The peaceful solution of conflicts and regional integration issues are in evidence under the law and the complex international relations. To associate these issues in order to try to conjecture prospects to the strengthening of the multilateralism was the main objective of this work, specifically in relation to the Mercosur, where currently a scenario of mutual trust and military cooperation is in force, particularly concerning to a contribution with The United Nations to the administration and solution of crisis and conflicts. Currently this environment is materialized in the joint participation in the United Nations Stabilization Mission in Haiti - MINUSTAH, considered as an inaugural mark of a new paradigm for the UN intervention. Besides trying to demonstrate the common potentialities of the countries of the block to the activities of peace and security maintenance in the context of foreign military action motivated by different factors of the strict national direct interest - precepts of Solidary Diplomacy relative aspects to the new role of developing countries are dealt in peace and security issues, especially in support to UN activities, aimed to ensure the protection of the rights of the individual. From the hypothesis of appearance of a new intervention paradigm and of reach of a standard of military cooperation in Mercosur, as well as of an accumulation of experiences for common participations in UN Peace Operations, it is reached the conclusion that the conditions to the deepening of military integration in the region are given, to establish joint mechanisms of training of military and civilians for this operations, besides the possibility of formation of a Mercosur Force of Peace to act under UN mandate in conflicts considered of less intensity. / A solução pacífica dos conflitos e a integração regional são temas em evidência no âmbito do Direito e das complexas relações internacionais. Aliar esses temas a fim de tentar conjecturar perspectivas para o fortalecimento do Multilateralismo constitui-se no principal objetivo deste trabalho, especificamente em relação ao Mercosul, onde vige um cenário de confiança mútua e cooperação militar, sobretudo no que diz respeito à contribuição com as Nações Unidas para administração e solução de crises e conflitos. Esse ambiente materializase, atualmente, na participação conjunta na Missão das Nações Unidas para Estabilização do Haiti MINUSTAH, considerada como marco inaugural de um novo paradigma de intervenção das Nações Unidas. Além de tentar demonstrar as potencialidades comuns dos países do Bloco para as atividades de manutenção de paz e segurança, no contexto da ação militar externa motivada por fatores diversos do estrito interesse nacional direto - preceitos da Diplomacia Solidária são abordados aspectos relativos ao novo papel dos países em desenvolvimento nas questões de paz e segurança, sobretudo em apoio às atividades onusianas destinadas a garantir a proteção dos direitos dos indivíduos. A partir das hipóteses de surgimento de um novo paradigma de intervenção e do alcance de um considerável nível de cooperação militar no Mercosul, bem como de um acúmulo de experiências por participações comuns nas Operações de Paz da ONU, chega-se a conclusão que estão postas as condições para o aprofundamento da integração militar na região, no sentido de se constituir mecanismos conjuntos de treinamento de militares e civis para as referidas operações, bem como para a possibilidade da formação de uma Força de Paz Mercosulina para atuar, sob mandato das Nações Unidas, nos conflitos considerados de menor intensidade.

