This study aims to examine the EU’s normative power through the Common Commercial Policy (CCP) before and after the Treaty of Lisbon entered into force. The study is a comparative study and was carried out through a document study of official documents and treaties. To pursue the aim the following questions were asked: What are the differences and similarities within the EU's common trade policy before and after the introduction of the Treaty of Lisbon and does the Treaty of Lisbon increased the normative ambition of the EU?   In this study Ian Manners theory Normative Power Europe has been categorized into direct normative actions and indirect normative actions. The empirical material is based on literature, primary document, Official Journal of the European Union and EU: s webpage.   The conclusions of this study show that the Treaty of Lisbon has changed the constitutional basis for the common commercial policy in several ways. The CCP has more room after the Treaty of Lisbon to develop and take on direct normative actions. The major difference is that the CCP now endorse all the Union’s objectives, principles and values which give the CCP more opportunities to set normative requirements and gain normative power.

Concurrence est concernée par les systèmes informatiques des agents multiples qui interagissent les uns avec les autres. Bisimilarité est l'un des principales représentantes de ces derniers. Programmation concurrente par contraintes (ccp) est un formalisme qui combine le point de vue traditionnel des formules algébriques et opérationnelles des calculs de processus avec une notion déclarative basée sur logique. La définition standard de bisimilarité n'est pas complètement satisfaisante pour ccp car il donne une équivalence qui est trop à grain fin. Nous introduisons une sémantique de transitions étiquetées et une notion de bisimilarité totalement abstraite à l'équivalence observationnelle en ccp. Lorsque l'espace d'état d'un système est fini, la notion ordinaire de bisimilarité peut être calculé par l'algorithme de partition de raffinement, mais, cet algorithme ne fonctionne pas pour la bisimilarité de ccp. Par conséquent, nous fournissons un algorithme que nous permet de vérifier bisimilarité forte pour ccp, en utilisant un pré-raffinement et une fonction de partition basée sur la bisimilarité irredondante. Bisimilarité faible est une équivalence comportementale obtenue en prenant en compte uniquement les actions qui sont observables dans le système. Typiquement, le raffinement de partition standard peut être utilisé pour décider bisimilarité faible simplement en utilisant la réduction de Milner allant de faible à forte. Nous démontrons que, en raison de ses impliquées transitions étiquetées, la technique mentionnée ci-dessus ne fonctionne pas pour ccp. Nous donnons une réduction qui nous permet d'utiliser cet algorithme pour ccp pour décider cette équivalence.

This master’s thesis will thoroughly analyze the discourse that is the transformation and interaction of the Maoist ideology with the previous Confucian traditions and its importance in institutional spheres of society in contemporary China. The thesis aims to analyze correlations and causations to the aspect of the rise of Maoism from a non-Communist Chinese society highly influenced by Confucian values and traditions to a Maoist dominated Chinese cultural, social, and political landscape. With a comparative discourse analysis and a theoretical framework based on the development and rise of authoritarian ideologies and the correlations ideologies and religions can have interchangeably, the thesis aims to shed light on the aspects of rising authoritarianism and how they influence contemporary Chinese institutions of power. This is indeed of utmost relevance and importance since the Chinese Communist Party under the rule of Xi Jinping now increases its cultural, social, and political influence within the country itself, the greater Chinese speaking world, and on the international stage. The CCP utilizes Confucian centers of learning around the world to strengthen the nation’s political, social, and ideological influence and power monopoly and to spread CCP propaganda through the Confucian centers. In other words, the Confucian philosophy and ideology has had an increasingly more important role in the Chinese political, social, and cultural landscape. The usage of comparative discourse analysis linked to authoritarian development and continuation of authoritarian systems is useful to understand the contemporary Chinese context but also other contexts where religiously linked authoritarian rule has been replaced with a communist or Marxist authoritarian rule based on ideology, such as the case of Imperial Russia and the Soviet Union and the rise of Communism in Eastern Europe after World War II.

