These thesis present an analysis of the status and trends in the selection of social security in the context of public finance reform and social policy. The aim is to analyze the development of the collection of premiums in the period 2007-2010 in connection with the reform of public finances, to define the role of factors having a substantial impact on the collection of premiums and to explore the attitudes of individual actors to legislative changes in social security. The starting point for the work is the concept of the state and its economic function and solidarity, which are provided through the instruments of economic and social policy. The parts of the foundations are the social rights and the theory of redistribution. Equally important starting point is the concept of bureaucracy, which is the theoretical basis for the institutional arrangements and management of social insurance. The research is devoted to the analysis of events and analysis on the underlying attitudes of the actors, but also for planned maintenance work in the field of social security. The analysis further factors have a significant impact on the indicators and the collection of social insurance. On the basis of the analysis are formulated conclusions and recommendations for decision-making on the future direction of...

Ce mémoire s’intéresse à la question du droit au logement dans le contexte actuel des inégalités socio-économiques. L’objectif du travail est de défendre le droit au logement comme levier normatif pour l’accès aux droits et libertés civiles. Dans un premier temps, il s’agit d’analyser le contexte réel des inégalités afin de montrer que le marché au logement est nocif pour l’interaction entre égaux. Dans un deuxième temps, il s’agit d’extraire les considérations philosophiques des comportements inégalitaires qui nuisent à l’interaction entre égaux. Dans le cadre du logement, ces comportements correspondent à une domination et à une perte d’agentivité. Afin de répondre à ces comportements, le travail propose d’évaluer l’idée du logement comme capabilité. Dans un troisième temps, il s’agit d’évaluer comment une approche par les théories de la justice est pertinente mais insuffisante pour répondre au problème du logement dans le contexte réel des inégalités. Il s’agit alors de proposer que le droit au logement doit être pris en charge par la pratique contemporaine des droits humains. Le travail défend qu’une interaction entre une approche humaniste et une approche politique des droits humains permet de justifier la défense du droit au logement comme levier normatif pour l’accès aux droits et libertés civiles. À cette fin, le mémoire conclut que le rôle particulier du logement dans le contexte actuel des inégalités nécessite une prise en charge réelle et tangible du droit au logement par les institutions contemporaines. / This thesis offers a defense of a right to housing within the contemporary context of socioeconomic inequalities. The objective is to argue that a right to housing is a normative lever for an equal access to civil rights and liberties. First, we aim to demonstrate that the housing market in the actual context of inequalities is a noxious market because of its negative impact on the capacity of individuals to interact as equals. Second, it is possible to identify specific behaviours resulting from the noxious housing market. Domination and loss of agency are the main behaviours that require a particular philosophical response. Understanding housing as a capability offers this answer. Third, theories of justice are useful but incomplete in addressing the problem of housing within the contemporary state of inequalities. A right to housing must be considered by the contemporary practice of human rights. However, an interaction between humanist and political approaches of human rights will be better suited to challenge this issue. The thesis concludes, in this matter, that housing’s particular role within the actual state of inequalities requires a serious and tangible defense of a right to housing by actual institutions.

En France et dans l’espace OHADA, la cession de droits sociaux est une opération économique considérablement pratiquée par des milliers de sociétés commerciales. Pourtant, la loi ne prévoit pas un cadre formellement dédié à son régime juridique. Face à ce vide juridique, la jurisprudence, la doctrine et les praticiens tentent de lui appliquer des régimes juridiques préexistants, mais forcément inadaptés. C’est ainsi que l’on assiste tout naturellement à une appropriation civiliste de l’opération qui est considérée aujourd’hui comme un acte civil. Or, elle a tout le caractère d’un acte fondamentalement commercial. C’est pourquoi la présente étude propose une approche qui priorise sa commercialité. / In France and in the OHADA area, the transfer of social rights is an economic operation considerably practiced by thousands of commercial companies. However, the law does not provide a framework formally dedicated to its legal regime. Faced to this legal vacuum, jurisprudence, doctrine and practitioners try to apply pre-existing but really inadequate legal regimes. We are thus, naturally witnessing a civil appropriation of the operation, considered as a civil act. But it presents some characteristics of a fundamentally commercial act. This study proposes an approach that prioritizes its commerciality.