A cooperação militar entre Brasil e Argentina é um fenômeno que ocorre desde 1978, quando a Marinha do Brasil e a Armada Argentina realizaram um exercício militar denominado de Operação Fraterno. Nos anos seguintes, a cooperação militar bilateral se expandiu de forma tanto quantitativa como qualitativa, abrangendo gama variada de atividades. Esta cooperação, contudo, não seguia diretrizes traçadas pelas chancelarias ou pelos chefes de Estado. As decisões pela realização das atividades eram tomadas no âmbito das próprias Marinhas, atendendo a critérios puramente técnico-operacionais, não fazendo parte, portanto, das políticas externas dos dois governos. Quando, nos anos 1990, os Exércitos e as Forças Aéreas passaram a realizar suas próprias atividades de cooperação, o padrão de autonomia manteve-se o mesmo. Foi apenas a partir de 2005, por meio da assinatura de dois acordos bilaterais, que a cooperação militar passou a ser um instrumento a serviço das políticas externas dos dois governos. O objetivo governamental era que aquelas atividades se enquadrassem em um conjunto de ações em prol do estreitamento das relações bilaterais em áreas estratégicas. Com tal estreitamento, o eixo Brasil-Argentina seria fortalecido, tornando-se mais provável a manutenção de um ambiente de estabilidade no Cone Sul, assim como a atração dos países do Norte Andino em direção a este eixo. Ademais, se evitaria o surgimento de polos alternativos de poder no subcontinente. Em conjunto, tal configuração contribuiria para que o projeto brasileiro de integração sul-americana pudesse ser viabilizado. / Military cooperation between Brazil and Argentina has been occuring since 1978, when Brazilian Navy and Argentine Navy performed a military exercise called Operação Fraterno. In subsequent years, the bilateral military cooperation expanded so both quantitative and qualitative, embracing wide range of activities. However, this cooperation did not follow guidelines set by foreign ministers or heads of state. Decisions to perform activities were made by the two Navies, based solely on technical-operational criteria. They were not subordinated to the governments´ foreign policies. When, in the 1990s, the Armies and Air Forces began to perform their own combined activities, the degree of autonomy was the same. Only from 2005, through the signing of two bilateral agreements, military cooperation became an instrument of foreign policies for both governments. The purpose of governments is that those activities be part of a set of actions in support of closer bilateral relations in strategic areas. With such relations, the “axis” Brazil- Argentina would be strengthened and would be more likely that a stable environment be maintained in the Southern Cone and, in addition, the Andean North could be atracted to the orbit of relations between Brazil and Argentina. Moreover, it would prevent the emergence of alternative centers of power in the subcontinent. This configuration would contribute to the feasibility of the Brazilian project of South American integration.

Cette étude consiste en une analyse historique et stratégique de la politique de la France à l’égard de la défense européenne dans l’après-Guerre froide, du Traité de Maastricht à la Déclaration « d’opérationnalité » de la Politique Européenne de Sécurité et de Défense, couvrant la période la plus récente dans un bref épilogue. Reposant sur des sources primaires, incluant des archives présidentielles et des témoignages oraux, cette étude vise à contribuer à la connaissance de la politique étrangère et de défense française ainsi qu’à la genèse et à la première phase de mise en oeuvre de la défense européenne. Cette étude porte un regard nouveau sur les motivations et les stratégies adoptées par la France dans le cadre des enjeux de sécurité euro-atlantiques sur une période cruciale qui commence à faire l’objet de recherches historiques approfondies. / This study consists in a historical and strategic analysis of French policy with regard to European defence in the post-Cold War era, from the Maastricht Treaty until the 2001 Laeken Declaration of ESDP « operationality », covering the most recent period in a brief coda. Relying on first-hand sources, including presidential archives and oral history, this study aims at contributing to the knowledge of French foreign and defence policy as well as European defence’s genesis and early implementation process. This study sheds new light on France’s motives and strategies in the realm of Euro-Atlantic security in a crucial period which only begins to be the subject of deeper historical research.

