It is my contention that through activating participatory design and community engagement strategies, in conjunction with innovative construction methods that address issues of resource scarcity, the standard of living and level of accessibility to critical resources in impoverished portions of Honduras can be drastically improved. The newly provided model of construction can be done it such a way that it is cost effective in its building method, and provides highly sought after scarce critical resources. This allows participants to allocate more of their finances towards other necessary resources they normally would not be able to acquire. A new community center designed to address the issues of resource scarcity and job opportunities will stand as a first built model with the intent that the methods of construction and innovations employed will be replicated in further applications. The center will be innovative in its construction in such a way that it recognizes local building practices, and brings some new ideas to them allowing for a method of construction that is both improved and more affordable. The center will also take a fresh look at ways the community can address issues of food and water through architectural innovations. The intent is that the success of the center’s combined interventions will encourage local people to replicate the design ideas in their own residential applications. This will improve the quantity of resources available in the community and also start to build a new job market for installing the newly desirable systems. Resource scarcity has wreaked havoc on the typical Honduran villages’ sense of community. Hondurans are in constant competition with their neighbors for scarce critical resources required to sustain life. These resources include, food, water, shelter, and employment opportunities. Violent conflict often arises within communities as individuals compete with their neighbors for the basic necessities required to sustain life. While architecture alone cannot solve all the issues that contribute to the problem of violence, a new center with a program that builds community and provides needed resources stands to potentially curb neighborhood conflict and begin the community healing process. The center stands as not only a replicable model, but also as an immediate community element to bring neighbors back together physically in daily interactions and emotionally in the new resources being provided.

[pt] O Direito Internacional Público (DIP) é tradicionalmente concebido a partir da afirmação do Estado-nação europeu e soberano como único sujeito, produtor e destinatário final das normas. Características como eurocentrismo, formalismo e individualismo colocam em segundo plano as perspectivas que abarquem também os Movimentos Sociais e os povos subalternos, geralmente identificados como os povos do Terceiro Mundo. O reflexo dessa situação é a percepção frequente do Direito Internacional como inacessível à participação da maior parte da população do globo. As Third World Approaches to International Law (TWAIL) servem como marco teórico a iluminar pontos cegos da trajetória do DIP, tais evidenciando-o como fruto do encontro colonial e expondo a relação de continuidade com um passado que ainda hoje segue perpetuando as desigualdades Norte-Sul do globo. Os TWAILers destacam ainda os modos pelos quais as resistências do Terceiro Mundo foram moldando o DIP e suas instituições, ao tempo em que também foram silenciadas e invisibilizadas. Em se tratando de América Latina, o processo de formação dos Estados foi marcado pela violência e crueldade com os povos nativos que ainda hoje sofrem as consequências nefastas dos discursos de Desenvolvimento e Direitos Humanos, frequentemente utilizados pelo mainstream do DIP. O Movimento Indígena, ao articular lutas por reconhecimento e redistribuição, torna-se um vetor privilegiado para análises das ações coletivas de resistência a partir do Terceiro Mundo. Tendo sido excluídos do DIP desde o início de sua formação, nada mais justo que agora os povos indígenas reivindiquem participação política e afirmação de seus direitos também