The first chapter discusses the general concepts of self-government and modern approaches to determining potential. The quality of education of foreign students in universities of the Russian Federation is also described. The analysis of the experience of student government bodies of Russian and a foreign university in improving the quality of education of foreign students is presented. The second chapter analyzes the activities of the SOUN UrFU. The analysis of the study of the social portrait of a foreign student of UrFU (on the example of students from Kyrgyzstan) is carried out. The factors affecting the quality of education of foreign students are identified. The SOUN program has been developed to improve the quality of education of foreign students of UrFU for 2020-2023. Developed measures aimed at improving the quality of education of foreign students are proposed. / В работе рассмотрены общие понятия самоуправления и современные подходы к определению потенциала, описано качество образования иностранных студентов в вузах Российской Федерации. Приведен анализ опыта органов студенческого самоуправления российских и зарубежных вузов в повышении качества образования иностранных студентов. Проведен анализ деятельности СООН УрФУ. Проведен анализ исследования социального портрета иностранного студента в УрФУ (на примере студентов из Кыргызстана). Выявлены факторы, влияющие на качество образования иностранных студентов. Разработана программа СООН по повышению качества образования иностранных студентов УрФУ на 2020-2023 годы. Предложены разработанные мероприятия, направленные на повышение качества образования иностранных студентов.

The aim is to answer the question of whether effective control mechanisms exist in the Czech Republic which would guarantee the fulfilment of legal regulations by municipalities and regional authorities dealing with public property. It is also my aim to explore whether such control mechanisms result from the constitutionally guaranteed rights to local government and, if they do, to what extent they may be incorporated in the Czech legislation. My diploma thesis is based on specific case studies, the case law of general courts and the current jurisprudence of the Czech Constitutional Court. After the description of the current state of affairs in the Czech Republic, I further focus on the definition of the control mechanisms of local governments in Czechoslovakia between the two world wars (1918 - 1938) and partly also during the Austro-Hungarian Empire. This diversion leading to this era has been selected to reflect the efforts to resume the local government traditions in the context of the renewal of the local government scheme in the Czech Republic after 1989. It is proven towards the end of the historical survey that unlike today, there were effective control mechanisms available before World War II, with several alternatives. The thesis also compares the legal regulations beyond the control...

This thesis describes the position of local government units in the Czech Republic. It focuses mainly on decision regional bodies makers in delegated force and separate force. The theoretical part describes the basic concepts used in the work, decision making in public service and regional development and local government in the European context. The analytical part characterizes different regional bodies. They are evaluated in terms of its scope and powers of decision. There are identified risks that may arise from this organization. The system of organs is presented on the example of Region in the current election period 2008 - 2012.

De nombreux jeunes « héritiers » aux pratiques culturelles diversifiées empruntent les nouveaux cursus d’apprentissage institutionnalisés des « musiques actuelles », d’autres en revanche, persistent à rester en marge, persuadés que l’esprit de contre-culture des années cinquante à soixante-quinze (du rock au punk) ou plus récemment de subculture spécifique au rap et aux musiques électroniques (house, techno…) ne sauraient suivre les chemins d’un enseignement formel et sous contrôle de l’adulte éducateur sans risquer de perdre leur âme et leur essence. C’est à ces adolescents que cette étude s’intéresse. Nous nous proposerons d’analyser les enjeux culturels, sociaux et éducatifs liés à leur pratique à travers leurs trajectoires, leurs intérêts et leurs stratégies par une approche articulant la théorie et le processus biographique. Nous appréhenderons les interactions qui se jouent en situation de pratique de la musique en groupe autonome et nous nous demanderons si cette dernière induit un « autre » mode de socialisation ou si elle participe encore à travers le refus des jeunes musiciens à entrer dans un système de scolarisation, à la désocialisation annoncée. Nous verrons que si les pratiques musicales issues du rock et de l’underground furent historiquement un moyen pour la jeunesse de s’opposer au monde adulte à travers la remise en question du modèle de la société de masse, elles participent aujourd’hui d’une esthétisation de la vie, d’une quête d’authenticité et d’identité à travers le groupe, autant que d’une appropriation du monde que l’on infiltrera plus qu’on ne le combattra en utilisant en particulier les nouveaux outils de communication. Cette étude décrit comment la pratique de groupe des musiques amplifiées pour peu qu’elle se