This research analysis is an investigative effort at applying a methodological theory of Islamic extremism to Britain's far-right. Using four assigned categories-the defined 'puzzle pieces' of Hafez and Mullins theory-the research presented will draw heavily from recent history and contemporary societal examples to demonstrate how far-right radicalisation takes place. By looking at grievances, ideology, networks and enabling environment the aim of such an exercise is to demonstrate the intricate processes involved in radicalising someone to support far-right parties and ideologies. One of the most important themes of this analysis is the increasing politicisation of 'culture' by both the government and the far-right. Consequently, there will be discussion on Britain's Prevent programme and the far-right's adaptability in using culture to promote a 'new racism' that presents itself as different from traditional, fascist styles of Othering.

This dissertation addresses the question of the foreign policy views of the leading spokespeople for the Religious Right in the United States since the end of World War II. The analysis begins with the early years of the Cold War, focusing on the religious overtones that quickly became part of America's efforts at confronting Soviet communism. The fight against "godless" communism led to an increased emphasis on the religious character of the United States. This emphasis on religion elevated the prestige of religious conservatives, granting them a voice in both domestic and foreign policy matters. The dissertation examines how during the 1970s many religious conservatives believed that the United States had entered a period of spiritual decline. This view had a direct impact on their foreign policy views because they connected their perception of this domestic moral decay with their fears concerning what they saw as America's international decline during this same period. The dissertation discusses the specific foreign policy views of religious conservatives on issues such as defense spending, nuclear buildup, détente, foreign aid, and the end of the Cold War. It also describes how those in the Religious Right worked to find common cause with other groups within the growing conservative coalition. An analysis of their specific views demonstrates that religious conservatives often used their views on foreign-policy issues as ways to build stronger ties with, and strengthen their position in, the conservative coalition. Finally, the dissertation shows that the religious beliefs, eschatological views, and political considerations of religious conservatives led those individuals to put great emphasis on the United States' relationship with, and support for the State of Israel throughout the Cold War. After the Cold War ended, members of the religious right continued to emphasize the importance of American-Israeli relations, partially in an effort to maintain some level of relevance and credibility on foreign policy issues, and partially because the new global war on terror realigned American international priorities in a way that once again made Israel a key ally against the "forces of evil" in the world.

Pre-Emptive Right in the Civil Code Abstract This thesis deals with the institute of pre-emptive right both in theoretical terms and in valid legislation. The main objective of this work is to describe the institute of pre-emptive right in such a way that it is possible to draw attention to the issues which arise in connection with this institute and to outline possible solutions where appropriate. However, in order to describe the practical aspects of the pre-emptive right, it is also necessary to describe the pre-emptive right in theoretical level. Following the objectives set, the work is divided into five chapters. The first chapter of the thesis deals with the theory of pre-emptive right where space is left to some theoretical constructions, with the theory defining five possible constructions in particular. The work also describes possible motives leading to the negotiation of the pre-emptive right, which can be divided into motives of the defence and motives leading to the acquisition. Furthermore, the elements of the pre-emptive right and its division are described. The second chapter serves as the theoretical basis for the next chapters. The second chapter deals with the origin of the concerned institute and its historical development in civil codes, and part of this chapter discusses other pre-...

The purpose of this study is to examine right-wing alternative media's framing of politics. This is examined by applying a method based on the framing theory, called Issue, game and scandal. The material consists of political news articles from these media during the 2018 election campaign in Sweden (13 August to 9 September), which in turn are either classified as issue news, game news or scandal news. The study uses the following five sites: Samhällsnytt, Nya Tider, Samtiden, Nya Dagbladet and Nyhetsbyrån. The study shows that alternative right-wing media frame politics as a scandal most times, followed by game and then issue. The results from the study are then compared with traditional media's framing of politics during the same period of time, where it shows that alternative right-wing media frame politics as scandal to a much greater degree than traditional media do, and that issue and game framings occur significantly less often on alternative right-wing media. The study also tries to explain how the differences between alternative right-wing media and traditional media can be understood, where press ethics and populism seem to be the key attributes. / Syftet med denna uppsatsen är att undersöka alternativa högermediers gestaltning av politik. Detta undersöks genom att applicera en metod som baseras på gestaltningsteorin - Sak, spel och skandal. Materialet består av politiska nyhetsartiklar från dessa medier under den svenska valrörelsen 2018 (13 augusti till 9 september), som i sin tur antingen klassificeras som saknyhet, spelnyhet eller skandalnyhet. I undersökningen används följande fem sajter: Samhällsnytt, Nya Tider, Samtiden, Nya Dagbladet och Nyhetsbyrån. Undersökningen visar att alternativa högermedier gestaltar politik som skandal flest gånger, följt av spel och sen sak. Resultatet från undersökningen jämförs sedan med traditionella mediers gestaltning av politik under samma tidsperiod, där det framgår att alternativa högermedier gestaltar politik som skandal i betydligt högre grad än vad traditionella medier gör, samt att sak- och spelgestaltningar förekommer betydligt färre gånger på alternativa högermedier. Dessutom redogörs det för hur skillnaderna mellan alternativa högermedier och traditionella medier kan förstås, där pressetik och populism bidrar med förklaringen.