nesta esfera, sendo legítimo que para isto se utilizem de todo o aparato disponível para este intento. Nesse sentido, tem-se a pergunta: em que medida as estratégias de luta que vem sendo utilizadas pelo Movimento Indígena tem conseguido abrir um espaço efetivo de resistência contra-hegemônica para operar a partir da linguagem tradicional do mesmo sistema institucional que tantas vezes violou seus direitos? Utilizou-se o método procedimental monográfico e as técnicas de pesquisa bibliográfica e jurisprudencial, para explorar a hipótese de que o Sistema Interamericano de Direitos Humanos (SIDH) vem sendo utilizado de maneira bem-sucedida pelos povos indígenas por meio do litígio estratégico, servindo como uma plataforma viável de transformação aos moldes do preconizado pelas TWAIL, ou seja, de modo a conseguir com que os Movimentos Sociais do Terceiro Mundo sejam reconhecidos como os verdadeiros Sujeitos do DIP. Isso foi parcialmente confirmado, uma vez que o uso do Sistema Interamericano como esfera de resistência contra-hegemônica encontra limites mais sérios que envolvem, por exemplo, uma conjuntura favorável de diálogo com o Estado violador e a construção a longo prazo de um projeto decolonial para os Direitos Humanos. / [it] Il diritto internazionale pubblico (DIP) è tradizionalmente concepito dall affermazione dello stato nazionale europeo e sovrano come unico soggetto, produttore e destinatario finale delle regole. Caratteristiche come Eurocentrismo, formalismo e individualismo mettono in prospettiva le prospettive che includono anche i Movimenti Sociali e i popoli subalterni, generalmente identificati come i popoli del Terzo Mondo. Il riflesso di questa situazione è la frequente percezione del diritto internazionale come inaccessibile alla partecipazione della maggioranza della popolazione del globo. Le Third World Approaches to International Law (TWAIL) servire come un quadro teorico per illuminare i punti ciechi della traiettoria DIP, evidenziandolo come il frutto dell incontro coloniale ed esponendo la relazione di continuità con un passato che continua ancora a perpetuare le disuguaglianze Nord-Sud del globo. I TWAILers sottolineano anche i modi in cui la resistenza del Terzo mondo stava plasmando il DIP e le sue istituzioni, mentre veniva anche messo a tacere e invisibile. In America Latina, il processo di formazione degli stati è stato caratterizzato da violenze e crudeltà verso i popoli nativi che continuano a subire le conseguenze dannose dei discorsi sullo sviluppo e sui diritti umani spesso usati dalla corrente principale del DIP. Il movimento indigeno, articolando le lotte per il riconoscimento e la redistribuzione, diventa un vettore privilegiato per l analisi delle azioni collettive di resistenza dal Terzo mondo. Esclusi dal diritto internazionale pubblico fin dall inizio della loro formazione, è giusto che le popolazioni indigene reclamino la partecipazione politica e l affermazione dei loro diritti in questo ambito, ed è legittimo per loro utilizzare tutti gli apparati disponibili per questo scopo. In questo senso, la domanda è: fino a che punto le strategie di lotta che sono state usate dal Movimento Indigeno sono state in grado di aprire uno spazio efficace di resistenza contro-egemonica per operare dal linguaggio tradizionale dello stesso sistema istituzionale che ha così spesso violato la sua diritti? Il metodo procedurale monografico e le tecniche di ricerca bibliografica e giurisprudenziale sono stati utilizzati per esplorare l ipotesi che il sistema interamericano per i diritti umani (SIDH) sia stato utilizzato con successo dalle popolazioni indigene attraverso contenziosi strategici, una valida piattaforma di trasformazione sulla falsariga di TWAIL, cioè per garantire che i Movimenti Sociali del Terzo Mondo siano riconosciuti come i veri soggetti DIP. Ciò è stato parzialmente confermato, dal momento che l uso del Sistema Inter-Americano come una sfera di resistenza contro-egemonica trova limiti più seri che comportano, ad esempio, una congiuntura favorevole del dialogo con lo Stato che viola e la costruzione a lungo termine di un progetto decoloniale per diritti umani.