This essay discusses the question of whether describing people in essentialist terms violates the people being object to the description. The discussion is based on Kimberley Brownlee’s argumentation which states that there exists a right against social deprivation. To speak of people in crime-related, stigmatising and negatively charged terms – such as the term “criminal” – risks reducing the individual’s identity to solely the criminal aspect, and deprive them the opportunity of creating and sustaining other identities. A person’s role as a social contributor to family members and other close relatives is made more difficult, and the creation of social bonds outside the criminal sphere diminishes. This essay also brings up the critique put forward by Laura Valentini, who states that the lack in social needs is unsatisfiable in reality, and therefore it cannot be said to be a fundamental right, as Brownlee argues. The essay develops the thesis that, even though it is impossible to guarantee everyone meaningful social relationships, it is the duty of public institutions to facilitate and support the creation of these relationships. Furthermore, the use of essentialist terms – by both journalists, as well as politicians and other people in power – inhibit individuals the opportunity to create meaningful relational bonds, which could be paramount for their development and well-being. / essentiella termer. Diskussionen baseras på Kimberley Brownlees argumentation som menar att det finns en rättighet mot socialt berövande. Att tala om människor i brottsrelaterade, stigmatiserande och negativt laddade termer – såsom termen ”kriminell” – riskerar att reducera individens identitet till endast den kriminella aspekten, och fråntar dem möjligheten att skapa och bibehålla andra identiteter. Personens roll som socialt bidragande för familjemedlemmar och andra närstående försvåras, och skapandet av sociala band utanför ett kriminellt umgänge riskerar att minskas. Uppsatsen tar också upp kritik framfört av Laura Valentini, som menar att bristandet av sociala behov inte går att tillfredsställa i praktiken och att det därför inte kan påstås vara en fundamental rättighet, såsom Brownlee hävdar. Uppsatsen driver tesen att, även om det inte går att garantera en människa betydelsefulla sociala relationer, så är det de samhälleliga institutionernas uppgift att underlätta och stödja skapandet av dessa relationer. Och användandet av essentiella termer – av såväl journalister som politiker och andra makthavare – hämmar människors möjlighet till meningsfulla relationella band, vilka är viktiga för personens utveckling och välmående.

Thesis (D. Litt. et Phil. (Communication)) / This study is broadly conceived within the case study format, as is exemplified by the focus on the exploration of the orientations and operational contexts of a single media-support organisation, the Open Society Initiative for Southern Africa (OSISA). Within that research approach, the thesis examines the historical and ideological designs of OSISA, the rationale for its existence, and its interlocking linkages with international and Southern African-based media civil society organisations. The study argues that OSISA was formed in response to the evolving political situations in parts of Southern Africa in the mid-1990s, which include the collapse of apartheid in South Africa, and the crumbling of many authoritarian regimes on much of the rest of the sub-continent. With all these events taking place in a relatively short space of time, the initiators of OSISA saw a window of opportunity for supporting and influencing the political and social transformation processes, as well as spreading the ideology of social ‘openness’. As such, the thesis approaches OSISA as an institution that forms a part of the movement towards democracy or Westernisation. The study therefore documents and analyses the theoretical antecedents that contributed to the evolution of open society ideals, and their transplantation to Southern Africa. Thereafter, the study explores the nexus between OSISA and local civil society groups. This exploration is done from the theoretical assumption that no financial aid is given without strings attached. The study thus concludes that although locally based civil society organisations try to negotiate their operational spaces, in the final analysis, such groups are all embedded in (and expected to play a role within) the 9 modernisation project, of which OSISA is just one of many instruments in that grand global venture. Finally, the study proposes a few areas for additional investigations which could enhance our understanding of the global forces at work in Southern Africa. / Communication Science

