Since the beginning of the 21st century China has constantly stressed multilateralism as an important part of its foreign policy. This might be perceived as a significant shift from longtime favored unilateralism and bilateralism in conducting its foreign relations and a new pattern of action in China`s response to global affairs. This thesis examines the phenomenon of multilateralism in Chinese foreign policy, especially in terms of its main incentives and different interpretations. The hypothesis is based on assumption that China`s more active participation in the international organizations and increasing involvement in global affairs do not necessarily indicate China has embraced the concept of multilateralism entirely. In order to explore ambiguous dimensions of Chinese multilateralism, thesis focuses on China`s policy at United Nations Security Council. It concludes that the principal limitation of Chinese multilateralism is China`s strong adherence to the principle of state sovereignty, which has also affected China`s behavior as a permanent member of the United Nations Security Council.

Šiame magistriniame darbe autorė analizuoja Jungtinių Tautų taikos misijų teisinį reglamentavimą. Autorės iškeltas darbo tikslas – išanalizuoti taikos misijų rūšių teisinius pagrindus, pamatinius taikos principus ir atskleisti praktikai būdingas problemas. Darbą sudaro dvi dalys. Pirmosios dalies pirmame poskyryje pateikiamas Jungtinių Tautų taikos misijų istorinis vystymasis nuo Šaltojo karo iki šių dienų, išskiriamos skirtingos taikos misijų rūšys. Antrame poskyryje analizuojamas Jungtinių Tautų taikos misijų rūšių teisinis pagrindas, trečiajame ‒ atribojama pagrindinių Jungtinių Tautų organų kompetencija, vykdant saugumo politiką. Analizei naudojama Jungtinių Tautų Chartija, Tarptautinio Teisingumo Teismo praktika. Ketvirtajame poskyryje autorė pateikia trijų pamatinių taikos principų turinio analizę. Antroji dalis skirta praktinėms taikos misijų problemoms. Analizuojant Jungtinių Tautų Organizacijos oficialius dokumentus, pateikiamos tradicinių taikos misijų Konge, platesnio masto taikos misijų Bosnijoje ir Afganistane esminės teisinio pagrindo ir pamatinių taikos misijų principų taikymo problemos. Paskutiniame poskyryje analizuojamas Lietuvos valstybės dalyvavimas taikos misijose: a) pateikiama nacionalinių teisės aktų, susijusių su Lietuvos dalyvavimu taikos operacijose teisinė analizė; b) Lietuvos vadovavimas Afganistano Goro provincijos atkūrimui. Darbo pabaigoje autorė pateikia teisinio reglamentavimo ir praktinių problemų išvadas. Pagrindinės praktikoje sutinkamos... [toliau žr. visą tekstą] / In this paper the author performs analysis of United Nations peacekeeping legal regulation. The author’s goal ‒ to analyze legal basis of different kinds of peacekeeping operations, fundamental peacekeeping principles and disclose typical problems in practice. The work is divided in two parts. First part begins with section devoted to historical development of peacekeeping missions ‒ from the Cold War to the present, and classification of peacekeeping missions. In the second section the author analyses legal basis of different types of peacekeeping operations. The third section comprises separation of powers of the main United Nations organs, while conducting security policy. Furthermore, the author analyses The Charter of The United Nations and the practice of The International Court of Justice. The fourth section consists of content analysis of three substantial peacekeeping principles. In the second part the practical peacekeeping challenges are analysed. The author reviews Official United Nations documents and raises problems related to application of legal basis and fundamental principles of traditional peacekeeping in Congo and wider peacekeeping operations in Bosnia and Afghanistan. The second part is concluded by legal analysis of Lithuanian participation in peacekeeping operations: a) national legislation related to the participation in peacekeeping operations b) Lithuania’s leadership in one of Afghanistan province – Ghor ‒ reconstruction. At the end, the author... [to full text]