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This thesis examines the missiological writings of Orlando E. Costas (1943-1987), particularly The Church and Its Mission: A Shattering Critique from the Third World (1974); Theology of the Crossroads in Contemporary Latin America (1976); Christ Outside the Gate (1982); and Liberating News: A Theology of Contextual Evangelization (1989). From the early 1970s until his death in 1987 he wrote over 130 articles and 12 books in both Spanish and English that addressed key missiological concerns. A careful reading of a selection of Costas's texts oriented around a hymn, a gospel song, a psalm, and a poem provides the shape of this thesis. This thesis argues that Costas formulated a Third World evangelical missiology. Chapter one investigates what Costas's autobiographical material expressed about his positions on conversion, Protestant evangelicalism, missiology, and those living on the ‘periphery' of life. Chapter two recognises his commitment to the peoples of Latin America and the Caribbean in particular and the Third World in general. Chapter three explores Costas's analysis of the Latin American Protestant Church in a revolutionary situation in the continent and chapter four examines his survey and critical appraisal of Latin American liberation theology. Chapter five recognizes the pastoral shape of Costas's missiology. Chapter six explores his critical interaction with two more conservative evangelical missiological positions, the Church Growth Movement and Peter Beyerhaus and the Frankfurt Declaration, and chapter seven surveys the discussion within the international evangelical community regarding the relationship between evangelism and social responsibility. Chapter eight examines Costas's Liberating News as an expression of Third World evangelical missiology. Chapter nine considers the theological issue of penal substitutionary atonement and his missiology. The thesis concludes with an appraisal of the issues and contributions of Costas's Third World evangelical missiology to current missiological discussion.

This dissertation examines the scope and limitations of the re-appropriation of the term barbarism by modern Jewish intellectuals in conversation with Third World social movements. Emmanuel Lévinas is my paradigmatic example of this re-appropriation, as his Talmudic interpretations illuminate this process, and his work is located on the axis of the encounter between Jewish and decolonial thinking. I contend that Lévinas follows a classic line of modern European interpreters who expressed their discomfort with the description of the Jewish people as barbaric. While this discomfort can be traced within this orthodox interpretation of Lévinas, I argue that his particular solution for the problem can only be explained by a more heterodox exploration. Lévinas’ positive re-appropriation of the term is part of contextual conversations that he sustained with other peoples characterized as barbarians (i.e. Third World decolonial theorists). While this re-appropriation was originally conceived in order to establish an East-East revolutionary conversation between Eastern European rabbinical interpreters and other radical Eastern projects (i.e. Maghrebi Marxism) it became an East-South decolonial conversation between Jewish and Afro-Caribbean/Latino-American intellectuals. This conversation, however, ultimately challenges the apologetic Jewish re-appropriation of exteriority in the concert of multiple barbarians. I explore the limitations of Jewish thought to engage with this community and cross from an apologetic to a critical barbarism. This dissertation, in conclusion, seeks to make an original contribution in the interrelation between Jewish and post-colonial studies. I aim to do so by first, demonstrating that the Jewish return to classical sources is historically and conceptually a decolonial counter-narrative that was influenced by (and in turn influenced) Third World discourses; second, explaining the reasons and consequences of the persistence of Jewish imagery and influences in Third World decolonial theory; third, exploring the limits of Jewish thinking and the benefits of the expansion of Jewish apologetical dialogues into barbaric critical conversations. And finally, challenging most contemporary scholarship in modern Jewish philosophy, which holds that Jewish thought and the modern re-reading of its sources can only be understood in the context of Western consciousness.

The thesis aims to address criticisms of cosmopolitanism that characterise it as an elite discourse, by exploring the role that it might play in Third World resistance movements. In doing so, it complicates the landscape of international normative theory, which has traditionally been mapped as a debate between cosmopolitanism and communitarianism. Part I of the thesis argues that cosmopolitanism and communitarianism can function as languages in which First and Third World states respectively justify exercises of power that impede the self-determination of Third World societies. These discourses of power frame the condition of postcoloniality, which might be understood – borrowing the terminology of International Society theorists – as an entrapment of Third World societies between 'coercive solidarism' and 'authoritarian pluralism'. A normative worldview committed to enhancing the scope for self-determination of such societies must be critical of the production of both external and internal environments that are hostile to the enjoyment of self-determination by Third World peoples. Part II of the thesis explores the political challenges of sustaining such a critique by studying four theorists of resistance who perceive themselves as manoeuvring between hostile external and internal environments. It analyses the political thought of Rabindranath Tagore and Edward Said, who were both leading figures of anti-colonial nationalist movements but also fierce critics of nationalism. It also studies the activism of two leaders in the field of 'anti-globalisation' protest – Subcomandante Marcos of the Zapatistas in Mexico and Professor Nanjundaswamy of the Karnataka State Farmers' Association in India – who struggle against both national elites and global capital. Part II concludes that if resistance in the condition of postcoloniality must grapple simultaneously with both a hostile 'outside' and 'inside', it must speak in mixed registers of universalism and particularity. Cumulatively, the thesis demonstrates that the language of common humanity operates in ways that are both oppressive and emancipatory, just as the language of community is a source of both repression and refuge. Normative theory that does not seek to hold both in tension fails the needs of our non-ideal world.