Thesis (D. Litt. et Phil. (Communication)) / This study is broadly conceived within the case study format, as is exemplified by the focus on the exploration of the orientations and operational contexts of a single media-support organisation, the Open Society Initiative for Southern Africa (OSISA). Within that research approach, the thesis examines the historical and ideological designs of OSISA, the rationale for its existence, and its interlocking linkages with international and Southern African-based media civil society organisations. The study argues that OSISA was formed in response to the evolving political situations in parts of Southern Africa in the mid-1990s, which include the collapse of apartheid in South Africa, and the crumbling of many authoritarian regimes on much of the rest of the sub-continent. With all these events taking place in a relatively short space of time, the initiators of OSISA saw a window of opportunity for supporting and influencing the political and social transformation processes, as well as spreading the ideology of social ‘openness’. As such, the thesis approaches OSISA as an institution that forms a part of the movement towards democracy or Westernisation. The study therefore documents and analyses the theoretical antecedents that contributed to the evolution of open society ideals, and their transplantation to Southern Africa. Thereafter, the study explores the nexus between OSISA and local civil society groups. This exploration is done from the theoretical assumption that no financial aid is given without strings attached. The study thus concludes that although locally based civil society organisations try to negotiate their operational spaces, in the final analysis, such groups are all embedded in (and expected to play a role within) the 9 modernisation project, of which OSISA is just one of many instruments in that grand global venture. Finally, the study proposes a few areas for additional investigations which could enhance our understanding of the global forces at work in Southern Africa. / Communication Science

Les ressortissants de pays tiers sont devenus au fur et à mesure de la construction européenne des véritables sujets du droit de l'Union européenne. Toutefois, leur protection est fragmentée en raison d'une « catégorisation » croissante de leurs statuts, en fonction de la situation de fait ou de droit qui les caractérise. L'émergence d'un socle commun de garantie de droits sociaux fondamentaux à partir des normes européennes peut être néanmoins constatée. La coordination des régimes nationaux de sécurité sociale s'applique en effet explicitement aux ressortissants de pays tiers en séjour régulier. De même, les normes sociales européennes dont les destinataires ne sont pas déterminés en fonction de la nationalité peuvent leur être adressées. Pareil constat s'applique également aux normes relatives au principe de non-discrimination.Ce socle commun pourrait alors servir de base pour l'élaboration d'un statut social, entendu comme un attribut de la citoyenneté sociale, concrétisée par la participation sociale à la vie de la cité. Ce statut social pourrait être lui-même le fondement de l'élaboration d'un véritable statut européen consacré aux ressortissants de pays tiers en séjour régulier. Il contribuerait à la réalisation de l'objectif mis en avant par le Conseil européen de Tampere des 15 et 16 octobre 1999 consistant à donner un traitement équitable à cette catégorie de ressortissants. Il concourrait aussi au renforcement de leur intégration au sein des sociétés des Etats membres d'accueil. Il s'agirait d'une intégration par le bénéfice et l'exercice des droits sociaux fondamentaux, consistant dans le financement des systèmes de sécurité sociale, l'exercice d'une activité professionnelle, ou encore la participation aux activités syndicales et de représentation collective. / Third-country nationals have become veritable subjects of the EU Law. Nevertheless, their protection is fragmented by the increasing categorization of their status, in consequence of their fact and juridical situation. The emergence of a common standard of protection of fundamental social rights based on the EU regulations and policies may be however noted. Thus the coordination of social security systems applies explicitly to the regular staying third-country nationals. EU social regulations and directives also apply to those persons when the nationality condition is not specified. The same situation is also considered on the non-discrimination principle field. Then, this common standard of protection can offers a base to the development of a social status that is an attribute of the social citizenship, materialized by the social participation in the community. This social status could come itself the foundation of the construction of a truly European status dedicated to the regular staying third-country nationals. It could contribute to the realization of the European Council Tampere's objective to give a fair treatment to those persons. It could also contribute to the reinforcement of their integration at the member States community. It consists in a social integration, by the practice of fundamental social rights like working, funding social security, or getting involved with trade unions representation.

