Ce mémoire traite de la construction d’un espace social citoyen à partir de l’analyse du travail d’intervention de deux organismes locaux situés à Trou du Nord (Haïti). Il s’agit d’explorer les manières dont les membres se représentent et s’approprient leur statut de citoyen. Pour mettre l’emphase sur les mécanismes associatifs et sociaux qui interviennent dans la construction de ce que nous nommons "espace social citoyen", nous avons mené une recherche qualitative dont la charpente interprétative est conçue avec l’aide des outils théorico-pratiques de la politique de participation (Barber, 1997) et l’intervention sociale collective (Lamoureux, 1991). Nous avançons l’hypothèse centrale que les pratiques associatives sont le vecteur de la construction d’un espace social citoyen à Trou du Nord. Cette hypothèse centrale est soutenue par deux hypothèses opératoires portant sur les conditions d’exercice de citoyenneté et l’affirmation individuelle de l’appartenance des membres à l’espace commun. Nous avons recueilli quatorze entretiens semi-directifs effectués avec les membres de l’Assemblée Populaire Veye Yo Trou du Nord (APVT) et du Rassemblement des Militants Solidaires de Trou du Nord (RAMSO). Les résultats de la recherche indiquent que les membres de ces deux organisations manifestent une grande volonté de contribuer au développement de leur localité et au «mieux-être» de la population. Leur implication directe dans les affaires politiques et sociales s’accompagne des exigences pour que l’État prenne en charge ses responsabilités vis-à-vis de ses citoyens. Cette liberté d’action repose sur le partage de leurs expériences individuelles et sur une grande connaissance des divers aspects des réalités locales auxquelles sont confrontés quotidiennement les citoyens. Ces deux groupes sont conçus comme des espaces de sociabilité, des lieux publics et dynamiques issus de l’activité commune et des divers types d’interactions au niveau local. Toujours d’après l’analyse, les membres de ces deux groupes interviennent sur un problème d’ensemble collectif au niveau local sans pour autant négliger leurs propres intérêts. Ils s’inscrivent dans le jeu de marchandage électoral et apprennent à leurs membres à se comporter comme une communauté d’intérêts et d’actions, elle-même inscrite dans l’ensemble des interactions, des processus et des dynamiques de résolution des problèmes au niveau local. Un tel constat vient à la fois valider certaines de nos hypothèses tout en révélant les limites de l’idée de la construction d’un espace social citoyen. D’une part, la volonté de contribuer au «mieux-être» de la population, la nécessité de prendre la parole, d’exprimer les problèmes collectifs et individuels, le souci d’avoir un contrôle sur l’action des dirigeants élus sont autant d’enjeux qui leur ont permis de passer de leur vécu particulier à une vision plus large des intérêts collectifs et à la définition des tâches qu’ils estiment correspondre au rôle citoyen qui leur incombe. D’autre part, leur positionnement dans le champ politique notamment au moment des élections les fait apparaître comme des groupes partisans, c'est-à-dire qu’ils ne sont pas toujours dans la construction de l’intérêt général. Nous concluons que ce double aspect s’avère nécessaire aussi bien à la construction de l’espace social citoyen qu’au fonctionnement démocratique au niveau local. Car, en plus de se définir comme citoyens et d’affirmer leur appartenance communautaire, les membres développent les capacités critiques face aux gestes et actes posés autant par les dirigeants locaux que par l’État haïtien lui-même. Ils acquièrent aussi les habilités de participer, même dans les interstices, aux jeux sociopolitiques faisant partie du processus de renforcement de la citoyenneté et d’un système démocratique en construction. / This master thesis focuses on the construction of a social citizen from the analysis of the intervention of two local agencies located in "Trou du Nord" (Haiti). It is exploring ways in which members will represent their ownership and represent their citizenship status. We put emphasis on the social mechanisms and associations involved in building what we call "citizen social space". We have conducted a qualitative research from the works of Barber (1997) on practical policy participation and those of Lamoureux (1991) on collective social action. We assume, as central hypothesis, that associative practices are the main vector for construction of a citizen social space in "Trou du Nord". This central hypothesis is supported by two secondary one interested on the operating conditions for the exercise of citizenship and the affirmation of individual members belonging to the common area. We have made fourteen semi-structured interviews conducted with members of the "Assemblée Populaire Veye Yo Trou du Nord (APVT)" and the "Rassemblement des militants solidaires de Trou du Nord (RAMSO)". The results indicate that members of both organizations show great willingness to contribute to the development of their locality and "wellbeing" of the population. This freedom of action is based on sharing their individual experiences and their extensive knowledge of the local realities faced daily citizens. Both groups are designed as spaces of sociability, as public and dynamics places reflecting the various types of local interaction. According to the analysis, members of both groups get involved in resolving collective problems