Esta pesquisa investiga a questão da tortura praticada no Brasil durante o Regime Militar. Para tanto, é apresentado um escorço histórico a respeito da tortura, com destaque para a sua prática nos Impérios Grego e Romano e na Europa medieval. Igualmente, é feita uma abordagem histórica da tortura no Brasil, analisando o aspecto local e histórico, este com apoio de narrativas literárias. O ponto relevante é o Regime Militar iniciado no Brasil em 1964, durante o qual há relatos do emprego da tortura com muita frequência. A fim de melhor compreender a mentalidade da época, aborda-se a retórica de quatro generais do Exército Brasileiro, três deles Presidentes da República. De acordo com esse panorama do pensamento do Governo Federal, estuda-se o comportamento da Polícia Civil do Estado de São Paulo, não sem antes apresentar uma análise histórica de como ela atuou como instrumento do Poder Executivo (tanto federal quanto estadual). Para se compreender a figura do torturador, são estudados conceitos da Psicologia e da Sociologia que buscam explicar por que um agente do estado presta-se a esse tipo de trabalho e, para tanto, são trazidas versões apresentadas pelos próprios torturadores; ainda nesse tópico merece análise a teoria arendtiana da banalização do mal e seus questionamentos recentes, além de uma abordagem sob o enfoque da relação de trabalho no pensamento de Dejours. Fixada a tortura na realidade brasileira e o que pode transformar um policial em um torturador, a pesquisa busca estabelecer alguns pontos básicos, tais como a vinculação da tortura com o poder econômico, a questão da eficácia da tortura, a discussão entre moralidade e legalidade, o totalitarismo e a ditadura, o interesse público na tortura. O pensamento arendtiano retorna para auxiliar a compreender a questão da violência do Estado, por meio de sua força policial. No último capítulo analisa-se o Estado que tolera a tortura e, para tanto, é enfrentada a discussão jurídica a respeito desta, a partir de teses modernas, sobretudo a que trata da bomba relógio (ticking bomb). Estuda-se também o conceito moderno de barbárie (Todorov), que resulta na violência policial e em um chamado direito defeituoso (Radbruch). A pesquisa é concluída com uma análise de tudo o quanto exposto e das consequências da prática da tortura no regime militar na ação policial hoje. / This research investigates the issue of torture practiced in Brazil under the Military Regime. Therefore, a historical outline of torture is introduced with especial focus on its practice in the Greek and Roman Empires and medieval Europe. It´s also presented a historical overview of torture in Brazil by analyzing local and historical aspects. The historical context relies on literary narratives. The relevant point is the Military Regime started in Brazil in 1964 within which there were very frequently reports of torture. The rhetoric of four Brazilian Army generals, three of them Presidents of the Republic, is raised in order to better understand the mentality of that time. In accordance with this outlook of the federal government thought, the behavior of Civil Police of the State of São Paulo is studied, but not before being provided a historic analysis of how it acted as a tool of Executive Branch (both federal and state). Aiming to comprehend the figure of the torturer, the concepts of Psychology and Sociology, which try to explain why an agent of the state serves to this kind of action, are also studied, including at this point the versions provided by the torturers themselves. The Hannah Arendts theory of trivialization of the evil and its recent questions are considered in this topic, besides an approach focused on the employment relationship in Dejours thought. By being placed the torture in the Brazilian reality and the reasons which can transform a police officer into a torturer, this research seeks to lay down some basic points, such as the link between torture and the economic power, the questions about the effectiveness of torture, the discussion between legality and morality, the totalitarianism and the dictatorship, the public interest in the torture. Once again the Arendts thought is viewed to help to understand the matter of the violence of the state by its police force. The closing chapter examines the State which tolerates the torture, facing the legal discussion about it, addressing modern theses, mainly about ticking bomb , and studying the modern concept of barbarism (Todorov), which results in the police violence and in the so-called defective law (Radbruch). This research is concluded with the exam of all of the above and the consequences nowadays in the police action of the practice of torture during the military regime.