Den här uppsatsen består av en partiell översättning med kommentar av Kinas kommunistiska partis rapport från den 20:e nationella partikongressen som ägde rum i oktober 2022. Översättningen gjordes från kinesiska till svenska utifrån en översättningsprincip baserad på skopos att en ”vanlig svensk” ska förstå texten. Syftet är att undersöka vilka översättningsproblem som uppstår vid översättningen av kinesisk politisk diskurs till svenska för den svensk kulturkontexten. Politisk terminologi identifieras som det enskilt största översättningsproblemet, samt att ett antal mindre översättningsproblem på grammatisk, lexikal, syntaktisk och stilnivå även diskuteras. Översättningen och kommentaren kompletteras även med en komparativ studie där den svenska översättningen jämförs med KKP:s officiella engelska översättning utifrån skoposteorin och Juliane House SFL-baserade metodologi för kvalitetsbedömning av översättningar. Jämförelsen visar att KKP:s översättning gör större textuella avsteg från källtexten, medan min översättning använder sig av fotnoter, samt att KKP:s översättning ligger nära förtäckt och min översättning ligger nära öppen översättning på House skala mellan de två. / This thesis consists of a partial translation, with commentary, of the report from the 20th national party congress of the Chinese Communist Party which was held in October 2022. The text was translated from Chinese into Swedish with a translation principle based on the skopos that a “normal swede” should be able to understand the text. The purpose is to explore translational problems when translating Chinese political discourse into Swedish for the Swedish culture context. Political terminology is identified as the single largest translational problem. A number of smaller problems are also identified on the grammatical, lexical, syntactical and style levels. The translation with commentary is also accompanied by a comparative study where the Swedish translation is compared to the official English translation sanctioned by the CCP, based on skopos theory and Juliane House’s SFL-based translation quality assessment methodology. The comparison shows that the official translation diverges more from the source text textually, while mine uses footnotes, and that the CCP translation lies close to covert translation, on the scale from covert to overt, where my translation is on the other end of the scale.

在眾多新聞報導或是學術論文中，描述到改革開放之後中共政治領導精英的資歷特徵時，皆認可現今中共領導人具有技術官僚出身的背景，但到底技術官僚定義為何？又現今中共領導階層果真多為技術官僚？技術官僚治國實能展現與職業官僚(career bureaucrats)迥異的執政風格？針對這些命題，卻是很少學者能夠提出一個完整而清晰的解釋。 針對以上所提出的疑問，形成了本論文的問題意識與架構，除了第一章導論與最後一章結論外，依序可以分成定義、起源、過程、影響四個部分，進一步說明： 一、從定義方面，何謂技術官僚？在第二章「技術官僚理論」中，提出本文對於技術官僚的定義：技術官僚是一個受過科學、技術等相關學科大學以上高等教育者，擁有專業的知識經驗，掌握政治上權力並傾向推動理性化決策機制，致力發展社會經濟。進而觀察技術官僚理論的歷史脈絡，主要分成兩大主軸發展，包括著重於社會專業技術發展背景的「後工業社會理論」以及著重於國家體制轉變的「漸常化理論」。最後，針對技術官僚理論中的兩大爭議，提出本文的看法：在技術官僚與政治技術官僚爭議方面，技術官僚將超越普通官僚佔據政治上的主導地位，因此採取技術官僚的說法是比較適合的；在有關民主化爭議方面，「政治最小化改革論」正說明技術官僚對於民主化的心態。 二、從起源方面，技術官僚在中共領導階層中興起原因為何？在第三章「中共技術官僚興起的背景」中，著眼於中國大陸的獨特性，從宏觀與微觀兩個方面，進行對於中共技術官僚興起原因的闡釋。在宏觀方面，由於技術官僚具備靈活政策執行能力的特性與經濟發展的觀點，讓中共得以應付極權主義衰退、威權主義興起所帶來的衝擊，創造新的合法性以維持統治地位。在微觀方面，鄧小平理論當中紅專論、科教興國論成為指導思想，新型態的幹部遞補制度則淘汰了年老、不具競爭力的革命幹部，建立年輕、具有執行力的幹部隊伍，這些措施皆幫助技術官僚在中共政治舞台上的興起。 三、從過程方面，中共政治領導精英是否為技術官僚？在第四章「中共技術官僚的發展—政治局案例分析」中，以十二大到十六大政治局作為樣本，從汰換率、教育、職業三個指標驗證中共技術官僚的形成，技術官僚在中共政治領導精英當中的發展，主要可分為三個時期：1982-1987年的「醞釀期」、1987-1997年的「成長期」，1997年之後的「成熟期」。時至今日，技術官僚不但佔了政治局委員一半以上，甚至每位政治局常委皆有技術官僚的背景，由此推論技術官僚已佔據中共政治體制當中的主導地位。 四、從影響方面，技術官僚制是否對於中國大陸政治具有影響力？是否真如理論中所言展現出有別於革命幹部新型態的統治方式？在第五章「中共技術官僚制的影響—三峽大壩決策分析」當中，對照改革開放前後三峽大壩決策方式的差異，革命幹部時期領導人是以防洪、國家安全，以及動員式思考的觀點出發，一元化、非專業化地推動三峽大壩的決策過程，專家能夠論證的空間狹小；技術官僚時期則著重三峽大壩對於經濟發展的帶動效應，決策方式較為多元化、專業化，不同領域的專家能夠針對三峽大壩能有較開放的意見討論空間。由此證明技術官僚理論對於解釋中國大陸政治確有其有效性，也解決了長久以來技術官僚制僅限於理論說明而不能提出實證依據的困境。 本文在結論部分回歸理論層次，反思後社會主義時期精英轉型，學界曾提出兩種對立的觀點：精英再生產理論與精英循環理論，若就中共政治領導精英的更替而言，本文支持精英循環理論的觀點，認為舊的革命幹部已被新型態的技術官僚所取代，老幹部們不再繼續掌握政治甚至社會上的權力。另外，在中共技術官僚制發展成熟之後，經濟以及法律相關系統出身的官僚將會逐漸增加，成為未來注意中共精英政治發展新的焦點。 / Numerous news reports or academic papers with describing the political elites in CCP after the open and reform in 1980’s have mostly recognized that nowadays the leaders of CCP have the same background of technocrats. But who’s technocrat? Are most of CCP’s political leaders technocrats? Is technocracy different from bureaucracy? Few scholars have a complete and clear explanation for this. These questions lead to the main idea and structure of the dissertation, except the first and the last chapter, which is divided in four parts: definition, origin, process, and influence. These four parts are as follows: About the definition, what’s the kind of man so-called “technocrat”? In the second chapter “technocratic theory,” the definition of technocrat is: a technocrat is a highly educated person, who majors in science and technical fields in result of having professional knowledge and experiences. He (She) holds political power in hand, inclines to move decision-making machines into rationalization, and devotes himself (herself) faithfully to develop social economics. Following history step by step, the technocratic theory develops toward two main directions: one is the theory of post-industrial society that focuses on the development of professional technology in modern society; the other is the theory of devolution that focuses on the transformation of national system. Moreover, for two arguments in technocratic theory, our points are as follows: about the difference between technocracy and political technocracy, technocrats will be taking much advantage in politics over career bureaucrats so that the version of technocracy is appropriate; political minimalism describes the attitude of technocrat toward democracy. About the origin, why technocrats could rise in the leading class of CCP? The third chapter “the background of CCP’s technocrats,” focusing on the unique of Mainland China, explains the reason from macroscopic and microscopic vision why technocrats rise. From macroscopic vision, because of technocrats’ policy-enforcing capability and economic-developing ability, CCP could not only control the impact that totalitarianism declines while authoritarianism rises but also establish new legitimacy to maintain its governance. From microscopic vision, the theory of “expert is red” and the strategy of “rejuvenate the country through science and education” direct politics elite recruitment system that young and capable elites replace revolutionary cadres. These measures actually help technocracy built in politics of CCP. About the process, are CCP’s political leaders technocrats? In the fourth chapter “the development of technocrats in CCP: a case study of politburo committee,” it examines the formation of technocrats from 12th to 16th politburo members of CCP with three indexes: recruitment, education, and profession. The development of CCP’s technocrats can be divided in three phases: the recessive period from 1982 to 1987, the growing period from 1987 to 1997, the mature period after 1997.Nowadays, technocrats have been more than 50% in politburo members of CCP. What is more, every standing member of politburo is the technocrat and technocrats take great advantage of political system in Mainland China. About the influence, do technocrats have important influence over Chinese politics? Is technocracy different from bureaucracy as the theory describes? The fifth chapter “the influence of CCP’s technocracy: an analysis of the decision-making process of Three Gorges Dam” compares the difference between the decision-making processes of Three Gorges Dam before and after 1980’s: during the period of revolutionary cadres, political leaders focus on the point of view in preventing flood, national security, and mobilization that drive the decision into monopoly, un-profession, and little discussion of experts; during the period of technocracy, political leaders focus on the promotion of booming economy, meanwhile, drive the decision into pluralism, professionalism, and open discussion. From above, it confirms that technocratic theory has its validity for politics in Mainland China and solves the dilemma of only theory but no actual evidence in technocracy. After all, we turn into the level of theory about the elite transformation during post-Communist period that includes two points of view: theory of elite reproduction and theory of elite circulation. As the recruitment of political leading elite in CCP, theory of elite reproduction is a better explanation because old revolutionary cadres, no longer have political even social power, are replaced by the new type of technocrats. Eventually, after technocracy has been developed maturely, elites who are professional in economics and law will become important and attractive points in the research field of CCP’s elite politics in the near future.