<p>Frågan om civil-militär samverkan i multinationella insatser har länge diskuterats. I takt med att den säkerhetspolitiska situationen i världen förändras, förändras också inställningen som de i multinationella insatser ingående aktörerna har till civil-militär samverkan. Sedan det kalla krigets slut har konfliktmönstren i världen förändrats. Trenden pekar mot färre mellanstatliga krig, och fler inomstatliga konflikter. I dessa konflikter samexisterar militära och civilaaktörer, och samverkan dem emellan blir därför viktig.Detta har uppmärksammats i det internationella samfundet, medan det har varit tystare i Sverige.Den här uppsatsen söker finna en möjlig förklaring till att det blivit så. Jag gör det med hjälp av NilsBrunssons teori om Svampmodellen. Brunsson presenterar i modellen ett antal variabler sompåverkar införandet av nya idéer i en organisation. Han menar att en organisation som befinner sig ien reformeringsprocess kan ha svårt att ta till sig ytterligare nya idéer, eftersom den är upptagen medatt genomföra den ifrågavarande reformen.Syftet med den här uppsatsen är att undersöka om Svampmodellen kan bidra till en förståelse avvarför Sverige, senare än andra länder, anammat idén om civil-militär samverkan i multinationellainsatser. Den svenska Försvarsmakten har det senaste decenniet genomfört en omfattandeförsvarsreform; övergången från invasionsförsvar till insatsförsvar. Jag kommer alltså att undersökaom denna reform utgjort ett hinder för Försvarsmakten, och den politiska nivån, att samtidigt ta tillsig idén om civil-militär samverkan i multinationella insatser.</p> / <p>The issue of civil-military relations in multinational missions has been discussed a lot over the past decades. As the security situation in the world changes, with new threats evolving and others fading away, the approach to civil-military relations change. Since the end of the Cold War, the patterns of conflict around the world have changed. The trend points towards fewer inter-state conflicts, and more intra-state. In this kind of conflict, civil and military actors exist side by side, and thus, coordination and cooperation between them is important. The importance of this cooperation has been highlighted in the international context, while it’s been a bit quieter in Sweden. This paper seeks to find a possible explanation to this relative silence. I will try to find the explanation with help from Nils Brunssons theory of “The standardization or organizational forms as a cropping-op process.” Brunsson presents here an amount of variables that affect the introduction and implementation of new ideas in an organization. Brunsson states that an organization that faces a major reform may, at the same time, have problems with incorporating additional ideas, since the organization is already occupied with the first reform in question. The aim of this paper is to examine whether Nils Brunssons theory can contribute to anunderstanding of why Sweden, later that other countries, has adopted the idea of civil-military cooperation in multi-national missions. The Swedish Armed Forces has the last decade been involvedin a far-reaching reform, namely the transition from being organized as an invasion army, with the aim to deter a possible enemy even from attacking, to an organization that should be ready to be usedat all times. This also involved a considerably higher emphasis on the international commitment. I will examine if this reform has constituted an obstacle for the Swedish Armed Forces, including the government, to also adopt the idea of civil-military relations.</p>

Frågan om civil-militär samverkan i multinationella insatser har länge diskuterats. I takt med att den säkerhetspolitiska situationen i världen förändras, förändras också inställningen som de i multinationella insatser ingående aktörerna har till civil-militär samverkan. Sedan det kalla krigets slut har konfliktmönstren i världen förändrats. Trenden pekar mot färre mellanstatliga krig, och fler inomstatliga konflikter. I dessa konflikter samexisterar militära och civilaaktörer, och samverkan dem emellan blir därför viktig.Detta har uppmärksammats i det internationella samfundet, medan det har varit tystare i Sverige.Den här uppsatsen söker finna en möjlig förklaring till att det blivit så. Jag gör det med hjälp av NilsBrunssons teori om Svampmodellen. Brunsson presenterar i modellen ett antal variabler sompåverkar införandet av nya idéer i en organisation. Han menar att en organisation som befinner sig ien reformeringsprocess kan ha svårt att ta till sig ytterligare nya idéer, eftersom den är upptagen medatt genomföra den ifrågavarande reformen.Syftet med den här uppsatsen är att undersöka om Svampmodellen kan bidra till en förståelse avvarför Sverige, senare än andra länder, anammat idén om civil-militär samverkan i multinationellainsatser. Den svenska Försvarsmakten har det senaste decenniet genomfört en omfattandeförsvarsreform; övergången från invasionsförsvar till insatsförsvar. Jag kommer alltså att undersökaom denna reform