at the local level without neglecting their own interests. They are part of the game of electoral bargaining and teach their members to behave as a community of interests and action, itself contained in all interactions, processes and dynamic resolution of problems local level. Those findings validate some of our hypothetical assumptions and reveal at the same time their limits. On the one hand, the willingness to help with the wellbeing on the population, with the need for the people to speak out and to express their collective and individual problems, with the desire to have control over the elected leaders actions, are all issues that allowed the groups to pursue broader collective interest and to define themselves as a citizen social space. On the other hand, their position in the political arena especially at election time makes them appear as groups of supporters, that is to say they are not always in the construction of the general interest. We conclude this dual aspect is necessary both for the construction of a citizen social space and that of democratic citizen at the local level. In addition, those two groups help citizen to assert their sense of belonging to a local community. They help them also to develop capacities to criticize actions taking by both local and national leaders. They help them also to acquire the skills to participate – even though in the interstices – at the sociopolitical games as part of the process of building citizenship and a democratic system under construction.

Teachers have an undeniable influence on youth, on whose shoulders tomorrow rests. It is vital for teachers to be conscious of their role in both the local and global community in order to facilitate occasions for students to develop a sense of global consciousness. By imparting to students the desire to learn and to explore their interactions with things, people and experiences, and actively pursue knowledge, they develop critical literacy skills required to both acquire understanding and be(come) understood. Through this research study, the implications of applying David Diamond’s community drama work called Theatre for Living, as an effective and critical literacy practice to enhance social conciousness within a middle school, is assesssed. The program was implemented in a split grade 7/8 and grade 8 classroom in southwestern Ontario. The study exemplifies for educators a practical yet significant step for initializing and developing a broad sense of awareness in students; that is the sense of global consciousness.

Le XIXème siècle marque les prémices de l'action sanitaire et sociale de la France. La capitale, Paris la voit se développer au travers de l'action de ces édiles, conseillers municipaux et maires. Peu étudiés dans l'historiographie française, ces hommes politiques locaux jouent un rôle fondamental dans l'apparition de cette politique publique micro-locale. Le conseil municipal comme les mairies sont composés majoritairement de membres de la bourgeoisie. Nombre d'entre eux exercent donc la philanthropie et la charité à l'instar de leurs prédécesseurs. Accompagnés dans cette pratique sociale par leurs parents, ils contribuent à développer des secours à l'ensemble des Parisiens. Ces actions se développent timidement à partir du Second Empire. L'Empereur, moteur de la politique sanitaire et sociale voit cette dernière être en proie à des réussites comme à des échecs. La Troisième République marque un tournant dans l'histoire de cette politique publique. A partir de 1871, fa défaite française conjuguées à l'influence des théories hygiénistes poussent les élus de la capitale à intervenir eux-mêmes dans le cadre de l'action sanitaire et sociale. Cela se traduit par la construction des premiers établissements sanitaires et sociaux municipaux, tandis que dans le même temps, ils participent aux débuts de l'éducation populaire. Les influences parisiennes ne viennent cependant pas uniquement de son corps médical. La capitale, s'inspire ainsi des expériences européennes au travers des expositions universelles et des congrès internationaux En 1914, Paris fait ainsi figure de pionnière sur ces questions, tout en conservant un retard relatif par rapport aux autres capitales européennes. / France's Sanitary and social action policies originate in the XIXth century. In its capital city Paris, these policies also develop through its municipal councillors and mayors. Few academic works focus on these elected officials, though they have a key part in creating these micro-local public policies. The urban bourgeoisie makes up for a large part of the town and district councils, so it's not surprising many of them and their close families providing the Parisians with some relief through philantropy and charity. The Emperor leads the first health and social policies through its Second Empire's few successes and many failures. From 1871, the rises of hygienist theories and 1870's defeat to Prussian armies heavily influence the young Third Republic. This urges the town's elected officials to get involved personally, and leads to the first municipal health and social services, while they do their part in popular education. The capital also gets inspiration from european experiments such as universal expositions and international hygiene conventions. At the dawn of the first World War, Paris is both France's example and leade, while being relatively late compared to other european capital cities.