吳玉山提出「後極權資本主義發展國家」的概念來形容為何中國在維持高速經濟發展的同時，依然保有對國家機器的控制與公民社會的滲透，他認為中國大陸發展趨勢乃是揉合了蘇東和東亞模式，經改上的亮眼表現雖然帶來政治參與的壓力，但中共卻能夠有效轉化這些壓力，回應外界挑戰並且持續執政、鞏固一黨領導。隨著中國大陸擴展國際視野，具有留學背景的菁英也逐漸在高層政治中嶄露頭角，然而海歸菁英由於曾經接觸西方民主思潮，因此成為政治甄用對象中最有可能產生價值矛盾的族群。依循這樣的思路，本文試圖從政治菁英甄補（political recruitment）的面向，解釋中共如何在推動經濟成長的同時延續國家統治的絕對優勢。本文發現海歸派在政治領域中發揮諮詢的功能並扮演執行的角色，主要集中在學術單位與政府職能部門。在仕途發展方面，除了在原生系統升遷之外，海歸官員於不同升遷渠道間的水平流動，以「政府機關往人大政協」的晉升為主。我們認為造成這種現象的原因，乃是中共致力於推動現代化建設，但另一方面又擔心西方民主思想滲透動搖共產黨領導的結果。 / The party control over state apparatuses and civil society has remained strong during China’s rapid economic rise. The approach China has taken after economic reform has been an amalgamation of the Soviet/Eastern European and East Asian models, which is the Post-Totalitarian Capitalist Developmental State, provided by Yu-Shan Wu. Foreign-educated returnees have already emerged in China’s political arena as a distinguished political elite group, as characterized by the skills for external communication and technical knowledge that they posses. Furthermore, for the foreign-educated political elite, the experience of oversea studies also may cause tension between the one-party dictatorship thinking and the western democratic ideals in their mind. We attempt to explain how the CCP simultaneously promotes economic growth and maintains political domination from the dimension of political recruitment. There are two main findings in this paper: First, most of the returnees work in academic units and professional departments in government. They play the role of consultants or executives during decision making processes. Second, for career paths the most obvious political mobility of the foreign-educated elites among recruitment channels is the “Government toward NPC and CPPCC”. To conclude, this reveals that the Chinese leaders are determined on preventing the penetration of western democratic ideals on one hand, and accelerating the modernization of China on the other.

