20 août 2010, prise sur habilitation législative et complétée par un décret du 22 novembre 2011 qui a fait de ce pays le dernier géant du continent à opérer la transition fiscale voulue par le FMI. Il a fallu dix ans de travaux au sein de la DGI, en participation avec les professionnels et sous le contrôle permanent d’un représentant à demeure du FMI et de missions semestrielles de contrôle, pour que cet impôt s’applique au total à 5600 contribuables ayant plus de 80 000 dollars de chiffre d’affaires, avec une espérance d’arriver à 15 000 assujettis dans un pays aux60 millions d’habitants.Par conséquent, si l’élaboration progressive et participative de cette TVA est une réussite intégralement administrative, puisqu’à part une brève consultation du Sénat, le Parlement n’ a pas eu la possibilité d’émettre un consentement, même après sa réélection en 2012, lorsqu’il a fallu compléter le régime initial , avec un droit d’option par exemple, au bout d’un an d’une gestion qui a posé les difficiles problèmes attendus, pour le traitement comptable des remboursements de crédits d’amont, une question iconoclaste reste posée : était ce vraiment une nécessité que d’avoir une TVA dans un pays où la guerre endémique sévit à l’Est ? Certes les autres pays africains l’ont. Le modèle RDC de la TVA introduite, s’inspire d’ailleurs largement de ce qui se fait dans le continent, avec des seuils d’imposition, des exonérations et une unicité de taux que l’on retrouve en d’autres pays et qui est conforme aux prescriptions de directives harmonisatrices d’unions régionales . Mais mis à part la contrainte du FMI quine laisse pas le choix, même avec des rentrées fiscales nettement améliorées, par rapport à celles de l’ancienne taxation du chiffre d’affaires,n’aurait il pas été plus efficace d’aller à l’audace d’une mutation de la technologie des droits de douane , pour les rendre déductibles, tout en les conservant, au lieu de s’aligner sur la solution classique de leur réduction et de leur suppression, avec en compensation l’introduction précisément d’une TVA ? C’est ce changement de paradigme dans la politique fiscale que cet ouvrage propose en final d’un bilan critique de l’introduction de la TVA. / Sunday 1 January 2012, the Democratic Republic of Congo became the 48th African state of 54 to adopt VAT. This is an order-law of 20 August 2010, taken on enabling legislation and supplemented by a decree of November 22,2011 that has made this country the last giant of the continent to the transition tax required by the IMF. It took ten years of work within the DGI, in participation with professionals and under the constant supervision of a representative of the IMF andremains biannual mission control for this tax applies to all taxpayers in 5600with more than 80 thousand dollars in revenue, with a hope of reaching15,000 subjects in a country with 60 million inhabitants.Therefore, if the progressive development and the participatory VAT isa full administrative success, since a part from a brief consultation with the Senate, Parliament has not been able to issue a consent, even after his reelection in 2012 when it came to complete the original plan, with a right ofoption for example, after a year's management who posed difficult problems expected for the accounting treatment of loan repayments upstream,iconoclastic a question remains unanswered: was it really a necessity to havea VAT in a country where war rages endemic to the east?While other African countries have. The DRC model of VAT introduced alsodraws heavily on what happens in the continent, with tax thresholds,exemptions and uniformity of rates found in other countries and complies withguidelines harmonizers’ regional unions. But apart from the stress of the IMFleaves no choice, even with tax revenues significantly improved compared tothe old taxation revenue, would not it have been more efficient to go to the audacity of a changing technology tariffs to make them tax-deductible, while keeping them instead to align itself with the classical solution of their reduction and deletion, with the introduction of compensation precisely a VAT?This is a paradigm shift in fiscal policy that this book offers a critical final of the introduction of VAT.

By research and interpretation of official documents published by the Swedish Ministery for Foreign Affairs and the Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency (Sida), this thesis aims to understand and shine a light on the symbols that shape the Swedish public aid culture and how these symbols function in a narrative of what Swedish aid to the Democratic Republic of Congo is and is not. The theoretic framework leans on both the symbolic/interpretative anthropology of Edward Bruner, Clifford Geertz and Sherry Ortner; Omar Lizardo's more contemporary writing on the power of symbols; and Jerome Bruner's psychological perspective on symbols. The conclusion is that Swedish public aid appears to use a set of symbols and a narrative anchored in arbitrary parts of Sweden's and Congo's mutual history to conjure up the image of a dark and dangerous Congo in contrast to the knowledgable and good Sweden.

En 2001, la République Démocratique du Congo s’est vigoureusement engagée avec le soutien de diverses organisations internationales pour réduire la pauvreté à partir de la stratégie de croissance. Dix ans plus tard, ce pays pointait à la dernière place du classement réalisé par le Programme des Nations unies pour le développement (PNUD) en fonction de l’indice du développement humain (IDH) des pays. En marge, ont émergé et se sont développées de multiples initiatives locales fondées sur des stratégies relationnelles et dont certaines sont présentées dans ce travail. Alors que la stratégie officielle contre la pauvreté a échoué, la société a survécu et évolue. En partant de ce constat, cette étude découvre que les approches conceptuelles et les solutions à la base de la lutte contre la pauvreté sont souvent réductrices. Elles se doublent malheureusement souvent d’une certaine tendance à oublier que toute pauvreté n’est pas qu’à combattre : la pauvreté anthropologique – qui est celle de notre condition fragile – est souvent oubliée, la pauvreté volontaire est reléguée au second rang. Finalement, cette étude montre qu’il ne faut pas trop simplifier le problème de la pauvreté afin de redonner du sens aux actions entreprises pour la combattre, et ainsi étendre la portée de ces actions. Cette question du sens est un élément décisif pour bien appréhender la lutte contre la pauvreté : avoir une vision réductrice d’une action revient à en diminuer considérablement la portée. La lutte contre la pauvreté aujourd’hui doit pouvoir redonner du sens à la vie en ayant une vision intégrale de l’existence humaine, intimement liée à l’anthropologie que présente le message chrétien. / In 2001, The Democratic Republic of Congo strongly committed itself, with the support of diverse international organizations, to reduce poverty based on the economic growth strategy. Ten years later the nation found itself at the bottom of the countries produced classification by The United Nations Development Program of the Human Development Index (HDI). Besides that program, several local initiatives have come out and developed, based on relational strategies, some of which are presented in this work. While the official strategy against poverty has failed, the society has survived and progressed. Based on this statement, this study discovers that the conceptual approaches and solutions at the base of the fight against poverty often are constricting. Unfortunately, these restrictive attitudes multiply themselves with some tendencies which tend to forget that all kind of poverty isn’t to be fought : the anthropological poverty – which is that of our fragile condition – is often omitted and voluntary poverty is often relegated to the second place. Finally, this study shows that the poverty problem should not be simplified with the intention of giving sense to the actions adopted to fight it, and in this way extend the scope of these actions. This question of sense is decisive in viewing the fight against poverty : a simplistic vision of an action, means, indeed, a considerable reduction of its scope. Today, the fight against poverty should be capable of giving sense to life incorporating an integral vision of the human existence, intimately related to the anthropology presented by the Christian message.