本論文研究重心側重於林森政治生涯的表現與作為，尤以林森與民國政治的關係為主。基本上以時間為經，政治活動為緯，來探討其一生的奮鬥歷程。 除第一章緒論、第六章結論外，正文共計四章。第二章討論林森早期的革命活動：包括其家世、教育、旅台經歷、獻身革命的緣由及在上海、九江的革命活動。其中在台灣的經歷，可說對林森革命思想的啟發深具意義；而於上海、九江海關服務期間的革命行動，是其早期革命活動的主要內容。 第三章主要探討林森在討袁與護法時期的奮鬥歷程，主要從民國肇建至中國國民黨改組前。此時期林森的政治舞台，主要集中在議會政治及美洲辦黨兩方面。不論是在民初的臨時參議院或是後來的護法國會□，林森一方面入贊戎機，一方面出主壇坫，始終是孫中山的忠實贊助者，其奮鬥的中心信念，厥為其個人對民主政治的信仰，此與他早年所受的美式學堂教育密不可分。而在民國三年至五年間，他在美洲辦黨的非凡成就，被孫中山譽為〝領袖支部〞，同時也奠定了他日後在國民黨內關於海外黨務、僑務方面的重大影響力。當時在美洲的鈕永建在致吳敬恆的信中，已斷言林森〝將來必為革黨極要分子〞。另外，他在民國十一年底至十二年初主政閩省的嘗試，主要是孫中山想藉助他在福建省及海外僑胞的影響力，達到籌募護法經費的目的，以維繫孫當時孤處一隅、若續若絕的革命血脈；但對林森個人而言，閩省短暫的主政，可視為一次實際政治實務、行政首長的歷練。 第四章主要探討林森在西山會議中的角色與作用。向來論西山會議者，必稱“林森、鄒魯”，猶若林森為西山會議派之領袖無疑。事實上，林森於整個西山會議中的角色，究竟是積極參與抑是消極規避，吾人實感好奇。李國祁教授在〈鄒魯與西山會議〉乙文中，認為西山會議是由林森與鄒魯兩人所主導的，且斷定是〝林氏出名、鄒氏出力〞有以致之。然則林森究竟在西山會議中到底扮演何種角色？本文希望從林氏對早期聯俄容共之態度和觀察整個西山會議之運作經過，以及西山會議派與廣州、南京當權派對抗之歷程，加上林森參與的程度，作全面而客觀的討論。 第五章主要在探討林森在國府主席十二年期間調和鼎鼐的政治作用。當然，當時有資格任主席之職位者，絕不止於林氏一人，但他之所以能脫穎而出，其間緣由則不能不討論。而當他居於不負實際政治責任的虛位元首之後，是否真是個無權而又安於無為的國家元首呢﹖其間亦大有討論的空間。其實所謂無為與有為之間，斷難一刀兩斷，主要還需從當時整個的政治環境來考量，否則恐怕難得其情。事實上，筆者認為林森在此期間的角色，是隨著蔣中正委員長個人權位的獨尊與當時國難的日益嚴重而有著互動的關係。如果我們從當時的政治環境、權力結構、政治制度等多方面的角度來觀察林森此時期的角色變化，相信會有若干的收穫與啟發。而貫穿林氏一生的從政風格──即不與人爭、澹泊謙抑的性格，亦於國府主席期間的表現而發揮的淋漓盡致。

Premier grand fleuve de Chine, le Yangzi s'étend d'ouest en est sur 6 300 km, drainant un bassin hydrographique de 1,8 million de kilomètres carrés et concentrant plus de 400 millions d'habitants. Ce bassin illustre les disparités régionales des " Trois Chine ", où le niveau de développement gagne le territoire graduellement depuis les régions littorales vers les régions intérieures. Face au défi de la recomposition territoriale, l'État chinois et les acteurs de l'aménagement du territoire s'efforcent de conférer au Yangzi la fonction fondamentale d'équilibrer un territoire fragmenté, à travers la diffusion du développement des régions deltaïques vers les régions intérieures, et ce, afin de renforcer le pouvoir central et l'unité du pays. Cette fonction dite de " fleuve-région " permettra-t-elle que le Yangzi devienne un vecteur transversal capable d'absorber les disparités économiques régionales et de rendre plus cohérent l'ensemble du bassin ? En privilégiant une analyse régionale, ce travail interroge le rôle des acteurs de l'aménagement du territoire en Chine, à travers les recompositions spatiales du bassin du Yangzi et ses caractéristiques politico-socio-économiques : travaux hydrauliques, édification des régions urbaines, recomposition industrielle et développement du réseau de transport.