To diagnose rheumatoid arthritis (RA) during the early stages of the disease is often difficult. The disease course shows great inter-individual variation from mild, self-limiting to very severe destruc-tive disease with extra-articular manifestations. Early aggressive treatment with potentially toxic drugs has been shown to improve the long-term outcome. Thus, it is desirable to make an early reliable di-agnosis and to identify those patients who would benefit from being treated most aggressively. The aim of this thesis was to evaluate laboratory and clinically markers of inflammation as predic-tors of disease course, to compare dual-energy X-ray absorptiometry (DXA) and conventional radiog-raphy (CR) as measures of joint destruction and to investigate the significance of antibodies against cyclic citrullinated peptide (anti-CCP antibodies), rheumatoid factors (RFs) and HLA shared epitope (SE) alleles for the relative risk of future development of RA and as predictors of disease severity in patients with early RA. Patients with RA of recent onset are included in the early RA programme at the Department of Rheumatology, University Hospital, Umeå and are followed longitudinally. The prediction of markers of inflammation for bone loss and radiological outcome was analyzed in the first 43 patients recruited. Radiographs of hands and feet (Larsen score) and bone mineral density (BMD) in hands (DXA), were assessed at baseline, after 1 and 2 years. The disease activity was evaluated clinically and by labora-tory tests. Radiological damage increased significantly during the study and was particularly corre-lated with Larsen score at baseline. BMD in hands decreased significantly in postmenopausal women and the decrease was greater than in healthy matched controls. Radiological progression and bone loss in hands was retarded by an early response to therapy. In a case-control study within the Medical Biobank and the Maternity cohort of Northern Sweden, patients from the early RA programme were identified among blood donors from whom samples had been collected years before onset of symptoms. The prevalence of anti-CCP antibodies and RFs (IgA-RF, IgG-RF and IgM-RF) was investigated in samples from 83 individuals (pre-patients) and com-pared with matched controls. SE alleles were assessed in a sub-group of 59 individuals. Anti-CCP antibodies and RFs preceded onset of RA by several years and increased in prevalence closer to dis-ease onset. Anti-CCP antibodies and IgA-RF significantly predicted the onset of RA. The combination of anti-CCP antibodies and SE alleles was associated with a high relative risk for future development of RA. In a later co-analysis between the register of patients in the early RA programme (n=138) and the Medical Biobank and the Maternity cohort, 93 pre-patient samples were identified. The significance of SE alleles and of the presence of anti-CCP antibodies and RFs before and at disease onset for disease activity and severity was studied. Radiographs of hands and feet were assessed at baseline and after 2 years (Larsen score). The presence of anti-CCP antibodies in pre-patient samples and at baseline was associated with radiological damage, as was presence of all RFs at baseline. A higher titre of anti-CCP antibodies was associated with greater radiological progression. The titre was lowered by a therapeutic response. In multiple logistic regression analyses anti-CCP antibodies, IgA-RF, ESR and swollen joint count predicted greater radiological progression, whilst a therapeutic response predicted a lesser pro-gression. In conclusion, anti-CCP antibodies and IgA-RF are predictors for future onset of RA and for radio-logical destruction and progression. The combination of anti-CCP antibodies and SE alleles is associ-ated with a high relative risk for future RA. Therapeutic response decreases the radiological progres-sion and the bone loss in hands and lowers the titre of anti-CCP antibodies. Conventional radiography is a better measure of joint destruction than DXA.

¡§Individual¡¨is the basic analytic unit in a pluralistic society. Especially, phenomenon of public affairs is essence of the problem and is based on individual cognition, hidden in group behavior. The individual cognition forms group judgment and interpersonal influence in the group. This interpersonal influence process may simplify as the power relations between group members, the communication network and the interaction form in the group, and the opinion relations within the group (French, 1956). The conflict is the essential situation of interpersonal influence and also is one kind of relational form and phenomenon for group judgment. Therefore, it is necessary to understand the interpersonal influence and conduct interpersonal mutual cooperation in the public affairs area. The group decision-making (or judgment) can be explored based on observable individual preference and group decision-making. That can infer unobservable interpersonal influence. This interpersonal influence process transforms the individual judgment into the group decision-making. There