Le problème de l’extrême pauvreté dans le Tiers-monde n’est pas d’abord une question économique. Il est avant tout politique parce qu’il est la conséquence directe des choix de société et de l’organisation du pouvoir au niveau des États et des diverses instances de la communauté internationale. Le politique a pour objet la conquête du pouvoir et la répartition des richesses à grande échelle. Il s’agit aussi d’un problème moral parce que les options prises collectivement par les peuples et le concert des nations ne s’orientent pas toujours vers la vertu de justice et l’égalité de chances pour tous. Extrême pauvreté et justice globale forment un binôme qui nous ramène donc au cœur de la philosophie politique et morale. Après la Seconde guerre mondiale, la philosophie politique a élargi ses horizons. Elle réfléchit davantage à l’exercice du pouvoir sur la scène internationale et la distribution des richesses au niveau mondial. Le phénomène de la mondialisation économique crée une dépendance mutuelle et d’importantes influences multilatérales entre les États. Plus que par le passé, l’autarcie n’est guère envisageable. Le dogme de la souveraineté intangible des États, issu du Traité de Westphalie au XVIIe siècle, s’avère de plus en plus caduque au regard des enjeux communs auxquels l’humanité fait actuellement face. D’où la nécessité d’une redéfinition du sens des souverainetés nationales et d’une fondation des droits cosmopolitiques pour chaque individu de la planète. Voilà pourquoi le binôme extrême pauvreté/justice globale nécessite une réflexion philosophique sur le concept de la responsabilité qui s’étend non seulement sur la sphère nationale, mais aussi sur une large amplitude cosmopolitique. L’expression « pays du Tiers-monde » peut sembler archaïque, péjorative et humiliante. Cependant, mieux que celles de « pays sous-développés » ou « pays en voie de développement », elle rend compte, sans euphémisme, de la réalité crue, brute et peu élégante de la misère politique et économique qui y sévit. Bien qu’elle semble désuète, elle délimite assez clairement le domaine de définition conceptuel et géographique de notre champ d’investigation philosophique. Elle désigne l’ensemble des pays qui sont exclus de la richesse économique répartie entre les nations. Étant donné que le pouvoir économique va généralement avec le pouvoir politique, cet ensemble est aussi écarté des centres décisionnels majeurs. Caractérisée par une pauvreté extrême, la réalité tiers-mondiste nécessité une analyse minutieuse des causes de cette marginalisation économique et politique à outrance. Une typologie de la notion de responsabilité en offre une figure conceptuelle avec une géométrie de six angles : la causalité, la moralité, la capacité, la communauté, le résultat et la solidarité, comme fondements de la réparation. Ces aspects sous lesquels la responsabilité est étudiée, sont chapeautés par des doctrines philosophiques de types conséquentialiste, utilitariste, déontologique et téléologique. La typologie de la responsabilité donne lieu à plusieurs solutions : aider par philanthropie à sauver des vies humaines ; établir et assigner des responsabilités afin que les torts passés et présents soient réparés aussi bien au niveau national qu’international ; promouvoir l’obligation de protéger dans un contexte international sain qui prenne en considération le devoir négatif de ne pas nuire aux plus défavorisés de la planète ; institutionnaliser des règles transfrontalières de justice ainsi que des droits cosmopolitiques. Enfin, nous entendrons par omniresponsabilité la responsabilité de tous vis-à-vis de ceux qui subissent les affres de l’extrême pauvreté dans le Tiers-monde. Loin d’être un concept-valise fourre-tout, c’est un ensemble de responsabilités partagées par des acteurs identifiables de la scène mondiale, en vue de la coréparation due aux victimes de l’injustice globale. Elle vise un telos : l’épanouissement