En jämförelsestudie mellan svenska och kinesiska mejeriförpackningar som delvis genomfördes i Shanghai, Kina. Omfattar även en färgstudie samt en undersökning om personers uppfattning av färger kontra fetthalt.

As a modern metropolis, Shanghai has a registered population of 18.8 million in 2011, and the permanent population has been more than 20 million. As a result, Shanghai produces more than 6.3 million cubic meters of sewage per day which is considered as a massive test for Shanghai’s sewerage treatment system. Given the high proportion of time spent on the literature review, this study has investigated how the whole system works in Shanghai. To do this, Shanghai sewerage systems were divided into two parts – the drainage system and the sewage treatment system, and they were introduced respectively following the track of history development process. It was done by combining previously published theses, study reports, governmental documents, overt information by companies and news reports. It showed that, in 2009, Shanghai’s government established a basic formation of six centralized sewage treatment systems in co-existence with 52 sewage treatment plants. In the same year, the sewage treatment rate reached 78.9%, which can be considered a leap compared with the 62.8% figure in 2003. In spite of that, the gap between sewage treatment in Shanghai and that in developed countries still exists. By comparing Shanghai Bai Longgang sewage treatment plant with Halmstad Västra Stranden's waste water treatment plant, it can be concluded that the gap was embodied in differences of inflow condition, relative low discharge standards and poor treatment capability.

<p>Abstract</p> <p>In 1871, during the Franco-Prussian War, the Parisian workers revolted against the bourgeois government and established the Paris Commune. Extolling it as the first workers' government, classical Marxist writers took it as an exemplary--though embryonic-- model of the dictatorship of the proletariat. The principles of the Paris Commune, according to Marx, lay in that "the working class cannot simply lay hold of the ready-made state machinery, and wield it for its own purposes." General elections and the abolishment of a standing army were regarded by classical Marxist writers as defining features of the organ of power established in the Paris Commune. After the defeat of the Paris Commune, the Marxist interpretation of the Commune was widely propagated throughout the world, including in China.</p> <p>20th century China has been rich with experiences of Commune-type theories and practices. At the end of 1966 and the beginning of 1967, inspired by the Maoist theory of continuous revolution and the vision of a Commune-type state structure, the rebel workers in Shanghai, together with rebellious students and revolutionary party cadres and leaders, took the bold initiative to overthrow the old power structure from below. On Feb.5, 1967, the Shanghai workers established the Shanghai Commune modeled upon the Paris Commune. This became known as the January Storm. After Mao's death in 1976, the communist party and government in China has rewritten history, attacking the Cultural Revolution. And the Shanghai Commune has barely been mentioned in China, let alone careful evaluation and in-depth study. This dissertation attempts to recover this lost yet crucial history by exploring in historical detail the origin, development and supersession of the Shanghai Commune. Examining the role of different mass organizations during the January Storm in Shanghai, I attempt to offer a full picture of the Maoist mass movement based on the theory of continuous revolution. Disagreeing with some critics' arguments that the Shanghai Commune was a negation of the party-state, I argue that it neither negated the party nor the state. Instead, the Shanghai Commune embodied the seeds of a novel state structure that empowers the masses by relegating some of the state power to mass representatives and mass organs. Differing from the common narrative and most scholarship in the post-Mao era, I argue that the commune movement in the beginning of 1967 facilitated revolutionary changes in Chinese society and state structure. The Shanghai Commune and the Shanghai Revolutionary Committee developed as ruling bodies that did not hold general elections or abolish the standing army and in this way did not replicate the Paris Commune. But in contrast to the old Shanghai organs of power, they were largely in conformity with the principles of the Paris Commune by smashing the Old and establishing the New. Some of their creative measures, "socialist new things", anticipated the features of a communal state -a state that does not eradicate class struggle yet begins to initiate the long process of the withering away of the state itself.</p> / Dissertation