L’adoption de la Charte des Nations unies à San Francisco le 26 juin 1945 et son entrée en vigueur le 24 octobre de la même année a matérialisé la volonté des Vainqueurs d'éviter une troisième catastrophe à l'humanité. Cet accord a eu la bénédiction des super puissances et scellé la naissance d'une Organisation à vocation universelle qu'est l'ONU, susceptible de faire asseoir des instruments nécessaires pour pallier aux manquements de la défunte SDN. Aussi, cette naissance est perçue comme le parachèvement de l'évolution du droit international, ayant édifié, non seulement une structure plus solide, mais aussi capable d'encadrer l'usage de la force par les États. Par ailleurs, cet encadrement est confié au Conseil de sécurité, son organe le plus puissant dans la mesure où il est le seul compétent pour constater la violation par un État de ses obligations en matière de respect de la paix et de la sécurité internationales. Cependant, les critiques sont de plus en plus nombreuses à son égard. En effet, dans son ossature actuelle, il paraît obsolète, car n'est pas en phase avec les réalités géopolitiques et économiques du moment. Depuis plusieurs décennies, des propositions de réforme ont été suggérées sans pourtant parvenir à un consensus au niveau des États membres, plus spécifiquement des membres permanents du Conseil. Ce mémoire vise premièrement à effectuer une analyse des différentes propositions puis deuxièmement à présenter une formule de « sortie de crise ». Des deux types de propositions que nous avons identifiés (Groupes de travail vs Groupes d'États), à l'exception de l'équipe « Unis pour le consensus », préconisent à l'unanimité la modification de la catégorie des membres permanents. Notre analyse révèle que les principaux privilèges, à savoir le droit de véto et la permanence au Conseil de sécurité constituent les points d'achoppement de la réforme dans la mesure où leur modification reviendrait à amoindrir les prérogatives du club des cinq. À cet effet, nous courons le risque de nous engager dans une solution utopique. Pour notre part, nous avons souhaité la solution de la « régionalisation de la sécurité », c'est-à-dire, confier les opérations de maintien de la paix et de la sécurité de chacune des régions du monde à son organisation correspondante. Pour y parvenir, il est primordial de renforcer les pouvoirs desdites organisations, afin d'avoir toute l'autonomie nécessaire dans les prises de décisions dans la prévention et la gestion de ces différents conflits régionaux. / The adoption of the Charter of the United Nations in San Francisco on June 26, 1945 and its entry into force on October 24 of the same year have materialized the will of the winners of World War II to avoid a third catastrophe to humankind. The Charter had the blessing of the great powers and sealed the birth of an organization that would replace the defunct League of Nations and be authentically universal. The birth of the UN was also seen as the completion of the development of international law in relation to the use of force by States. The jurisdiction on such an issue was granted to the Security Council, the most powerful organ of the UN. It is the only jurisdiction competent to decide on a breach by a State of its obligations in respect to peace and international security. However, in its current structure, the Security Council is not in line with the geopolitical and economic realities of the new international community and seems thus obsolete. For several decades, reform proposals have been put forward by States or groups of States. Yet no consensus has been reached, and particularly among the permanent members of the Council. This thesis carries out an analysis of the different proposals for the reform of the Security Council. With the exception of the team " Uniting for Consensus " initiative, several proposals recommend changing the permanent membership category. Our analysis shows that the privileges granted to the permanent members, namely the right of veto and the permanent status at the Security Council, are the sticking points of the reform as any change would be to undermine the prerogatives of the Famous Five. After an analysis of these proposals, a solution promoting the "regionalization of peace and security" and the granting of jurisdiction of peacekeeping and security operations to regional organizations is brought forward. To achieve this, it is essential to strengthen the powers of these organizations and grant them with the autonomy necessary to allow them to prevent and manage regional conflicts.

The aim of the work is to analyze the concepts of humanitarian intervention and responsibility to protect (R2P) with special emphasis on their development in the light of the ongoing Syrian crisis. The text follows the evolution of humanitarian intervention into R2P and introduces theoretical assumptions behind both concepts. It is argued that at the moment, R2P does not bring particularly novel concepts into the international law and can be generally described as a hybrid of legal, political and moral obligations. Consequently, the text includes a case study of the Syrian conflict and an evaluation of the way R2P has been applied during the crisis. Final section of the work is devoted to a suggestion of a new solution for R2P - responsibility while protecting.

Magister Legum - LLM

O artigo analisa o padrão de votação e de proposição de resoluções da China no Conselho de Segurança das nações Unidas, com o objetivo verificar se o aumento das capacidades de poder deste país tem levado a alterações do seu comportamento neste órgão. / This article analyses the patterns of China\'s voting and submissions of draft resolution IN the Security Council, in order to see if China\'s increasing power capabilities has influenced its behavior on this board.