du bien-être du citoyen du monde. / The problem of extreme poverty in the Third World is not first and foremost a question of economy. It is above all a political one because it is the direct consequence of choices made by societies and of the organization of power at the level of the State and of various instances of the international community. Its object is the conquest of power and the distribution of wealth on a large scale. It is also a moral problem because the options taken collectively by nations and the society of nations tend towards or against justice and equality of opportunities for everyone. Extreme poverty and global justice form a binomial that therefore brings us back to the heart of political and moral theory. After the Second World War, political theory broadened its horizons. Since then, it also reflects on the exercise of power at the international level and the distribution of wealth at the world level. The phenomenon of economic globalisation creates a mutual dependency and important multilateral influences between the States. More than in the past, autarky is no longer something to consider. The dogma of the untouchable sovereignty of the States, that came forth from the Treaty of Westphalia in the XVIIth century, appears to be more and more obsolete in view of the common stakes that presently confront humanity. From which came forth the need for a remolding of the meaning of national sovereignties and for the founding of cosmopolitical rights for every individual on the planet. That is why the binomial in question provokes more of a philosophical reflection on the concept of responsibility that extends not only to the national sphere, but to a wide cosmopolitical amplitude. The expression “countries of the Third World” may seem archaic, pejorative and humiliating. However, more so than those of "under developed countries” or "developing countries" it accounts for, without embellishment, the raw, brutal, and far from elegant reality of the political and economical misery that exists there. Though it may be obsolete, it quite clearly delimits the area of conceptual and geographical definition of our field of philosophical investigation. It designates the grouping of countries that are excluded from the economical wealth distributed among the nations. Given that economic power generally goes together with political power, this grouping is also kept away from the major decisional centers. Characterized by an extreme poverty, the Third World reality requires a meticulous analysis of the causes of this extreme economical and political marginalization. A typology of the notion of responsibility offers a conceptual figure of this reality with a geometry of six angles: causality, morality, capacity, community, result and solidarity, as foundations for reparation. These aspects, under which responsibility is studied, are overseen by philosophical doctrines of consequentialist, utilitarian, deontological and teleogical type. The typology of responsibility gives rise to many solutions: bringing aid through philanthropy in helping to save lives; establishing and assigning responsibilities so that the mistakes of the past and the present be repaired both at the national and international levels; promoting the obligation to protect in a healthy international context that takes into consideration the negative duty not to harm the most disadvantaged of the planet; institutionalizing the transboundary rules of justice as well as of cosmopolitical rights. Finally, by omniresponsibility we will understand this as the responsibility of all towards those who endure the throes of extreme poverty in the Third World. Far from being a catch-all concept, it is an ensemble of shared responsibilities for identifiable actors on the world scene, with the view of coreparation due to the victims of global injustice. It aims at a telos: the blossoming of the welfare of the citizen of the world.