are two stages in interpersonal influence process, including opinion formation for individual members, and compromise among group members. Namely, the individual might revise his or her preference voluntarily. The group integrates the revised members¡¦ judgments into group decision-making. That is, the group process resembles the process which individual integrates multi-cues like information integration theory (IIT) (Friedkin, 2005; Sniezek et al., 1989). The average cognitive algebra pattern in IIT may measure the interpersonal influence effectively. The theories of group decision-making are still insufficient. For example, social power theory and social comparison theory explain the concept of choice shift, but not positivism. Social decision scheme (SDS) employs decision scheme to predict the group decision-making, but it is insufficient for explaining the group decision-making process. Although social dilemma explores both individual level and group level, it cannot provide the weighting method. Cognitive conflict paradigm (CCP) discusses judgment policy shift, but preference shift is still not mentioned. Although CCP focuses on interpersonal learning, it does not propose how to weight interpersonal influence. The functional measurement theory in IIT may supplement insufficiencies in these theories.. The research utilizes the concept and the method of IIT, which prodivides experimental validity for explaining the complex interpersonal influence process by using social weight. This research uses budget allocation as discussion cases. Interpersonal conflicts are divided by the cognitive conflict and the interest conflict. By using social judgment theory (SJT), this research can analyze cognitive difference in the case of cognitive conflict. Besides, using quasi-experimental procedure in IIT, the findings of this research include: 1. In the group process, group members¡¦ judgments are integrated to group decision-making based on unequal-weight rule mostly. Members¡¦ social weights are different and depend on the level of members¡¦ preferences. 2. The members in different groups have the same preferences initially. Although social weights of these members are not significant difference in statistic, these members still appear the differences between individuals. 3. In cognitive conflict case, the group consensus is not consistently accompanied by cognitive consensus. 4. The group influence results from normative social influence, rather than from informational social influence. 5. It shows that there is negative correlation between social weight and normative effect. Besides, social weight and comprise degree also show negative.correlation 6. The cognitive feedback and the outcome feedback don¡¦t affect decision-making result. 7. The relationship between social weight and the degree of satisfaction is not supported. The social weight and the fairness of decision-making process show significant correlation 8. The subjects¡¦ decision-making performances in the study don¡¦t show significant difference

在本研究中，我通過對中國共產黨第十七屆中央委員之間的共事網絡的蒐集和分析，探索的是胡錦濤時代的黨國權力的集中化特徵。作為一個高度組織化的列寧式政黨，中國共產黨在21世紀初期依然保持了對中國的有效的威權統治，其政權的穩定和不穩定性是外界高度關注的焦點，但長期以來也因為資訊的不透明而被視為「黑盒子」。因為任何組織或者制度都是鑲嵌在社會關係中的，而組織內的共事關係是使組織作為組織運轉的重要社會關係，對共事網絡的研究有助於釐清中共作為一個菁英式政黨的組織邏輯。研究結果顯示，傳統的恩庇侍從、派系或者官僚模型對中共權力集中化的解釋都是有限的。在胡錦濤的第二屆中共中央總書記任期內，中共政治菁英的共事網絡中出現的是高度的團體與團體之間鑲嵌的狀況，結構洞大量地存在。而在控制了政治資歷變項的影響後，開放網絡中的社會資本對十七大政治菁英在十八大後擔任黨國的重要職位的機率有顯著的正向影響。社會鑲嵌應有助於解釋中共的威權韌性。 / Through collecting and analyzing the colleague network of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP)’s 17th Central Committee, this research attempts to analyze the characteristic of the party state’s power centralization in the Hu Jintao era. As a highly organized Leninist party, the CCP still effectively maintains its authoritarian control of China at the beginning of the 21st century. The stability and instability of the regime has always been of great interest to outside observers, but its elite politics has always been seen as a “black box” because of its lack of transparency. Insofar as all organizations and institutions are embedded in social relations, and colleague relationships inside an organization are key social relationships that facilitate the organization to run as an organization, a study of the CCP’s colleague network would help to explicate the elitist party’s organizational logic. My finding suggests that classical models of patron-clientelism, factionalism, or bureaucracy provide only limited explanation of the CCP’s current form of power centralization. During Hu Jintao’s second term serving as the General Secretary of the Party, there exist a great amount of mutual embeddedness and structural holes among different groups inside the colleague network of the CCP’s political elites. After controlling the effect of political qualification variables, their amount of social capitals in open networks have significant positive correlation with their chance of occupying more advanced positions after the 18th Party Congress. Social embeddedness helps to explain the CCP’s authoritarian resilience.