O objetivo central desta tese é o de analisar a participação de Organizações Não Governamentais (ONGs) internacionais nas políticas e práticas do Conselho de Segurança das Nações Unidas (CSNU) voltadas às agendas temáticas Crianças e Mulheres. Com base no estudo de duas coalizões, Watchlist on Children and Armed Conflict e NGO Working Group on Women, Peace and Security, busca-se examinar o panorama político e normativo que condiciona a atuação das ONGs, bem como as estratégias específicas utilizadas por elas para adentrar no domínio de paz e segurança internacionais. Pretende-se discutir se as ONGs estão presentes nas discussões do órgão e, caso afirmativo, em que medida suas estratégias influenciam as decisões estatais. A metodologia empregada foi a análise dos documentos divulgados pelas coalizões e das resoluções aprovadas pelo CSNU. Além disso, foram realizadas entrevistas com funcionários das coalizões e das missões estatais para entender como funcionam as relações entre as ONGs e o CSNU. A partir das perguntas de pesquisa e da metodologia empregada, o estudo discutiu proposições teóricas sobre a possibilidade de os atores não estatais interferirem nas deliberações intergovernamentais. Sugere-se que o enquadramento das ideias e normas, a formação de coalizões e a mobilização por meio de redes de advocacia criam estímulos que aumentam as chances de os ativistas influenciarem as decisões dos Estados-membros do CSNU. As conclusões desta tese permitem considerar, de um lado, a participação das ONGs num espaço tradicionalmente fechado à sua presença e, de outro, o desenvolvimento do CSNU, com destaque às adaptações que viabilizaram uma maior aproximação com as ONGs. / The aim of this thesis is to analyze the participation of international Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) in the policies of the United Nations Security Council on Children\'s and Women\'s issues. Based on the study of two coalitions, Watchlist on Children and Armed Conflict and NGO Working Group on Women, Peace, and Security, it seeks to examine the political and normative framework that conditions the performance of NGOs. Furthermore, it looks at specific strategies used by them to enter into the field of international peace and security. The intention is to verify if NGOs are present in the discussions of this body and, if so, to what extent they influence state\'s decisions. From these research questions, the study discusses theoretical propositions about the possibility of non-state actors\' interference in intergovernmental deliberations. It suggests that framing of ideas and norms, the formation of coalitions and the mobilization through advocacy networks increase the likelihood of an impact on the decisions of member states. The conclusions allow us, firstly, to reflect upon the participation of NGOs in a space traditionally closed to their presence and, secondly, to visualize the development of the UNSC, highlighting some adaptations that led to a greater proximity with NGOs.