La crise de Suez de 1956 est avant tout synonyme d'une opération militaire menée par les Français et les Anglais, dont l'échec retentissant a sonné le glas de la politique colonialiste des deux États. Mais Suez 1956 représente aussi et surtout un véritable tournant dans les relations internationales pour plusieurs raisons. Tout d'abord parce que, pour la première fois depuis l'avènement de la Guerre froide, l'URSS et les USA vont faire front commun contre les puissances occidentales associées à Israël. Ensuite parce que concomitamment, les Soviétiques répriment l'insurrection hongroise, battant en brèche leur toute nouvelle théorie de la coexistence pacifique. Enfin parce que le Tiers-monde trouve naissance dans cet affrontement, et devient l'objet de conquête idéologique, notamment au Moyen-Orient. En quoi la crise a-t-elle modifié les interactions au niveau diplomatique, l’équilibre des institutions internationales, les relations géopolitiques, les relations bilatérales dans l'univers de la Guerre froide, les relations intra blocs Est-Ouest ? Quelles conséquences la crise aura-t-elle eue sur la stratégie et les objectifs politiques des différents acteurs ? / The Suez crisis of 1956 is generally synonym for a military operation led by the French and the English army, whose resounding failure sounded the end of the colonialist policy of both States. But Suez 1956 represents also and above all a real turning point in the international relations for several reasons. Firstly, because, for the first time since the advent of the cold war, the USSR and the USA are going to join forces against the western powers associated with Israel. Then, because concomitantly, the Soviet power repress the Hungarian revolution, damaging their quite new theory of the peaceful coexistence. Finally, because the Third World finds birth in this confrontation, and becomes the object of ideological conquest, especially in the Middle-East In what did the crisis modify the interactions at the diplomatic level, the balance of the international institutions, the geopolitical relations, the bilateral relations in the universe of the Cold war, the relations intra East-West blocks? What consequences the crisis will generate on the strategy and the policy of the various actors?

Orientador: Carlos Eduardo Jordão Machado / Banca: Carlos Alberto Sampaio / Banca: Célia Reis Camargo / Banca: Miguel Vedda / Banca: Isabel Maria Frederico Rodrigues Loureiro / Resumo: Trata-se de uma investigação sobre as posições políticas de Jean-Paul Sartre relacionadas ao Terceiro Mundo, entre 1947 e 1979. A investigação tem dois objetivos fundamentais: estabelecer as relações possíveis entre o contexto histórico - o mundo pós-guerra, as guerras de descolonização, a emergência dos países do Terceiro Mundo e o cenário político-intelectual francês - e a trajetória de Sartre; e analisar, por meio das fontes documentais, os problemas que o Terceiro Mundo - a Guerra da Argélia (1954-1962), a Revolução Cubana (1959) e a Guerra do Vietnã (1946-1975) - colocam às posições políticas de Sartre / Abstract: This study investigates Jean-Paul Sartre‟s political positions and their relationship with the Third World, between 1947 and 1979. Generally speaking, this research aims to establish a possible link between the historical context - the postwar world, the descolonization wars, the rising of third world countries, the French political and intellectual setting - and Sartre‟s trajectory. More accurately, this investigation, above all, aims to analyse by means of documental sources, the problems that the Third World - The Algeria War (1954-1962), the Cuban Revolution (1959) and the Vietnam War (1946-1975) - bring forward to Sartre‟s political positions / Doutor

The neo-liberal policies of liberalization and deregulation, as utilized by the International Monetary Fund (IMF) in its dealings with countries of the developing world, tend to facilitate the conditions for financial crisis. This can be traced by examining the economic crises of Mexico in 1982 and 1994/95, Asia in 1997 and Russia in 1998 and looking at the main causes and triggers of these crises. It is evident that the financial vulnerability that these countries suffered from existed due to, and not in spite of, these policy prescriptions. The IMF continues to present these policies as proven successes - a view that this dissertation contests. Further to this, the policies that the Fund uses are formulated for use in semi-peripheral economies and have little relationship to the actual economic environments of peripheral countries such as those of sub-Saharan Africa or Papua New Guinea. The ideology of free-markets and globalization is seen as unassailable by the IMF. By encouraging countries to remain part of the global financial system through debt rescheduling and open-markets policies, the IMF holds an increasingly fragile economic environment together. This dissertation formulates and tests four hypotheses in relation to Mexico, Asia, Russia and Papua New Guinea and the periphery. These are - (1) If there are periods of 'irrational exuberance' among investors in Third World debt, these are likely to contribute to debt crises. (2) If IMF policies are implemented in the Third World as dictated, then their primary benefits will accrue to the elites in those countries and in the developed world. (3) If Third World countries open their economies to foreign capital, then they are more likely to experience debt crises. (4) If IMF policies are implemented in peripheral countries, then they are even less likely to be successful than in semi-peripheral countries.