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-27T19:32:45Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Elisabete Fernandes Basilio Tamas.pdf: 2362219 bytes, checksum: fcdcb79e504f544924a34d3cdf1118d0 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-12-14 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / The humanity has been registering the use of torture for a long time in history like a sort of punishment or to obtain information. The violence of the representatives of the State against the suspects of committing crimes is a reality which has been traveling around the centuries. Important philosophers from the Enlightenment age fought off the use of torture, and the advance of modern societies carried its progressive legal elimination. Since the end of the Second World War, in repudiation against the atrocities committed by the Nazi, international treaties have been trying to protect the humanity against torture. In Brazil the history of human rights is intimately linked to the military dictatorship. The tortures used in an institutionalized way were denounced by political prisoners and by their relatives during all the military period, fact that contributed a lot to the use of censorship. From the middle of the 1970 s , with a political opening beginning and letting a slack of censorship, a debate of memories started between the soldiers and the political activists about this subject that had been hidden for the majority of Brazilian people so far. The memories, while an exercise of reconstruction of the past from the present, showed the issues which involved them throughout the last forty years. Among the soldiers, although the internal disputes have been registered, mainly between the moderates and the tough ones, what marked the accounts about the use of torture against political prisoners were the changes throughout the time, with the dominance of the sequence: denial, subordinates fault, the States blame. Among the militants, the divergences among the several groups are more plural; dozens of organizations on the left were formed, each one following different ideological conceptions and sometimes conflicting among them. The convergence among the people who wrote the memories conflicted with the official versions, and in the course of time, it s been presenting the matters which involved them since then: denunciation of the tortures suffered; fighting for amnesty; recognition of the State; receipts of indemnity; individual torturers blame. Thus, the dispute for the registered words through the published memories in books is intimately linked to the permanent fight between the two groups which confronted each other at the end of the1960 s and the beginning of the1970 s / A humanidade tem registrado o uso da tortura ao longo de sua história. Para punir ou obter informações, a violência dos agentes do Estado sobre os suspeitos de delitos é uma realidade que existe há séculos. Importantes pensadores iluministas já rechaçaram o seu uso e o avanço das sociedades modernas levou, em seu bojo, à sua progressiva eliminação legal. A partir da Segunda Guerra Mundial, tratados internacionais têm procurado proteger a humanidade da tortura. No Brasil, a história dos direitos humanos está ligada à ditadura militar. As torturas praticadas, de forma institucionalizada, nos órgãos de repressão, foram denunciadas por presos políticos e por seus familiares, durante todo o período militar, o que contribuiu para que os militares fizessem uso indiscriminado de censura nos meios de comunicação. A partir de meados dos anos 1970, com a abertura política principiando e propiciando um afrouxamento da censura, iniciou-se, também, um debate de memórias entre militares e militantes acerca do assunto, que, até então, havia ficado encoberto para a maioria dos brasileiros. As memórias, como exercícios de reconstrução do passado a partir do presente, apresentaram as questões que as envolveram ao longo dos últimos quarenta anos. Entre os militares, embora tenham ficado registradas as disputas internas, predominantemente entre moderados e linha dura, o que marcou os relatos acerca do uso de torturas em presos políticos foram as mudanças ao longo do tempo, com a predominância da sequência: negação; culpa dos subordinados; responsabilização do Estado. Quanto aos militantes, as divergências entre os vários grupos são mais plurais, visto que dezenas de organizações de esquerda se formaram, durante a ditadura militar, cada qual seguindo concepções ideológicas diversas e, por vezes, conflitantes. A convergência entre esses memorialistas na forma vigorosa com que entraram em confronto com as versões oficiais e, ao longo do tempo, tem apresentado as questões que os envolveram desde então: denúncia das torturas sofridas; luta pela anistia; reconhecimento do Estado; recebimento de indenizações; responsabilização individual dos torturadores. Assim, a disputa pelas palavras registradas por meio de memórias, publicadas em livros, está intimamente ligada à permanência da luta entre esses dois grupos que se enfrentaram em armas em fins dos anos 1960 e início dos 1970