déroule dans un cadre de jeu libre, peut influer sur le processus de formation identitaire de l’adolescent et permettre son inscription dans le monde social dans sa double dimension de verticalité (rapport à la tradition et à la socialisation primaire) et d’horizontalité (rapport à la culture générationnelle). Nous nous demanderons d’une part quelles sortes de compétences techniques et musicales, le fait de « jouer de la musique ensemble » permet d’élaborer et d’autre part quels sont les enjeux de l’expérience de cette émancipation intellectuelle et musicale. Cette recherche articule ainsi la dimension de singularité et d’universalité dans la construction de l’individu au regard de son expérience pragmatique de l’art. / “Modern musics”, aesthetics with moving out lines excluded until today from the national musical training centers are for a short time put in the middle of a process of institutionalization with their becoming in the music schools and beyond that, in the “schoolish form” through their assimilation of customs, rites and codes although adapted to this new styles still pledge allegiance to a normative légitimation system, source of stipulated or prohibited behaviors. More and more young “heirs” with diversified cultural practices choose these degree courses for amateur or professional musicians, others on the other hand still stay cut off from the system. In this study, we will take an interest in those who develop their practices of “modern musics” out off formal schoolish educational surroundings and we suggest to analyze the cultural, social and educative stakes of the type(s) through their trajectories, interests and strategies out from the institutionalized and didactical form. We try to find through an ethno methodological approach which will allow us to understand as the interactions between the characters as the musical practices staid until today cut off the cultural legitimity, if these practices introduce “another socialization form”.

Esta tese aborda um conjunto variado de práticas que constituem modos sensíveis de criação infantil, que fazem parte um processo mais amplo de psicologização das camadas médias ocorrido nas últimas décadas no Brasil. Trata-se de uma pesquisa etnográfica na qual se transitou por diversos espaços vinculados ao “parto ativo”, à “criação com apego” e à educação engajada de crianças. Inicialmente, argumento que a noção de apego, ao (re)configurar o choro infantil como manifestação de um comportamento natural de agenciamento do bebê por vínculo afetivo e contato corporal, opera uma configuração totalizante que entrelaça o corpo ao ambiente. Nesse sentido, o ambiente e as relações experimentadas pela criança recobram um papel fundamental, sendo produzidos dois “tipos” de ambiente. Um capaz de atuar com intensidade sobre a criança de modo a conformá-la, representado pelas noções de aculturação, transmissão e socialização. E outro que opera de maneira mais sutil, em comunhão com a capacidade de a criança agenciar sua própria aprendizagem a partir de seus gostos, desejos, necessidades, percepções e sentimentos, que tem no horizonte o desenvolvimento da autonomia. Tentando escapar da reprodução de dualismos como natureza/cultura e indivíduo/sociedade, volto minha atenção para as práticas cotidianas a fim de investigar como essa aprendizagem acontece e como os adultos se recriam enquanto criam seus filhos, evidenciando as gramáticas emocionais em jogo. Por fim, argumento que práticas de criação infantil nas quais são criticadas a disciplina e a normalização, ao passo em que são exaltados o protagonismo, a liberdade e a autonomia (em suma, o governo de si), podem estar articuladas a outros modos mais sutis de governar os outros. / This dissertation approaches a set of practices that constitute what I have called sensitive modes of child rearing, as part of a broader psychologization process of the middle classes seen in Brazil in the last decades. I conducted ethnographic research among different spaces linked to “active birth”, “attachment parenting” and engaged child education. Initially, I argue that the notion of attachment, as it (re)configures infant crying as a manifestation of a natural behavior of baby agency towards affective bond and bodily contact, operates a totalizing configuration that interweaves the body and the environment. In this sense, the environment and the relationships experienced by the child play a fundamental role, producing two "types" of environment: one able to act intensely upon the child in order to conform it, represented by the notions of acculturation, transmission and socialization; and another that operates more subtly, in communion with the child's ability to organize his/her own learning from his/her tastes, desires, needs, perceptions and feelings, which has on the horizon the development of autonomy. Avoiding the reproduction of dualisms such as nature/culture and individual/society, I turn my attention to everyday practices to investigate how this learning happens and how adults recreate themselves as they raise their children, evidencing the emotional grammars at play. Finally, I argue that child-rearing practices in which discipline and normalization are criticized, while protagonism, freedom, and autonomy (in short, selfgovernment) are exalted, may be articulated in other, more subtle ways to govern others.