A presente pesquisa tem por objetivo analisar o uso do método da proporcionalidade para decidir questões acerca de direitos sociais. Nesse sentido, antes relacionada somente à proibição do excesso (Übermaßverbot), a proporcionalidade passa a ter reconhecida sua outra face, denominada proibição da proteção insuficiente ou deficiente (Untermaßverbot). O legislador e o administrador passam a ter suas ações balizadas pela proibição do excesso de intervenção e pela imposição da intervenção para proteção de direitos. O termo pouco usual se refere ao controle judicial das omissões do legislador e administrador, na medida em que orienta a atividade deles quando da conformação e implementação dos direitos sociais. Os escassos estudos na doutrina não permitiram o desenvolvimento do método em relação aos direitos sociais no Brasil, em que pese a jurisprudência do Supremo Tribunal Federal se utilizar da proporcionalidade como proibição da proteção insuficiente ou deficiente em alguns de seus julgados, especialmente em época recente. Mas se a utilização de tal método na argumentação judicial passa a ser vista de forma recorrente, o Tribunal deve primeiro ter clareza de seus elementos quando pretende invocá-lo em suas decisões e até mesmo firmeza da utilidade de seu uso quanto a esses direitos. Ainda, tem-se que o transplante de métodos de revisão judicial dos direitos de defesa para os direitos sociais merece estudo específico, tanto em relação à concepção desses direitos quanto à possível aplicabilidade da proporcionalidade, pois as diferenças entre eles apontam que nem sempre ambos os direitos comportarão argumentações idênticas para os problemas que enfrentam. / This research aims to analyze the use of the proportionality method for deciding social rights questions. Thus, the proportionality was related before only to prohibition of excessive state actions (Übermaßverbot), begins to have its other face recognized, called prohibition of lacking or insufficient state actions (Untermaßverbot). The legislator and administrator now have their actions bounded by the prohibition of \"excessive intervention\" and by the imposing of \"intervention to protection\" rights. The unusual term refers to the judicial control of the omissions of the legislator and administrator, in so far as guides their activity of conformation and implementation of social rights. The few studies on the doctrine did not allowed the development of the method regarding the social rights in Brazil, notwithstanding the fact that the jurisprudence of the Supreme Court uses proportionality as prohibition of lacking or insufficient state actions in some of its decisions, especially recently. But if the use of such a method in the judicial argumentation starts to be seen recurrently, the Court must first get clear of its elements when intends to invoke it in their decisions and even firmness of utility of its use regarding such rights. Also, the transplantation of judicial review methods of defense rights for social rights deserves a specific study, both in relation to the understanding of these rights and in relation to the possible applicability of proportionality, cause the differences between them suggest that not always both rights shall include arguments identical to the problems they face.