Este trabalho tem dois grandes objetivos: analisar a intervenção internacional ocorrida na Líbia em 2011 pelas perspectivas do direito internacional e das relações internacionais, e tratar da atual conjuntura do país no pós-intervenção. Quanto ao primeiro objetivo, aborda-se toda a evolução do uso da força no sistema internacional até o desenvolvimento do conceito de Responsabilidade de Proteger, que constitui o ponto de confluência da longa tradição de guerra justa, do adensamento normativo do direito internacional (sobretudo do jus ad bellum e do jus in bello), da ampliação das atribuições do Conselho de Segurança da ONU e das transformações dos conflitos armados. Após, verificam-se as resoluções aprovadas entre fevereiro e outubro de 2011, sobretudo a Resolução 1973, que autorizou o uso da força para a proteção de civis. Passa-se a estabelecer os limites jurídicos do mandato interventor, visando a determinar se as ações dos Estados mandatados se coadunaram com os parâmetros jurídicos existentes. Nesse sentido, recorre-se ao contexto político no Conselho de Segurança da ONU existente na aprovação da Resolução 1973 e no decorrer da intervenção. Conclui-se que a coalition of the willing violou a Resolução 1973 e o direito internacional ao promover mudança de regime, ao fornecer aos rebeldes armamentos ofensivos e treinamento militar, bem como ao coordenar-se com eles, ao bombardear civis, ao rejeitar propostas de paz da União Africana após a proteção a Benghazi e ao procurar derrotar militarmente o regime de Kadafi. Em seguida, estudam-se as políticas externas dos Estados-membros permanentes do Conselho de Segurança da ONU em 2011, tanto suas diretrizes gerais quanto os objetivos específicos para o Oriente Médio e a Líbia. São analisadas as razões por que Estados Unidos, França e Reino Unido decidiram intervir e por que não houve vetos de Rússia e China. Quanto ao segundo objetivo, estuda-se a atual situação da Líbia, a fim de verificar as principais causas de sua presente instabilidade, bem como os fatores por que Estados mandatados pouco se comprometeram com a reconstrução do país após a intervenção. Apontam-se como fatores de instabilidade a proliferação de grupos armados fora de efetivo controle estatal, fronteiras porosas aliadas a crescimento de tráficos e contrabando, vazio institucional desde a independência, hesitante identidade nacional e constante dicotomia centro-periferia. Iniciativas de reconstrução pós-conflito tampouco constituíram norma jurídica a obrigar os Estados. Alto custo financeiro e político de missões de paz/estabilização (capacetes azuis), a exemplo daquelas no Afeganistão e Iraque, em contexto de crise econômica, falta de apoio popular nos principais Estados mandatados e entre as novas lideranças líbias contribuíram para missão da ONU de baixo perfil. Eventos na Líbia de 2011 indicam que intervenções para proteção de civis seguem lógica de maximizar benefícios pretendidos e minimizar custos (Rationality to Protect). Spillover regional da instabilidade e novas intervenções internacionais na Líbia pós-2011 seguido de Mea culpa das principais lideranças dos Estados mandatados. / This research has two objectives: to analyse the 2011 international intervention in Libya through the lenses of both international law and international relations, and to discuss Libya\'s post-intervention political process. Regarding the first objective, the historic evolution of the use of force in international law until the development of the concept of Responsibility to Protect is discussed. Responsibility to Protect is the point into which the long tradition of just war, the development of international law (especially the rules of jus ad bellum and jus in bello), the growing responsibilities of the UN Security Council in the maintenance of world peace and security, and the changing nature of armed conflicts converge. Also, all the resolutions passed by the UN Security Council between February and October 2011 are examined in detail, especially Resolution 1973, which authorised the use of force to protect civilians in Libya, in order to verify if the actions of the states that took part in the intervention were consistent with the existing legal parameters. In this regard, the political context of the UN Security Council when Resolution 1973 was passed and during the intervention is taken into consideration. It is therefore concluded that the coalition of the willing violated Resolution 1973 and international law by promoting regime change, by sending weapons to the rebels, by training and coordinating with them, by bombing civilians, by rejecting the African Union peace overtures after Benghazi was secured, and by pursuing the military defeat of Gaddafi\'s forces. Moreover, the foreign policies of the five permanent members of the United Nations Security Council are analysed, including the strategies concerning the Middle East and North Africa, as well as those concerning Libya in 2011. Thus, the motives that led the United States, France, and Great Britain to push for intervention, as well as those that drove Russia and China to abstain, are explained. As for the second objective, the current political situation of Libya is analysed, especially the reasons for its post-intervention instability, as well as the causes of the intervening states\' lack of commitment to post-conflict reconstruction. Libya\'s political instability derives mostly from the proliferation of armed groups that are not placed under effective government control, from porous borders, from the growth of human and drug trafficking as well as smuggling routes, from the inexistence of strong state institutions since independence, from a hesitant national identity, and from a constant dichotomy between centre and periphery. Post-conflict reconstruction does not constitute a binding legal obligation. High financial and political costs of peace/stabilisation operations, like those in Afghanistan and Iraq, economic crisis, lack of popular support in the leading members of the coalition of the willing and among new Libyan leaders contributed to a low-key UN mission. Interventions to protect civilians are influenced by political calculations of minimising risks and maximising benefits (Rationality to Protect). Libya\'s instability has spread to its neighbours and new international interventions have taken place in the country, as the leaders of the 2011 intervening states have recognised their mistakes.

Este trabalho procura investigar a revitalização da teoria da guerra justa nas suas formas tradicional e na Filosofia Política Contemporânea. Assim como a sua influência, dentro de um fenômeno amplo de moralização do Direito Internacional Público, acerca dos casos polêmicos sobre o uso da força armada, em especial as intervenções humanitárias e a legítima defesa antecipatória. Analisa a recepção destas idéias na doutrina do Direito Internacional, da Filosofia do Direito Internacional e nas Comissões Internacionais que trataram do uso da força armada nos últimos anos. / This work wants to investigate the revitalization of the theory of just war in its traditional way and in Contemporary Political Philosophy. As such as its influence, inside the matter of moralization of International Law, on the polemical cases about the use of armed force, especially humanitarian interventions and anticipatory self-defense. Analyses the reception of these ideas on the doctrine of International Law, Philosophy of International Law, and International Commissions which dealt with the use of armed force in the last years.