Modern humour appears to initiate the deconstruction of modern correspondence thinking. A close examination shows the opposite, namely that modern humour forms part of correspondence thought in a complicated reciprocal relationship of disruption and support. Ironically, humour is particularly suited to explicating the deconstruction of correspondence thinking in poststructuralist language theories by being prone to refute cornerstone principles of modernism such as truth, rationality, reliability and permanence. This dissertation focuses on the exceptional suitability of humour to adapt to the loss of the centre and to demonstrate the shift from the modernist ontological approach to the postmodernist creative metaphorical approach to art. Humour, like metaphor, reinvents meaning rather than discovers it; it remains open-ended instead of offering closure. It becomes a valid creative option and enters a new dynamic into a postmodern culture of play where truth and meaning remain infinitely suspended in an ungrounded state of possibility. / Art History, Visual Arts and Music / M.A. (Visual Arts)

Text in German / The present work deals with the historical and theological foundations of radical evangelicalism and places it within the context of theologies which influenced it and are similar to it. Radical evangelicalism integrates insights from various theological roots into a evangelical basal concept. Radical theology succeeded, through its contextual outworking, in overcoming the narrow focus of European evangelical theology and yet it remains genuinely evangelical. It is in the position of breaking through the sterility of academic theology and the dualistic worldview which is peculiar to wide parts of the evangelical movement by a world view that is turned towards the world. Thus it is proving itself to be a highly relevant theology for the needs of a divided world. The work develops in three steps. First of all the historical development of radical evangelicalism will be traced, from its beginning at the Congress for world evangelism in Lausanne in 1974 to the present day. Thus it will become clear that in the 30 years since Lausanne radical theology has entered the mainstream of evangelicalism. There follows in a detailed section a setting out of the theology of radical evangelicalism by means of several chosen themes. It will deal with radical hermeneutics, eschatology, salvation, the meaning of mission and evangelism and the relationship between Gospel and culture. Finally the social action of radical evangelicalism will be set out and it will be demonstrated that its energetic theology is at its basic level in fact a driving sprituality. / Christian Spirituality, Church History and Missiology / D.Th. (Missiology)

This thesis critically examines the nature and purpose of the MobiSAM partnership, in relation to its value as a model resonating with normative theories on the role of the media in South African democratic society. The MobiSAM project introduces a mobile polling application, designed for citizens to provide real-time, user-generated data on crucial municipal service delivery such as clean water in Grahamstown, Eastern Cape, South Africa. The project has partnered with the local community newspaper, Grocott's Mail, to broadcast this data, with the aim to facilitate citizen participation in public problem solving and support local government accountability in service delivery. Despite pervasive poverty in areas such as the Eastern Cape, mobile penetration in South Africa is near universal. The MobiSAM partnership is an ongoing effort to forge new links between social accountability monitors, new media, traditional media, citizens and local government around public issues in Grahamstown, in line with the development objectives of the post-apartheid South African state. The overall theoretical framework for this thesis is taken from Christians, Glasser, McQuail, Nordenstreng and White's Normative Theories of the Media, which provides an analysis of four roles of the media in a democratic society, that is: the monitorial, the facilitative, the radical and the collaborative roles. Within each of these roles, the stated journalistic approach is explored, that is investigative journalism, public journalism, radical journalism and development journalism. Public journalism is focused on as having the most resonance with the goals of the MobiSAM partnership. The chosen research design is a critical