Äganderätten till skog är ett ofta återkommande tema i den svenska debatten om skogen. Denna studie undersökte upplevelsen av brukanderätt till skog hos privata skogsägare i Sverige, Norge och Finland. För att uppnå syftet studerades respektive lands skogsbrukslagar, och en skogsägare i varje land intervjuades. Studien är en kvalitativ fallstudie där respondenternas svar analyserades baserat på respektive lands skogsvårdslagstiftning.  Resultatet visade att de tre länderna har liknande skogsvårdslagar, där produktion och miljö är jämställda mål. Skogsägarna i alla tre länderna har liknande processer att följa vid skogsbruksåtgärder och har stor frihet under ansvar. De intervjuade skogsägarna upplevde inte att deras brukanderätt var begränsad utan kunde bruka sin skog efter eget tycke inom de lagstiftade ramarna.

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The main research question of this thesis is how history is used for political gain by the far-right in Finland. The aim is to study not only the use of history but, rather, specifically, the patterns of that use. Two theories have been utilized. The first is the far-right as a milieu, as presented by Colin Campbell in the cultic milieu theory, which would shed light on the fragmentation of the milieu. And the second is the waves theory by David C. Rapoport, which would shed light on the persistence of far-right violence and militancy through time. I have utilized Pieter Geyl’s analysis of the use of history in identifying patterns of use even though it is not considered a theory per my knowledge. Methods applied are content analysis, netnography, comparative and discourse analysis. Through the utilization of these theories and methods applied to the source material, I have found that the Finnish far-right uses history in six different ways, which are centralized around both the use of national history and the predecessor’s history.

This study investigates the relationship between the current migration crisis in Europe and the escalation of far-right voting which has been witnessed since it's beginning. In order to do so this study utilized correlation experiments and detailed case studies to explore the relationship between legislative vote shares and asylum applications for the years 2009-2017 in the EU member states of Hungary, Germany, France, Greece and the UK. Control variables of GDP, unemployment and terrorist attacks have also been utilized to measure alternative causes of far-right voting. Results of these experiments vary quite a bit from state to state - finding differing potential causal factors in each case study. Germany, France and the UK show results which indicate that an increase in asylum applications potentially influence far-right voting habits. Greece does not show this type of result, but does show correlation with control variables. Hungarian experiments however do not produce correlation with any variables tested, but has the strongest presence of far-right activity which may indicate that Hungarian far-right success is attributed to their long history of far-right activity.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:30:31Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Fernanda de Siqueira Picado.pdf: 1114289 bytes, checksum: 718384af31a9f294fb1e77d9314c22a7 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-06-15 / This study was aimed to analyse the principle of the human being' s dignity and the effectiveness of the right to health, including the current debate regarding the Judiciary Role to implement them. The content of the human dignity principle enables to identify the relation between it's essential nucleus and the right to health. Social right of the second generation of the fundamental human rights, the right to health is guaranteed by the Federal Constitution, which recognizes its public relevance, that is, the immediate applicability of the norms that assure the solidarity of the public authorities and their responsibility of providing people's health. Furthermore, the court cases, which include the access and supplies of medicines, were also looked into in order to present the actual discussions about the effectiveness of the right to health. Hence, it was also mentioned some of the main objections of the Judiciary performance' ~nd how they can be overcome. Through the study of the minimun threshold and its intrinsic relation to the core of human dignity, it is enhanced the elevance to preserve health and worthy life. Due to the legislation in force, the Judiciary performance the right to health, because this right is an subjective public right and so it may be required judicially. On the contrary, the Judiciary is thought to be under penalty of violating the essence of the Federal Constitution / Este trabalho dedica-se à análise do princípio da dignidade da pessoa humana e da efetividade do direito à saúde, incluindo o atual debate acerca do papel do Poder Judiciário para a sua efetivação. O conteúdo do princípio da dignidade da pessoa humana permite identificar a estreita relação entre o seu núcleo essencial e o direito à saúde. Direito social da segunda geração de direitos fundamentais, o direito à saúde está garantido pela Constituição Federal, a qual reconhece a sua relevância pública, aplicabilidade imediata das normas que o abrigam e a solidariedade dos entes públicos no dever de cuidar da saúde das pessoas. Serão também analisados alguns entendimentos jurisprudenciais, relacionados com o acesso e fornecimento de medicamentos, tendo como escopo apresentar as discussões travadas atualmente com relação à efetividade do direito à saúde. Serão mencionadas algumas das principais, objeções à atuação do Poder Judiciário e de que forma podem ser superadas. Assim,é por meio do estudo do mínimo existencial e de sua intrínseca relação com o núcleo da dignidade da pessoa humana, onde está obrigatoriamente o direito à saúde é que se pode chegar à conclusão de que o direito à saúde é um direito público subjetivo, podendo ser exigido judicialmente. Mais do que isso, sendo necessário preservar a saúde e a vida digna, o Judiciário deve garantir tal direito, sob pena de estar descumprindo a essência da Constituição Federal

Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-10T10:47:19Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 BELIZA MARTINS PINHEIRO CAMARA.pdf: 867402 bytes, checksum: 319ff89c13dce1d986d2ece60cb3d3b0 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-08-25 / The environment ecologically balanced is a fundamental human right, essential to quality of life. There are numerous international human rights treaties and environmental law that establish a parallel between them, guarding them in supporting the community. As a border perennial and sensitive its characteristic and protect the common heritage of humanity, the right to environment requires a progressive and community responsibility protection. The objective of this work is showing the meaning of the principle of prohibition of environmental setback in international environmental law and our legal system for the protection of the progress made both in international treaties and conventions, and in the legislative arena in the environmental field, ensuring the right to a healthy and balanced environment for present and future generations. The method used was the hypothetical-deductive, with the qualitative approach to the problem, starting from the most general to the specific concepts through literature (books, magazines, articles and internet) instituting a correlation between the presenting problem and purpose of this study. The prohibition of retrogression is found on some instruments to which Brazil is a signatory. It is a principle that can be applied as a source of environmental law, as a jus cogens, of equipment recognized hierarchy, allowing greater protection of their values over others. The analysis results permit to conclude the consecration of the right to the environment as a fundamental constitutional right , human right , and the degradation or reverse its protection endanger the right to life , not being allowed to delete or decrease the levels achieved to date. / O meio ambiente ecologicamente equilibrado é um direito humano fundamental, essencial à qualidade de vida. Existem vários tratados internacionais de direitos humanos e direito ambiental que aparam o meio ambiente, protegendo-o em prol da coletividade. Na qualidade de transfronteiriço, por sua característica perene e sensível e por tutelar patrimônio comum da humanidade, o direito ao meio ambiente requer uma proteção progressiva e de responsabilidade comunitária. O objetivo do presente trabalho é mostrar a importância do princípio da proibição do retrocesso ambiental no direito ambiental internacional e em nosso ordenamento jurídico, para a proteção dos avanços alcançados tanto nos tratados e convenções internacionais, quanto na esfera legislativa em matéria ambiental, garantindo o direito ao meio ambiente sadio e equilibrado, para as presentes e futuras gerações. O método utilizado foi o hipotéticodedutivo, com a abordagem qualitativa do problema, partindo-se de conceitos mais gerais até os específicos, através de pesquisa bibliográfica (periódicos, livros, revistas, artigos e páginas da internet) estabelecendo uma correlação entre o problema apresentado e objetivo desse estudo. A proibição do retrocesso é encontrada em alguns instrumentos dos quais o Brasil é signatário. É um princípio que pode ser aplicado como fonte do direito do ambiental, por ser um jus cogens, de hierarquia material reconhecida, possibilitando maior proteção de seus valores em detrimento de outros. Os resultados da pesquisa possibilitaram concluir a consagração do direito ao meio ambiente como direito constitucional fundamental, direito humano, e a degradação ou retrocesso de sua proteção colocam em risco o direito à vida, não sendo permitido suprimir ou diminuir os patamares alcançados até o presente momento.