utgjort ett hinder för Försvarsmakten, och den politiska nivån, att samtidigt ta tillsig idén om civil-militär samverkan i multinationella insatser. / The issue of civil-military relations in multinational missions has been discussed a lot over the past decades. As the security situation in the world changes, with new threats evolving and others fading away, the approach to civil-military relations change. Since the end of the Cold War, the patterns of conflict around the world have changed. The trend points towards fewer inter-state conflicts, and more intra-state. In this kind of conflict, civil and military actors exist side by side, and thus, coordination and cooperation between them is important. The importance of this cooperation has been highlighted in the international context, while it’s been a bit quieter in Sweden. This paper seeks to find a possible explanation to this relative silence. I will try to find the explanation with help from Nils Brunssons theory of “The standardization or organizational forms as a cropping-op process.” Brunsson presents here an amount of variables that affect the introduction and implementation of new ideas in an organization. Brunsson states that an organization that faces a major reform may, at the same time, have problems with incorporating additional ideas, since the organization is already occupied with the first reform in question. The aim of this paper is to examine whether Nils Brunssons theory can contribute to anunderstanding of why Sweden, later that other countries, has adopted the idea of civil-military cooperation in multi-national missions. The Swedish Armed Forces has the last decade been involvedin a far-reaching reform, namely the transition from being organized as an invasion army, with the aim to deter a possible enemy even from attacking, to an organization that should be ready to be usedat all times. This also involved a considerably higher emphasis on the international commitment. I will examine if this reform has constituted an obstacle for the Swedish Armed Forces, including the government, to also adopt the idea of civil-military relations.

Civil-military relations – conditions for cooperation Abstract:   Civil-military cooperation is a branch of current interest, both in studies and research. The importance has also increased after the government´s demands in a more developed and efficient coordination of national contribution to international peace support operations. Several studies show that there is a lack of ability to cooperate between different levels of command and other actors. The Swedish tradition of state administration is strong and the responsibility to cooperate lies within the hands of the different authorities. Therefore, the relationship between central authorities is of utmost importance when it comes to create conditions for civil-military cooperation. The purpose with this essay is to describe the civil-military relationship at the central level in order to better understand conditions for coordination. For starting point, the study will use a theory where the civil-military relations are of utmost importance for state conditions to make strategic assessments. In the essay, three processes are examined and compared between three central governmental authorities from official directives and guidance, reports and interviews. The result show that the relationship between authorities is characterised by mutual will and engagement to enhance conditions to cooperate but is limited by cultural reasons, own interests, lack of knowledge in each other’s organizations and a need for improved governmental directions and guidance. / Civil-militära relationer - förutsättningar för samverkan Sammanfattning   Civil-militär samverkan är ett aktuellt område för studier och forskning. Inte minst har betydelsen ökat efter ambitionshöjningar från regeringen avseende krav på effektivare samordning av nationella bidrag till internationella fredsfrämjande insatser. Flertalet studier visar på brister i samverkan mellan dels olika ledningsnivåer och dels mellan sidoordnade aktörer. Den svenska förvaltningstraditionen står stark och ansvaret för samverkan finns hos myndigheterna. Relationen mellan myndigheter på central nivå är därför avgörande för civil-militär samverkan och dess förutsättningar. Syftet med uppsatsen är att beskriva den civil-militära relationen på central nivå för att förstå förutsättningarna för civil-militär koordinering. Studien tar utgångspunkt i en teori om civil-militära relationer där dessa utgör avgörande förutsättningar för strategiska bedömanden i en stat. I uppsatsen studeras tre processer vilka jämförs mellan tre centrala myndigheter utifrån styrdokument, rapporter och intervjuer. Resultatet visar att relationen mellan myndigheter karakteriseras av en ömsesidig vilja och engagemang att förbättra förutsättningarna för samverkan men begränsas av kulturella skäl, egenintresse, bristande kunskap om varandras organisationer samt behov av tydligare styrningar från politisk ledning.