In 1995, the Palestinian Authority (PA) was established as an interim Palestinian government on shreds of land within the West Bank and Gaza. One of the new authority’s lesser-known administrative mandates is protection of the environment from pollution. Though the PA was to have a semblance of “self-rule,” the Oslo Accords that established the PA also stipulated that the latter seek Israeli approval when building most large-scale infrastructures—including those designed to manage waste. Meanwhile, emergent ideas about the environment defined it as a limitless expanse. The environment projected out from PA enclaves on thirty percent of the land in all directions—including into the air above and into the subterrain below. The Accords projected environmental responsibility into Israel proper as well as into areas it “shares” with Palestinians in the occupied territories. As a consequence, Palestinian waste infrastructures are objects of concern not only to the Palestinian communities they are designed to serve but also to the Israeli state, to Israeli settlements, to regional neighbors and to foreign donors in far-flung offices who are concerned with “environmental security.” This dissertation investigates a series of multimillion dollar PA projects aimed at protecting what came to be called the “shared” environment through management of Palestinian wastes. In doing so it analyzes the tension between the insistence, on the one hand, that the PA govern “its” population within strictly defined borders as part of a hierarchical system of nested sovereignties in which Israel’s is the superior form, and the imperative, on the other hand, that this territorially-defined, officially interim government perform care for the territory’s longterm ecological future. It tends to be taken for granted that Oslo produced a period of separation by enclosing the West Bank and Gaza and cleaving them off from Israel proper. Millions of West Bank Palestinians are no longer permitted to work in, travel through or even visit Jerusalem or Israel. Israel has prohibited Israeli citizens’ entry into PA areas of the West Bank. This allows PA areas to appear relatively autonomous—insofar as they are viewed as separate from Israel. But in a number of significant ways, Israel continues to control and to direct the daily experiences and future possibilities of West Bank Palestinians. Separation and control are thus equally accurate characterizations of Palestinians’ experiences post-Oslo. This dissertation contends that their particular combination in the post-Oslo period has allowed people living in the West Bank to experience PA governance as what, borrowing a term I heard there, I call a phantom state (shibih dowlah). Palestinians see the limits of PA autonomy vis-a-vis Israel and the PA’s many donors. The PA is specter-like: an appearance without stable material follow-through. People nevertheless treat the PA as a matter-of-fact, tangible part of their lives: as an address for appeal, requests and complaints, as a distinct entity upon which responsibility, blame and, very occasionally, even praise is bestowed. Studies of garbage at the turn of the twenty-first century show that modern waste has the capacity to destabilize and to undermine political systems because of the risks it is perceived to pose and because of the difficulty of keeping it stable and contained. Unlike water, oil and electricity, waste is an infrastructural substrate whose flows should move out from inhabited areas rather than into them. As mobile, abject matter that perpetually threatens the environment, it requires constant monitoring. It is managed at regional scales. In the Palestinian context, waste therefore reveals some of the spatial-geographical complexities that render the treatment of separation and control as an either/or dynamic impossible to sustain. It also reveals the ways in which believing both separation and control to be true for the people experiencing them in combination means living, working and planning within a logic of constant contradiction. Waste is not the only infrastructural substrate that reveals the Mobius strip of separation and connectedness of the post-Oslo period. But waste and its infrastructures are uniquely useful for showing the impossibility and the partialness of a politics of separation more broadly in an emergent era of environmental securitization. This dissertation thus analyzes an incommensurable tension in what Achille Mbembe has called a “late-modern colonial occupation” that operates in the style of older forms of indirect colonial rule. That tension renders governance of people and territory both difficult and incoherent. It produces environmental hazards while seeking to eliminate them. And it performs major political displacements among colonized and colonizers alike.