PhD dissertation. / Includes bibliographical references.

published_or_final_version / Chinese / Doctoral / Doctor of Philosophy

The rise of Chinese economy has favoured the growth of several financial centres in China. This phenomenon has drawn much attention to several scholars who focus on the relationship between Hong Kong and Shanghai. With a few exceptions, the relationship among Beijing, Hong Kong, Shanghai and Shenzhen have not been satisfactorily revealed, while financial competition and cooperation among them are also far from clear. This thesis examines the financial systems of Hong Kong, Beijing, Shanghai and Shenzhen to show their strengths and weaknesses. Financial markets, such as the stock market, bond market, funds market, insurance market, futures and derivatives market as well as the foreign exchange market are all included in this study. In addition, other important players (banking industry and multinational corporations) in the financial system are covered. This study shows that Hong Kong’s strengths lie in its stock, fund, insurance, financial futures and options, foreign exchange and its related derivatives markets, banking industry as well as the attractions of multinational corporations; whereas it is weak in parts of the stock market, the GEM, bond, PE/VC funds and commodity futures markets. Beijing is an important player in the banking industry, stock, bond, private equity fund, VC fund and insurance markets. However, it is not so developed in regard to foreign currency bond, fund (excluding PE and VC funds), financial futures and options, foreign exchange and related derivatives markets, foreign banking and the attractions of multinational corporations. Shanghai is considered to be at a similar level of ranking as Beijing. It is the capital centre of China and has the no.1 fund market in the Mainland although weaker than that of Hong Kong. Shanghai is also strong in foreign banking industry and the attraction of multinational corporations. Whereas Shanghai is weak in its banking industry (excluding foreign banking), bond market, PE/VC funds, financial futures and options as well as foreign exchange markets. Shenzhen is the weakest financial centre, with its advantages in the SME board, ChiNext and VC funds. Another finding of this study reveals that, except for the previous studies on financial centre competition and cooperation in China, there are still some potential areas such as the financial cooperation between the HKEx and SSE, the GEM and ChiNext as well as the financial competition of the private equity fund industry between Hong Kong and Beijing for the financial competition and cooperation of Beijing, Shanghai, Shenzhen and Hong Kong. The research findings of this thesis have both theoretical and political implications. Theoretically, the study reflects the significance of an information hinterland as well as law and finance theory in the Chinese financial market and also proves the importance of Beijing as a financial centre in China. Empirically, this thesis offers some implications for policy marking to enhance the better development of these financial centres. Specifically, Mainland China should further promote its regulatory and legal quality in order to provide better regulation and supervision on the financial system. In addition, it should put more effort to promote the development of industries that perform well in Hong Kong, Beijing, Shanghai and Shenzhen. / published_or_final_version / Geography / Master / Master of Philosophy

published_or_final_version / Transport Policy and Planning / Master / Master of Arts in Transport Policy and Planning

It is 30 years after Post-Mao reforms, 20 years after Tiananmen Square demonstrations, and the next generation of “comrades” are emerging in China. They are called the Balinghou or “Post- 80s” generation, referring to the cohort born between 1980 and 1989. This study addresses an empirical gap by exploring the narrative resources Shanghai’s Post-80s young adults call on to construct their identities, given the historical situation in which they live. This exploration is achieved through qualitative empirical data by employing a combination of narrative analysis and ethnography. Data analysis uncovers narrative resources clustered around three common themes: generational identity, structural resources, and personal lives. Further refection reveals that the extent to which identity is narratively expressed can be culturally constrained. Although the Balinghou encounter unique external factors such as the One Child Policy and rapid economic growth and reform in China, their narrative identity resources are more related to their perceptions of life stages than unprecedented historical circumstance. Keywords: narrative, identity, life course, symbolic interactionism, China, Shanghai, Balinghou, Post-80s generation