I regeringens budgetproposition för 2011, erhöll Försvarsmakten uppgiften att införa fyra Militärregioner i Sverige med underliggande regionala staber. ”Regeringen bedömer att skapandet av de regionala staberna innebär att Försvarsmaktens förmåga att samverka med och lämna stöd till andra myndigheter förbättras.” (PROP 2010/11:1 s.33). Syftet med den här studien är att studera hur personer med nyckelpositioner inom de båda myndigheterna (Länsstyrelse och Försvarsmakten) tänker kring införandet av Militärregioner och dess förutsättningar för utveckling av samverkan mellan det civila och militära samhället. Resultatet påvisar att informanterna är relativt överens om att samverkan ska utvecklas och hur det bör ske med ett fokus på gemensam planläggning, utbildning, övningar samt nätverksskapande och utarbetande av gemensamma mål innan något händer. Målsättningen är att klara av att hantera oförutsedda händelser som olyckor och naturkatastrofer när de väl kommer. Informanterna anser även att närheten, i såväl tid som rum, är avgörande för planläggning och den slutliga insatsens resultat. / Through the Budget Bill for 2011, the Armed Forces were granted the task of establishing four Military Regions in Sweden with underlying regional headquarters. “The Government considers that the creation of the regional headquarters means that the Armed Forces' ability to cooperate with and provide support to other authorities will improve.” (PROP 2010/11: 1p.33). The purpose of this study is to explore how people with key positions in the Country Administrative Board and the Armed Forces think about the introduction of Military Regions, and its conditions for development of cooperation between civil and Military society. The result demonstrates that the informants are in relative agreement that collaboration should develop and how this should be done with a focus on joint planning, training, exercises, networking and development of common goals before anything happens. The aim would be to handle unexpected events such as accidents and natural disasters when they do occur. They also believe that proximity, both in time and place, is essential both for the planning and the outcome of an eventual operation.

A cooperação militar entre Brasil e Argentina é um fenômeno que ocorre desde 1978, quando a Marinha do Brasil e a Armada Argentina realizaram um exercício militar denominado de Operação Fraterno. Nos anos seguintes, a cooperação militar bilateral se expandiu de forma tanto quantitativa como qualitativa, abrangendo gama variada de atividades. Esta cooperação, contudo, não seguia diretrizes traçadas pelas chancelarias ou pelos chefes de Estado. As decisões pela realização das atividades eram tomadas no âmbito das próprias Marinhas, atendendo a critérios puramente técnico-operacionais, não fazendo parte, portanto, das políticas externas dos dois governos. Quando, nos anos 1990, os Exércitos e as Forças Aéreas passaram a realizar suas próprias atividades de cooperação, o padrão de autonomia manteve-se o mesmo. Foi apenas a partir de 2005, por meio da assinatura de dois acordos bilaterais, que a cooperação militar passou a ser um instrumento a serviço das políticas externas dos dois governos. O objetivo governamental era que aquelas atividades se enquadrassem em um conjunto de ações em prol do estreitamento das relações bilaterais em áreas estratégicas. Com tal estreitamento, o eixo Brasil-Argentina seria fortalecido, tornando-se mais provável a manutenção de um ambiente de estabilidade no Cone Sul, assim como a atração dos países do Norte Andino em direção a este eixo. Ademais, se evitaria o surgimento de polos alternativos de poder no subcontinente. Em conjunto, tal configuração contribuiria para que o projeto brasileiro de integração sul-americana pudesse ser viabilizado. / Military cooperation between Brazil and Argentina has been occuring since 1978, when Brazilian Navy and Argentine Navy performed a military exercise called Operação Fraterno. In subsequent years, the bilateral military cooperation expanded so both quantitative and qualitative, embracing wide range of activities. However, this cooperation did not follow guidelines set by foreign ministers or heads of state. Decisions to perform activities were made by the two Navies, based solely on technical-operational criteria. They were not subordinated to the governments´ foreign policies. When, in the 1990s, the Armies and Air Forces began to perform their own combined activities, the degree of autonomy was the same. Only from 2005, through the signing of two bilateral agreements, military cooperation became an instrument of foreign policies for both governments. The purpose of governments is that those activities be part of a set of actions in support of closer bilateral relations in strategic areas. With such relations, the “axis” Brazil- Argentina would be strengthened and would be more likely that a stable environment be maintained in the Southern Cone and, in addition, the Andean North could be atracted to the orbit of relations between Brazil and Argentina. Moreover, it would prevent the emergence of alternative centers of power in the subcontinent. This configuration would contribute to the feasibility of the Brazilian project of South American integration.