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-03-15T19:34:25Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Juliana Mongon Petroni.pdf: 891182 bytes, checksum: d7decc8c64ba4ec85cdddc1bfafeb137 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-08-18 / The proposal of this study is to present and discuss issues related to the apparent paradox of constitutional democracy demonstrated by Frank Michelman. Based on Post's ( procedural democracy ) and Dworkin's ( democracy as a right ) ideas, Michelman seeks to demonstrate the "paradox of constitutional democracy", i.e., on the one hand, for the procedural view, it is stated that there won't be a democracy if the contents of the basic law can not be decided by the people and, second, it seeks to withdraw from the political decisionmaking process the content of a democratic regime. Those Michelman's studies brought a huge impact on constitutional doctrine and made Jünger Habermas pronounce himself about this issue. Habermas, analyzed the main ideas presented by Michelman and demonstrated that, in fact, these are complementary notions, not a paradox. This interesting debate between Habermas and Michelman brought a big impact for democracies that, created by a Constitution, established limits on popular sovereignty, which, according to Michelman, would be undemocratic, a paradox. / O presente estudo tem como proposta apresentar e discutir questões relacionadas à aparente relação paradoxal entre democracia e constitucionalismo demonstrada por Frank Michelman. Com base no pensamento de Post ( democracia procedimental ) e de Dworkin ( democracia como direito ), Michelman busca demonstrar o que denomina de paradoxo da democracia constitucional , i.e., por um lado, na visão procedimental, afirma-se que não haverá democracia se o conteúdo da lei básica não puder ser decidido pelo povo e, por outro, busca-se retirar do processo político decisório parte do conteúdo de um regime democrático. Tais estudos de Michelman trouxeram um grande efeito na doutrina constitucional e implicaram o pronunciamento de Jünger Habermas, o qual, ao analisar as principais ideias apresentadas por Michelman, demonstrou que, na verdade, tratam-se de noções complementares, e não de um paradoxo. Este interessante debate entre Habermas e Michelman traz um enorme impacto para as democracias que, instituídas por meio de uma Constituição, estabelecem limites à soberania popular, os quais, segundo Michelman, seriam antidemocráticos, um paradoxo.

This thesis examines the constitutional position in relation to those geographical areas over which the Commonwealth has sole power. These are the Territories, and Commonwealth places (over which, however, the States may retain some vestigial power). The thesis seeks to give a comprehensive account of the constitutional law concerning these heads of power. The thesis traces the tortuous history of the case law on the Territories, with its many instances of inconsistent decisions and dicta. In the words of a High Court Judge, Sir Douglas Menzies, the cases have "not resulted in a coherent body of doctrine". The problems have been particularly acute in regard to the exercise of judicial power, and they are compounded by the silence of the Constitution on some major issues concerning the Territories, such as the relationship between the 'Territories' power and the Constitution as a whole. The thesis' main contention is that, contrary to predominant doctrine, the constitutional position of the Territories and of Commonwealth places is federal, not 'disparate'. In this connection, several tenets are advanced: first, that the Constitution must be interpreted as a whole�that is, as a single instrument; secondly, that the Territories are an integral part of Australia, and their inhabitants, while not enjoying all the constitutional benefits of State residents, are full members of the Australian community; and thirdly, that there is no constitutional distinction to be drawn between different classes of Territory�thus, despite some contrary suggestions, there is no distinction between 'internal' and 'external' Territories or between Territories acquired from the States and Territories otherwise acquired. The thesis explores the particular difficulties, notably in the judicial sphere, that arise from the relevant case law, and it critically examines the cases against the text of the Constitution, as well as against the yardstick of those tenets. With regard to the Territories, the thesis analyses the constitutional topics of executive power and self-government. It considers particular issues concerning each of the three self-governing Territories, including the special status of the Australian Capital Territory as the federal "seat of government". In addition, the thesis looks at the constitutional position in the United States concerning Territories, federal enclaves and the American seat of government (the District of Columbia). The thesis draws a comparison between the American position and the corresponding position in Australia, and it critically considers the judicial interpretation, in both countries, of the constitutional grant to the federal legislature of exclusive, or sole, power over such geographical areas. This process assists an evaluation of the Australian position. The thesis concludes that, in some respects, the Australian case law has gone seriously astray, especially in treating the 'Territories' power as more or less separate from the rest of the Constitution. This judicial approach has led to a convoluted and confusing situation. Despite a degree of amelioration as a result of some more recent cases, the corrective process is by no means complete. The courts are hampered in their development of a "coherent body of doctrine" by the random way in which cases come before them, and it is unlikely that the position can be fully retrieved solely by judicial decisions. The thesis therefore proposes various reforms, and it sets out, in an appendix, proposed amendments of the Constitution. In addition to expounding and criticising the case law on the constitutional topics under discussion, the thesis reviews and, where appropriate, cites from the relevant legal literature. The thesis considers the Australian case law as decided down to the end of 2004.