Made available in DSpace on 2016-12-23T14:33:01Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 dissertacao completa de Thiago Dias bloqueado.pdf: 1982337 bytes, checksum: ac72cb12412bdf69b440df2515085143 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-07-01 / The respective work has as prism to analyze a series of testimonies given by military officers who participated in the political events in Brazil that culminated on the 31st of March of 1964. The deponents had a relevant role during the 21 years of the military government. The goal of the analysis concentrates on notes that exhibit throughout the testimonies, the resentments that the men in uniform exposed in their words. Resentments intensified mostly in the anticommunism and in the bad reputation the military forces had before the society after the end of the regime. The work is structured in showing how it began in the Brazilian army the role of an institution that was supposed to practice a direct political participation in the country, besides seeing itself like the source of moral reserve of the nation and guardian of the precepts of patriotism and nationalism. Being this done to demonstrate that the intervention which occurred in 1964 was not a result of an immediacy or by foreign orders in collusion with the national capital, where the soldiers would be mere playthings. The intervention needs to be analyzed from an optics that realizes the motives and intentions that made the military forces deprive the president John Goulart from the power. Among the testimonies it will also be analyzed the question of the military officers memory regarding subjects directly connected to the period: the reason of the destitution of João Goulart, the repression to the opponents, the question of torture and other recurrent subjects to the analyzed period. Among the testimonies it will also be analyzed the question of the memory of the military officers regarding subjects directly connected to the period: the reason of deposing João Goulart, the repression to the opponents, the question of torture and other recurrent subjects to the analyzed period. The conclusion of the work will be originated from a direct analysis of the testimonies where it is exposed in an explicit or implicit way, the resentments of the military officers regarding the occurrences before and after the events of the 31st of March of 1964 / O respectivo trabalho tem como prisma analisar uma série de depoimentos dados por militares que participaram dos acontecimentos políticos no Brasil, que culminaram no 31 de março de 1964. Os depoentes tiveram um papel relevante durante os 21 anos de governo militar. A marca da análise fixa-se em apontamentos que mostrem dentro dos depoimentos os ressentimentos que os homens de farda expuseram em suas falas. Ressentimentos galgados principalmente no anticomunismo e na visão ruim que as forças armadas ficaram perante a sociedade após o fim do regime.O trabalho se estrutura mostrando como se iniciou no exército brasileiro o papel de uma instituição que deveria exercer uma participação política direta no país, além de se ver como a fonte da reserva moral da nação e guardiã dos preceitos de patriotismo e nacionalismo. Isso feito para mostrar que a intervenção ocorrida em 1964 não foi fruto de imediatismos ou por ordenação estrangeira em conluio com o capital nacional, onde os militares seriam meros joguetes. A intervenção precisa ser analisada a partir de uma ótica que perceba os motivos e intenções que fizeram as Forças Armadas destituírem do poder o presidente João Goulart. Dentro dos depoimentos também será analisada a questão da memória dos militares no tocante a assuntos estreitamente ligados ao período: o porquê da derrubada de João Goulart, a repressão aos opositores, a questão da tortura e outros assuntos recorrentes ao período analisado. O fechamento do trabalho vai dar-se a partir de uma análise direta nos depoimentos onde está exposto de maneira explícita ou implícita os ressentimentos dos militares no tocante aos ocorridos antes e após os acontecimentos do 31 de março de 1964