A cooperação militar entre Brasil e Argentina é um fenômeno que ocorre desde 1978, quando a Marinha do Brasil e a Armada Argentina realizaram um exercício militar denominado de Operação Fraterno. Nos anos seguintes, a cooperação militar bilateral se expandiu de forma tanto quantitativa como qualitativa, abrangendo gama variada de atividades. Esta cooperação, contudo, não seguia diretrizes traçadas pelas chancelarias ou pelos chefes de Estado. As decisões pela realização das atividades eram tomadas no âmbito das próprias Marinhas, atendendo a critérios puramente técnico-operacionais, não fazendo parte, portanto, das políticas externas dos dois governos. Quando, nos anos 1990, os Exércitos e as Forças Aéreas passaram a realizar suas próprias atividades de cooperação, o padrão de autonomia manteve-se o mesmo. Foi apenas a partir de 2005, por meio da assinatura de dois acordos bilaterais, que a cooperação militar passou a ser um instrumento a serviço das políticas externas dos dois governos. O objetivo governamental era que aquelas atividades se enquadrassem em um conjunto de ações em prol do estreitamento das relações bilaterais em áreas estratégicas. Com tal estreitamento, o eixo Brasil-Argentina seria fortalecido, tornando-se mais provável a manutenção de um ambiente de estabilidade no Cone Sul, assim como a atração dos países do Norte Andino em direção a este eixo. Ademais, se evitaria o surgimento de polos alternativos de poder no subcontinente. Em conjunto, tal configuração contribuiria para que o projeto brasileiro de integração sul-americana pudesse ser viabilizado. / Military cooperation between Brazil and Argentina has been occuring since 1978, when Brazilian Navy and Argentine Navy performed a military exercise called Operação Fraterno. In subsequent years, the bilateral military cooperation expanded so both quantitative and qualitative, embracing wide range of activities. However, this cooperation did not follow guidelines set by foreign ministers or heads of state. Decisions to perform activities were made by the two Navies, based solely on technical-operational criteria. They were not subordinated to the governments´ foreign policies. When, in the 1990s, the Armies and Air Forces began to perform their own combined activities, the degree of autonomy was the same. Only from 2005, through the signing of two bilateral agreements, military cooperation became an instrument of foreign policies for both governments. The purpose of governments is that those activities be part of a set of actions in support of closer bilateral relations in strategic areas. With such relations, the “axis” Brazil- Argentina would be strengthened and would be more likely that a stable environment be maintained in the Southern Cone and, in addition, the Andean North could be atracted to the orbit of relations between Brazil and Argentina. Moreover, it would prevent the emergence of alternative centers of power in the subcontinent. This configuration would contribute to the feasibility of the Brazilian project of South American integration.

Strategic alliance is a little-known alliance between Turkey and Israel. These two in the region exceptional countries are gaining a lot from what was initially military and economic cooperation, however, not as much as originally hoped. At the same time they have to face severe criticisms from their neighbors for this alliance. Therefore, the question the work seeks to answer is what the future prospects for the Strategic Alliance are and what factors could affect its future. Analysis of the circumstances and reasons for establishment and development of the alliance strives to describe all aspects which could lead to its break-down. In addition to military and business cooperation the paper deals with the issue of ethnic conflict in Turkey and in Israel, the use of water in the region and, in particular, analyzes relations with other countries in the Middle East and beyond, having impact on the alliance development.