Este trabalho tem dois grandes objetivos: analisar a intervenção internacional ocorrida na Líbia em 2011 pelas perspectivas do direito internacional e das relações internacionais, e tratar da atual conjuntura do país no pós-intervenção. Quanto ao primeiro objetivo, aborda-se toda a evolução do uso da força no sistema internacional até o desenvolvimento do conceito de Responsabilidade de Proteger, que constitui o ponto de confluência da longa tradição de guerra justa, do adensamento normativo do direito internacional (sobretudo do jus ad bellum e do jus in bello), da ampliação das atribuições do Conselho de Segurança da ONU e das transformações dos conflitos armados. Após, verificam-se as resoluções aprovadas entre fevereiro e outubro de 2011, sobretudo a Resolução 1973, que autorizou o uso da força para a proteção de civis. Passa-se a estabelecer os limites jurídicos do mandato interventor, visando a determinar se as ações dos Estados mandatados se coadunaram com os parâmetros jurídicos existentes. Nesse sentido, recorre-se ao contexto político no Conselho de Segurança da ONU existente na aprovação da Resolução 1973 e no decorrer da intervenção. Conclui-se que a coalition of the willing violou a Resolução 1973 e o direito internacional ao promover mudança de regime, ao fornecer aos rebeldes armamentos ofensivos e treinamento militar, bem como ao coordenar-se com eles, ao bombardear civis, ao rejeitar propostas de paz da União Africana após a proteção a Benghazi e ao procurar derrotar militarmente o regime de Kadafi. Em seguida, estudam-se as políticas externas dos Estados-membros permanentes do Conselho de Segurança da ONU em 2011, tanto suas diretrizes gerais quanto os objetivos específicos para o Oriente Médio e a Líbia. São analisadas as razões por que Estados Unidos, França e Reino Unido decidiram intervir e por que não houve vetos de Rússia e China. Quanto ao segundo objetivo, estuda-se a atual situação da Líbia, a fim de verificar as principais causas de sua presente instabilidade, bem como os fatores por que Estados mandatados pouco se comprometeram com a reconstrução do país após a intervenção. Apontam-se como fatores de instabilidade a proliferação de grupos armados fora de efetivo controle estatal, fronteiras porosas aliadas a crescimento de tráficos e contrabando, vazio institucional desde a independência, hesitante identidade nacional e constante dicotomia centro-periferia. Iniciativas de reconstrução pós-conflito tampouco constituíram norma jurídica a obrigar os Estados. Alto custo financeiro e político de missões de paz/estabilização (capacetes azuis), a exemplo daquelas no Afeganistão e Iraque, em contexto de crise econômica, falta de apoio popular nos principais Estados mandatados e entre as novas lideranças líbias contribuíram para missão da ONU de baixo perfil. Eventos na Líbia de 2011 indicam que intervenções para proteção de civis seguem lógica de maximizar benefícios pretendidos e minimizar custos (Rationality to Protect). Spillover regional da instabilidade e novas intervenções internacionais na Líbia pós-2011 seguido de Mea culpa das principais lideranças dos Estados mandatados. / This research has two objectives: to analyse the 2011 international intervention in Libya through the lenses of both international law and international relations, and to discuss Libya\'s post-intervention political process. Regarding the first objective, the historic evolution of the use of force in international law until the development of the concept of Responsibility to Protect is discussed. Responsibility to Protect is the point into which the long tradition of just war, the development of international law (especially the rules of jus ad bellum and jus in bello), the growing responsibilities of the UN Security Council in the maintenance of world peace and security, and the changing nature of armed conflicts converge. Also, all the resolutions passed by the UN Security Council between February and October 2011 are examined in detail, especially Resolution 1973, which authorised the use of force to protect civilians in Libya, in order to verify if the actions of the states that took part in the intervention were consistent with the existing legal parameters. In this regard, the political context of the UN Security Council when Resolution 1973 was passed and during the intervention is taken into consideration. It is therefore concluded that the coalition of the willing violated Resolution 1973 and international law by promoting regime change, by sending weapons to the rebels, by training and coordinating with them, by bombing civilians, by rejecting the African Union peace overtures after Benghazi was secured, and by pursuing the military defeat of Gaddafi\'s forces. Moreover, the foreign policies of the five permanent members of the United Nations Security Council are analysed, including the strategies concerning the Middle East and North Africa, as well as those concerning Libya in 2011. Thus, the motives that led the United States, France, and Great Britain to push for intervention, as well as those that drove Russia and China to abstain, are explained. As for the second objective, the current political situation of Libya is analysed, especially the reasons for its post-intervention instability, as well as the causes of the intervening states\' lack of commitment to post-conflict reconstruction. Libya\'s political instability derives mostly from the proliferation of armed groups that are not placed under effective government control, from porous borders, from the growth of human and drug trafficking as well as smuggling routes, from the inexistence of strong state institutions since independence, from a hesitant national identity, and from a constant dichotomy between centre and periphery. Post-conflict reconstruction does not constitute a binding legal obligation. High financial and political costs of peace/stabilisation operations, like those in Afghanistan and Iraq, economic crisis, lack of popular support in the leading members of the coalition of the willing and among new Libyan leaders contributed to a low-key UN mission. Interventions to protect civilians are influenced by political calculations of minimising risks and maximising benefits (Rationality to Protect). Libya\'s instability has spread to its neighbours and new international interventions have taken place in the country, as the leaders of the 2011 intervening states have recognised their mistakes.