<p>The Social Democratic Party and the Moderate Party are two parties with different ideological background. The parties have different opinions in issues of public and private matters. The Social Democratic Party profiles it self, through the local and national party programs, as a party for solidarity and security. The Moderate Party, on the other hand, profiles it self through their programmes as a party with a possibility for the individual to shape his or her own life. Through a survey on members in the local government, and two key persons at national level, the view of municipal self-government has appeared. The party programmes constitute a platform for the parties´ views on municipal self-government. These views have been put together with the result of the survey. Urban Strandberg has designed an analysis frame related to municipal self-government. His concept, municipalities’ basic character, board of directors and administration, is the theoretical foundation of the thesis. The content of the Party programmes and the results of the survey are thendiscussed within the frame of Strandbergs concept and Demokratiutredningens rapport SOU 2000:1. From the collective perspective of the theory, the content of party programmes and the result of the survey an image of the parties’ views on municipal self-government starts to grow. Within each party respectively, they keep a common strategy in important issues, which the local governments and the parties’ basic characters have raised. There are dividing lines due to the administration of the municipalities. Civic participation unites the parties in ideological issues. The opinions, in the issue of municipal self-government, differs between the Social Democratic Party and the Moderate Party. The reason for that is because of their fundamental different views in the fields of social order and ideology, as it is described in the party programmes. In reality when the parties shape the politics they cannot profile themselves as much as in the"vision"in their party programmes. The parties have to find a middle course, which is reflected in the answers from some of the respondents.</p>

Bakalauro baigiamąjį darbą sudaro teorinė (iš dviejų skyrių) ir praktinė dalys. Teorinėje darbo dalyje aptariama vietos savivaldos ir savivaldybės sampratos, atskleidžiant kaip jos kito įvairiais laikotarpiais. Pateikta vietos savivaldos principų analizė, siekiant atskleisti kaip yra įgyvendinama savivalda tiek nacionaliniu, tiek tarptautiniu lygmeniu. Analizuojant vietos savivaldos modelių tipologiją, buvo aptarti klasikinių bei konkrečiai Lietuvoje taikomų savivaldos modelių ypatumai, akcentuojant mero vaidmenį savivaldos sistemoje. Taip pat aptartos galimybės dėl tiesioginių mero rinkimų formos įgyvendinimo Lietuvoje.Empirinėje darbo dalyje atlikta dokumentų turinio analizė, siekiant atskleisti kaip kito mero kompetencijos kintant įstatyminei bazei. Analizė atskleidė, kad nors kompetencijų kiekis sulig kiekviena įstatymo redakcija ir didėjo, tačiau įgaliojimų atžvilgiu mero veikla buvo suvaržyta, tapo labiau atstovaujamojo pobūdžio dėl nuo 2003 metų pasikeitusio vietos savivaldos modelio. Ekspertų interviu metu buvo apklausti buvę ir esami Šiaulių miesto merai, kurie pateikė nuomonę analizuojamais klausimais iš savo ilgametės patirties. / Bachelor's thesis consists of theoretical (two sections) and of practical parts. The theoretical part of the paper discusses the local self-government and municipal concepts, revealing the way they changed over time. There are supplied the principles of local self-analysis in order to reveal how the implementation of self-government at both the national and international level is being realized. The analysis of the typology of local self-government models were discussed about the classical and Lithuanian cases, emphasis on the role of the mayor's municipal system. Also discussed the possibility of direct mayor elections in Lithuania.The empirical part of the work there is conducted content analysis of documents, in order to reveal how the mayor legislation changed while changing the legislation. The analysis revealed even though the amount of legal competency increased, but the powers in respect of the mayor's activities were restricted, become more representative because of the changed local self-government model in 2003. During experts interview there were interviewed present and former mayors of the city of Šauliai, who provided opinions on the issues of their long experience.