realist case study with the selected methods of thematic document analysis and, primarily, in-depth interviews with key project participants. The research goals were to analyse this primary data against the normative theory on the role of the media in a democratic society, and the 'real world' constraints posed by the project’s specific political and socioeconomic context. The findings conclude by offering certain recommendations and areas for further research, such as the central importance of a dedicated municipal reporter for covering complex public issues. This critical realist case study, drawing on qualitative interviews with both the accountability monitors and the media practitioners, interrogates the philosophical understandings on the role of the media in this new project, towards an empirical model for advancing substantive socio-economic change through media in South Africa.

Cette thèse de doctorat porte sur le parcours socio-institutionnel d’un groupe de jeunes peu ou sans qualification bénéficiant d’une mesure politique d’aide à l’insertion professionnelle. Le but de cette recherche a été d’étudier comment ce public, marqué par des formes de disqualifications plurielles, est pris en charge par les dispositifs qui leur sont consacrés. Notons, de prime à bord, que les personnes ayant recours à l’assistance publique ont longtemps été jugées à tort comme une strate homogène alors qu’il existe plusieurs types de rapports aux services d’action sociale qui varient en fonction des individus, de leurs vécus voire de la phase qu’ils traversent au moment où ils sollicitent de l’aide. Dans la continuité de cette assertion, suivant le modèle du diagnostic médical, j’ai entrepris un travail d’anamnèse permettant de comprendre, plus ou moins, l’histoire étiologique de ceux et celles qui se retrouvent, a posteriori, dans le rôle institutionnalisé de stagiaire pathologique. De ce point de vue, je me suis intéressée aux différents cadres d’expériences des jeunes que sont : la famille, l’école et le milieu associatif ainsi que leurs impacts dans leurs trajectoires socioprofessionnelles. Autrement dit, l’objectif a été de voir comment, à partir de ses supports sociaux (nature, intensité, qualité des ressources), cette jeunesse trouve ou non les ressorts et dynamiques lui permettant de tracer sa voie. C’est dans ce contexte que j’ai intégré deux associations oeuvrant dans le processus d’insertion de jeunes ayant des difficultés à accéder au monde de l’emploi. Abordés comme étant des espaces communicationnels, la mission locale et en particulier l’Atelier ont été les lieux d’observations ethnographiques au sein desquels, j’ai tenté de faire ressortir les jeux d’acteurs, de pouvoir, les objectifs et les interactions multiples qui traversent ces territoires. Un intérêt spécifique a, ainsi, été porté sur les vécus, les représentations, les échanges conflictuels ou/et coopératifs entre les travailleurs sociaux et les bénéficiaires. Jogging, basket, casquette à l’envers ou langage de cité, cette enquête de terrain m’a,également, permis d’étudier l’esthétique, les postures et les expressions corporelles des jeunes en allant en quête du sens qu’elles prennent en tant qu’action individuelle et/ou collective notamment au sein des associations. Dans un horizon plus large, j’ai essayé de voir comment et dans quelle mesure les agents/acteurs de l’action sociale prennent en compte les spécificités de ce public et arrivent à créer des points d’équilibre entre la demande des bénéficiaires et la commande institutionnelle, entre les impératifs en tant que médiat et les contraintes structurelles axées sur l’immédiat. / This doctoral thesis deals with the socio-institutional trajectories of a group of youth with low-level qualifications or no qualifications at all, who benefit from a reinsertion policy measure designed to help them find job. The purpose of this research is to study how this target-group of youth – characterized by multiple forms of disqualifications – is getting the proposed support. First and foremost, it should be noted that those who have resorted to public assistance have been long wrongly considered a homogeneous social stratum, whereas indeed, there are several ways to deliver social support, depending on individuals, their different life experiences or even the specific phases they are go through by the time they ask for help. In line with this assertion, following the model of medical diagnosis, I