Submitted by Mariele Seco null (mariele.seco@gmail.com) on 2017-09-24T22:14:55Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação_SECOMariele.pdf: 5743463 bytes, checksum: de561ce070d8e87818e8d3b4f24b1430 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Monique Sasaki (sayumi_sasaki@hotmail.com) on 2017-09-27T19:59:58Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 seco_m_me_sjrp.pdf: 5743463 bytes, checksum: de561ce070d8e87818e8d3b4f24b1430 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-09-27T19:59:58Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 seco_m_me_sjrp.pdf: 5743463 bytes, checksum: de561ce070d8e87818e8d3b4f24b1430 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-09-04 / Esta pesquisa volta-se ao estudo dos aspectos culturais presentes nas expressões idiomáticas relacionadas a gastronomismos (EIGs) em português do Brasil. Correspondentes idiomáticos em francês da França são sugeridos para essas expressões constituídas por nomes de alimentos, com o fim de evidenciar que, por vezes, as diferentes culturas conferem ao léxico valores particulares a um povo, as chamadas cargas culturais partilhadas (CCPs), conceito criado por Galisson (1988). As expressões idiomáticas (EIs), entendidas como lexias complexas, indecomponíveis, conotativas e cristalizadas em um idioma pela tradição cultural (XATARA, 1998), podem gerar dificuldades na intercompreensão dos estrangeiros que não partilham de uma mesma cultura e, portanto, que não reconhecem suas referências extralinguísticas. Com isso, defende-se a difusão dos aspectos e das cargas culturais que essas expressões encerram em dicionários especiais bilíngues para aprendizes de língua estrangeira, que sejam úteis também para tradutores e demais consulentes. A hipótese delineada é a de que, uma vez que a cultura se revela nessas estruturas, cada povo apresenta um repertório específico de EIs, baseado em suas visões de mundo e, como consequência, as EIs correspondentes em outras línguas apresentariam diferenças substanciais na sua constituição e, por vezes, no uso. Contudo, a análise de um inventário de 111 EIGs em português do Brasil e 100 correspondentes idiomáticos em francês da França, resulta que, ao contrário do que se pensava, muitas EIs correspondentes apresentam semelhanças sintáticas e semânticas, fazendo uso, algumas vezes, dos mesmos referentes, porém, sustenta-se que as diferenças culturais ainda podem ser percebidas. Muitas vezes, ainda que o referente seja o mesmo, a CCP varia de uma língua para outra, podendo gerar incompreensão ou mal-entendidos quanto à significação das EIs. Para realização deste estudo, um banco de dados, o BD-CULTEIG, constituiu-se em uma primeira etapa, a fim de gerar um produto fraseográfico de caráter cultural, centrado nas expressões idiomáticas relacionadas a gastronomismos. A proposta do banco de dados não visa criar tão somente uma ferramenta de tradução, mas uma obra que auxilie na compreensão das EIs, com suporte à compreensão da cultura do outro, possibilitando sanar possíveis dúvidas quanto ao uso adequado dessas estruturas. Nele estão contidas as 111 EIGs do português do Brasil e 100 correspondentes em francês da França, seguidas de EIs sinônimas e variantes nas duas línguas, definição, exemplos-ocorrências coletados na web como corpus (Kilgarriff e Greffenstette, 2003), aspectos culturais e outras observações, que consistem em informações, quando necessárias, acerca do conteúdo semântico e uso dos idiomatismos. / This research is oriented to the study of cultural aspects contained in idioms related to gastronomy (EIGs) in Brazilian Portuguese. Idiomatic correspondences in French of France are suggested for these expressions composed by food names to highlight that, at times, different cultures give the lexicon particular values to a people, the so-called shared cultural content (CCPs), a concept created by Galisson (1988). Idioms (EIs), understood as complex lexias, indecomposable, connotative and crystallized in a language by cultural tradition (XATARA, 1998), can generate difficulty in inter-comprehension among foreigners that don’t share the same culture and therefore don’t recognize their extralinguistic references. Thereby, we defend the dissemination of aspects and cultural heritage that these expressions enclose in special bilingual dictionaries for foreign language learners, that can also be useful for translators and other consultants. The outlined hypothesis is that once the culture reveals itself in these structures, each people presents a specific repertoire of idioms, based on their perception of the world and, as consequence, the correspondent idioms in other languages would present substantial differences in their constitution and, at times, in their usage. However, the analysis of an inventory composed by 111 gastronomy idioms in Brazilian Portuguese and 100 idiomatic correspondences in French of France, contrary to what was thought, results that a lot of idioms present syntactic and semantic similarities, using sometimes the same references, but with cultural differences that can still be noticed. Many times, even if the reference is the same, the shared cultural content varies from a language to another and can result in incomprehension or misunderstandings concerning the meanings of the idioms. To perform this study, a database, the BD-CULTEIG, was constituted in a first phase to generate a phrase product with cultural character, centered in idioms related to gastronomy. The proposal of the database is not only to create a translation tool but a work that helps understanding idioms, with support for comprehension of other cultures, allowing it to answer any doubts related to the appropriate use of these structures. It contains the 111 idioms in Brazilian Portuguese and 100 correspondences in French of France, followed by synonyms and variant idioms in both languages, definition, examples of occurrence collected on the web as corpus (Kilgarriff e Greffenstette, 2003), cultural aspects and other observations consisting of information, when needed, about the semantic content and idioms usage.