O princípio da dignidade humana necessita, como em nenhum outro momento, sair do plano etéreo. Direitos meramente de papel em nada contribuem para o verdadeiro avanço civilizacional por todos ambicionado. Para que a humanidade caminhe celeremente para a realização dos valores sedimentados ao longo de um lento processo de consciência política e jurídica que resultou na construção dos catálogos de direitos fundamentais, impreterível se mostra a efetivação plena dos direitos humanos. A convicção da imprescindibilidade da proteção da dignidade humana necessita ser materializada. A questão da efetividade dos direitos fundamentais afeta, com notável magnitude, a proteção jurídica dos trabalhadores. A Declaração de Princípios e Direitos Fundamentais no Trabalho da OIT e os postulados do trabalho decente, saudável e seguro, os quais configuram a definição dos padrões mínimos de direitos trabalhistas no âmbito internacional, não têm sido cumpridos nos diferentes países, comprometendo gravemente a tutela deferida à dignidade do trabalhador. É preciso assegurar a aplicabilidade e a realização dos direitos trabalhistas fundamentais, combatendo os abjetos casos de trabalho em condições análogas à de escravo, de discriminação de trabalhadores, de cerceamento às liberdades sindicais e negociais, de trabalho infantil, inseguro ou em condições indignas, entre inúmeras outras injustas e execráveis situações vivenciadas no ambiente laboral. No cenário econômico globalizado, em que sobressai o capitalismo financeiro, os governos necessitam assumir, como em nenhum outro momento, seu necessário papel na proteção efetiva dos direitos humanos no trabalho. Neste sentido, diante da vinculação à supremacia e à indisponibilidade dos direitos fundamentais como preceptivos essenciais da atividade administrativa no Estado Democrático de Direito, o Poder Público deve exercer sua função de induzir e modelar as condutas sociais. O trabalho acadêmico presente preconiza e defende que os governos devem exercer um papel verdadeiramente ativo, a fomentar e a exigir o efetivo cumprimento dos direitos fundamentais no trabalho, notadamente pela aplicação de instrumentos jurídicos como a cláusula trabalhista nos contratos públicos. A cláusula trabalhista expressa e proclama a emanação da força cogente, vinculante, dos contratos públicos, das disposições contratuais, e revela a capacidade de subtrair os direitos subjetivos do plano abstrato, formando uma conexão real e obrigatória, alicerçada em obrigações particularizadas, diretamente imponíveis, destinadas à realização dos direitos fundamentais no trabalho e da proteção da dignidade do trabalhador, incorrendo o infrator de seus comandos, na imediata aplicação de sanções. Por conseguinte, produz implicações jurídicas materiais para a proteção do trabalho. Os contornos da concepção contemporânea do contrato público socialmente responsável demandam a adoção da cláusula laboral para a afirmação dos direitos fundamentais no trabalho. As características e particularidades do novo regime jurídico em que se inserem os contratos administrativos exprimem e legitimam a plena pertinência e juridicidade da adoção da cláusula social trabalhista em seu núcleo. Neste contexto, a realização dos padrões internacionais de proteção ao trabalhador é condição mandatória para o desenvolvimento sustentável. A contratação pública socialmente responsável que valoriza e concretiza a proteção da dignidade do trabalhador pode, verdadeiramente, influenciar as atividades econômicas, promovendo a justiça social nas relações de trabalho que encerram ao exigir, com ênfase, a formatação de padrões de emprego e ocupação laboral que respeitam os direitos humanos no trabalho. / The principle of human dignity, as never before, has to be pulled out of its ethereal plane. Empty rights do not contribute to the true civilization progress coveted by all. So that mankind walks faster towards the achievement of the values settled along the slow process of political and legal awareness that resulted in the construction of catalogs of fundamental rights, the full effectiveness of legal rights shall not be avoided. The indispensable protection to human dignity must be enforced with conviction. The issue of the effectiveness of fundamental principles significantly affects workers legal protection. The ILO Declaration on Fundamental Principles and Rights at Work and the guidelines on decent, healthy and safe work, which define minimum international labour standards, have not been complied with in different countries, severely compromising the protection to workers dignity. The applicability and enforcement of fundamental labour rights must be guaranteed to fight contemptible cases of slavery-like work conditions, workers discrimination, retrenchment to free labour union and collective bargaining, child labour, unsafe work or under degrading conditions, among several other unfair and infamous situations experienced in the work environment. In a globalized economic scenario, where financial capitalism is emphasized, governments have to assume, as never