undertook an“anamnesis” towards understanding, more or less, the etiological history of those male and female as well, finding themselves “ à posteriori” playing the institutionalized part of“pathological” trainees. From that point of view, I had to study different spaces that are namely : the family, the school and the institutional environment as well as their impacts on the socio-professional trajectories of the individuals concerned. In other words, the objective was to check to what extent, based on social supports received (nature, intensity, quality of resources ...), that youth may find the springs and dynamics allowing them to trace their own path.It is in this context that I integrated two associations active in social work towards facilitating the process of inserting young people having difficulties to enter the world of employment. Considered as communicational spaces, the “Mission Locale” and particularly “l’Atelier” were my privileged places of ethnographic observation, where I strived to single out the games of actors, power games, objectives and the multiple interactions entwined in these territories. A specific interest was put on personal experiences, perceptions, conflictual and /or cooperative interactions between social workers and beneficiaries. Jogging, basket (shoes), cap position (back / front) or street language, this field survey also allowed me to study the esthetics, postures and body expressions of young people by looking at the significance they take as individuals and / or collective action, particularly within social associations. In a broader prospect, I have tried to see how and to what extent the agents / actors of the social institutions take into account the specificities of this public and manage to create points of balance between the request of the beneficiaries and the institutional command, between imperatives as mediate and immediate structural constraints.

A presente dissertação tem como tema o processo de formação de um coletivo de estudantes da Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Sul, intitulado Grupo de Trabalho de Ações Afirmativas (GTAA), que se propôs a estudar e reivindicar a implementação do sistema de cotas, nas modalidades étnico-racial e socioeconômica, na referida universidade. O intuito foi o de investigar tal processo, buscando fatores que explicassem sua ocorrência no contexto estudado, envolvendo os indivíduos participantes, o período histórico e as condições estruturais da instituição que permitiram seu surgimento. Aliando propostas teóricas sobre a ação social a partir da constituição de “projetos” individuais e coletivos e de estudos sobre ações coletivas a partir da noção de “estrutura de oportunidades políticas”,interrogou-se o objeto de estudo para captar o que concedeu sustentação a esta organização. A conclusão a que chegou-se é a de que a pauta cotas, menos do que por seu conteúdo intrínseco, foi adotada pelos membros do grupo como forma de atribuírem significados às suas atuações enquanto graduandos, face à disponibilidade encontrada para tal proposta, demonstrando que são nas “situações sociais” que produzem-se os fundamentos para o surgimento de ações políticas que buscam suas transformações. / The theme of this essay is the process of forming a collective of students from the Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Sul, entitled Working Group on Affirmative Action (GTAA), which proposed to study and claim the implementation of the quota system, in modalities ethnic-racial and socioeconomic, at that university. The aim was to investigate this process, seeking factors that explain its occurrence in the context studied, involving individuals who participated, the historical period and the frame conditions of the institution that allowed its emergence. Combining theoretical proposals about the social action from the constitution of “projects” individual and collective and studies about collective action based on the notion of "political opportunity frames," the object of study was questioned to found what gave sustention to this organization. The conclusion arrived is that the agenda of quotas, less than its intrinsic content, was adopted by the group members as a way to assign meanings to their actions as graduates, given the availability found for this proposal, showing that are in the "social situations" that are produced the elements for the emergence of political actions that seek their transformations.

Tanzania is ranked among the world’s poorest nations despite her enormous natural resource base, enviable tropical climate and geographic location as the gateway into several landlocked African countries. This abject poverty is particularly pronounced in the rural areas where almost ninety per cent of the population live. In this study, the researcher sought to unravel the complexity of participation with regard to Tanzania’s rural community development and thereby provide insight into possible policy guidelines that will result in more effective and sustainable community development. Since independence, grandiose government policies, political manifestos, different socio-political ideologies, astronomical budgets of national and donor funding as well as bona fide efforts have made little difference in the eradication of poverty in Tanzania’s rural communities. The researcher opines that Tanzania’s failure to meet its development goals and its dismal economic performance are a result of the rural communities’ lack of participation in development projects. Social inclusion as a concept and the game theory of participation were explored as dynamic and innovative analytical tools to understand the participatory process in community development. The framework was tested against the analysis of participation in multiple health, education and water projects in rural Tanzania. The key findings of this study indicate that the community members’ lack of participation has hindered development efforts but there are mitigating circumstances. The community members are, for the most part, willing to participate in development projects. However, they find themselves socially excluded by variables which include government policies, bureaucratic obstacles, conflicts arising from political alliances and deeply-entrenched corruption. Based on the findings and conclusion of this study, this study makes recommendations for the implementation of more meaningful community participation in rural Tanzania includes having more women and youth representatives at every leadership level especially at the grassroots level and giving local government autonomy. The researcher concluded that, for participation to be effective, it has to be accompanied by well-structured empowerment programmes. Wherever possible, participation by beneficiaries should be solicited from the initial stages of a project. Participation is therefore synonymous with the inclusion of all groups. The researcher’s conclusive thesis is that, should the government adopt this participatory approach, the stalled growth will gain traction and pull the nation from its position among the world’s poorest countries and place it on the path towards sustainable progress. / Development Studies / D. Litt. et Phil. (Development Studies)

A presente dissertação tem como tema o processo de formação de um coletivo de estudantes da Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Sul, intitulado Grupo de Trabalho de Ações Afirmativas (GTAA), que se propôs a estudar e reivindicar a implementação do sistema de cotas, nas modalidades étnico-racial e socioeconômica, na referida universidade. O intuito foi o de investigar tal processo, buscando fatores que explicassem sua ocorrência no contexto estudado, envolvendo os indivíduos participantes, o período histórico e as condições estruturais da instituição que permitiram seu surgimento. Aliando propostas teóricas sobre a ação social a partir da constituição de “projetos” individuais e coletivos e de estudos sobre ações coletivas a partir da noção de “estrutura de oportunidades políticas”,interrogou-se o objeto de estudo para captar o que concedeu sustentação a esta organização. A conclusão a que chegou-se é a de que a pauta cotas, menos do que por seu conteúdo intrínseco, foi adotada pelos membros do grupo como forma de atribuírem significados às suas atuações enquanto graduandos, face à disponibilidade encontrada para tal proposta, demonstrando que são nas “situações sociais” que produzem-se os fundamentos para o surgimento de ações políticas que buscam suas transformações. / The theme of this essay is the process of forming a collective of students from the Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Sul, entitled Working Group on Affirmative Action (GTAA), which proposed to study and claim the implementation of the quota system, in modalities ethnic-racial and socioeconomic, at that university. The aim was to investigate this process, seeking factors that explain its occurrence in the context studied, involving individuals who participated, the historical period and the frame conditions of the institution that allowed its emergence. Combining theoretical proposals about the social action from the constitution of “projects” individual and collective and studies about collective action based on the notion of "political opportunity frames," the object of study was questioned to found what gave sustention to this organization. The conclusion arrived is that the agenda of quotas, less than its intrinsic content, was adopted by the group members as a way to assign meanings to their actions as graduates, given the availability found for this proposal, showing that are in the "social situations" that are produced the elements for the emergence of political actions that seek their transformations.