before, their role in the effective protection of human rights at work. Accordingly, in view of the supremacy and inalienability of fundamental rights as essential principles of administrative activities of the Rule of Law, the role of the Government is to induce and shape social conducts. The present academic paper argues and claims that governments should have a decisively active role, fomenting and enforcing the effective compliance with fundamental rights at work, notably by applying legal instruments as the labour clause in public contracts. The labour clause expresses and affirms the cogent and binding force that arises out of public contracts and contractual provisions, and pulls subjective rights out of their abstract plane, establishing an actual and mandatory connection grounded on specific obligations immediately enforceable and aimed to realize fundamental rights at work and protect the dignity of workers, and applying immediate sanctions on the offender of such legal provisions. Therefore, it produces real and concrete legal developments to labour protection. The outlines of the contemporary conception of socially responsible public contracts require the adoption of the labour clause for the enforcement of fundamental labour rights at work. The characteristics and specificities of the new legal regime, which comprises administrative contracts, express and legitimize the full pertinence and legality of including the labour clause among their provisions. In this context, the compliance with international workers protection standards is mandatory to a sustainable development. Socially responsible public contracts that value and enforce the protection to workers dignity may effectively influence economic activities, promoting social justice in labour relations that emphatically claim for the structuring of employment and labour standards that respect human rights at work.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:30:09Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Livia de Paiva Ziti Afonso.pdf: 720736 bytes, checksum: dfad43a24c7a9b97f129b8b34b642e67 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-05-25 / This dissertation aims to study the role of the judiciary in the effectiveness of fundamental social rights. Besides the traditional functions performed as guarantor of rights, the judiciary has acted to give effect to the social rights under the Constitution, such as the right to education, health and others. However, this performance has been criticized by many scholars as judicial activism, since the judiciary, when giving effect to social rights, acts as to fill the gap left by the omission of the Government, participating in spheres of the Legislative and Executive. Article 5, paragraph 1 of Federal Constitution (CF/88) expressly consecrates that: "The rules defining the rights and guarantees are immediately applicable". This rule reinforces the imperative of social rights and reflects the inevitable commitment made especially by the judiciary in ensuring the effectiveness of them. Reaching the conclusion that social rights are authentic subjective public rights, it is a Judiciary important role to implement the abovementioned rights and guide the actions within the limits set by the Federal Constitution. What is underlined here is the responsibility of the Judiciary in the enforcement of social rights, demystifying the ideas against the effectiveness of social rights and also contrary to the actions of the Judiciary concerning the implementation of these rights / A presente dissertação de mestrado pretende estudar o papel do Poder Judiciário na efetividade dos direitos fundamentais sociais. Além das funções clássicas desempenhadas como garantidor de direitos, o Poder Judiciário tem atuado no sentido de dar efetividade à norma que estabelece os direitos sociais previstos na Constituição, como o direito à educação, o direito à saúde, entre outros. No entanto, tal atuação tem sido criticada por muitos doutrinadores como ativismo judicial, uma vez que o Judiciário, ao dar efetividade aos direitos sociais, acaba superando, por via judicial, as omissões do Poder Público, atuando nas esferas dos Poderes Legislativo e Executivo. O artigo 5o, parágrafo 1º da CF/88 prevê expressamente que: As normas definidoras de direitos e garantias fundamentais têm aplicação imediata . Tal norma reforça a imperatividade dos direitos sociais e reflete o compromisso inevitável dos Poderes constituídos, especialmente do Judiciário, em garantir a sua efetividade. Chegando-se à conclusão de que os direitos sociais são autênticos direitos públicos subjetivos, cabe ao Judiciário o importante papel de implementador desses direitos, tendo sua atuação pautada dentro dos limites estabelecidos pela própria Constituição Federal. O que se pretende demonstrar é a responsabilidade do Poder Judiciário na efetivação dos direitos sociais, desmitificando não somente os argumentos contrários à eficácia dos direitos sociais, como também aqueles infensos à atuação do Poder Judiciário na concretização desses direitos