Made available in DSpace on 2016-03-15T19:45:55Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Clayton Rodrigues de Melo.pdf: 433344 bytes, checksum: 77ef5d56bdb004b10a72630b3a9fb1df (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-02-04 / Universidade Presbiteriana Mackenzie / This paper proposes a study of romance, A quien corresponda (2008), of Martín Caparrós, an Argentinian writer. For that study we will travel the following course: an abbreviation explanation on the context of the historical period of the dictatorship for the literary glance. We will travel the historical aspects approaching, in a brief way, the political context of the civil dictatorship that had begun in the decade of 70. We will reflect concerning the philosophical thought that it permeates the romance of Thomas Hobbes thought, philosopher of the century XVI, concerning the forms of power. Finally, we will analyze the romance, in order to identify the present voices in the political conflict of Argentina in the period that refers to the military dictatorship based on the following dialogues: the character Carlos and the torturer; Carlos with their three friends in the restaurant; Carlos and his supposed girlfriend'. / O presente trabalho tem como objetivo estudar o romance, A quien corresponda (2008), do escritor argentino Martín Caparrós. Para esse estudo faremos o seguinte percurso: uma breve explanação sobre o contexto do período histórico da ditadura pelo olhar literário. Percorreremos, também, os aspectos históricos abordando, de forma breve, o contexto político da ditadura civil que teve seu início na década de 70. Refletiremos acerca do pensamento filosófico que permeia o romance utilizando-se do pensamento de Thomas Hobbes, filósofo do século XVI, acerca das formas de poder de um Estado Civil. Por fim, analisaremos o romance, a fim de identificar as vozes presentes no conflito político da Argentina no período que se refere à ditadura militar baseado nos seguintes diálogos: o personagem Carlos e os ex-torturadores; Carlos com seus três amigos no restaurante; Carlos e a suposta namorada .

The 1990’s did not only see the end of the Cold War, it experienced several man-made humanitarian crises, an emerging debate on the responsibility to protect, and an increased number of sanctions. All at the same time. How does these relate to each other? International economic sanctions can be seen as having the purposes of both punishing and making others comply with certain norms (Galtung, 1967:379). I believe that both of these purposes are visible when imposing sanctions as reactions to violations of international humanitarian law. Because of this, I argue that violations of IHL are likely to be met with sanctions. In this thesis, I study whether or not this hypothesis holds true. Specifically, I test the probability of receiving sanctions after the following IHL rules have been violated: the prohibition of child soldiers, torture, use of terror, one-sided violence and sexual violence. Most research on economic sanctions focuses either on their effect on armed conflict, or exclusively on one international institution. This thesis contributes to the research field by presenting a quantitative study on the effect violations of international humanitarian law can have on the imposition of economic sanctions, and whether there is a difference in how different violations are being reacted to.

Although torture is considered universally reprehensible by law, including international law and human convention, it occurs routinely as an acceptable and efficient method for interrogation and intimidation. The questions that follow are: What kind of person engages in/commits acts of torture? If legalized, how would torture affect morality when an individual can be instrumentally utilized as a mere means-to-an-end? How does torture affect the victim, the torturer, and society as a whole? In order to answer these questions, I will use events at the Guantanamo Bay Detention Center to argue in favor of the plausibility for the concept of a non fallacious slippery slope against torture by means of theoretical and real world evidence. I will argue that each act of torture that is deemed acceptable in the eyes of any society not only corrupts the societal morality of that nation, but it also produces an increase in direct and indirect participation in such acts.

Dans l'après-11 septembre 2001, le gouvernement de George W. Bush est particulièrement préoccupé par la possibilité que de nouvelles attaques se reproduisent en territoire américain. Afin d'éviter cette éventualité, les décideurs de Washington déclarent la « guerre contre le terrorisme » qui se déroule, dans un premier temps, en Afghanistan contre le régime taliban puis, dans un second temps, en Irak contre celui de Saddam Hussein. Lors de ces interventions militaires, plusieurs combattants talibans ou membres présumés d'AI-Qaïda sont faits prisonniers, certains déportés aux centres de détention de la base navale de Guantanamo. Ces détenus représentent dès lors une source privilégiée d'informations pouvant contribuer au succès des services de renseignement américains. Constatant l'échec des interrogatoires menés auprès des détenus à Guantanamo, certains décideurs de l'administration Bush vont estimer que le recours à des techniques radicales d'interrogation est nécessaire et justifiable dans le cadre de la lutte contre le terrorisme. Ces méthodes associées à la torture étant toutefois proscrites par le droit fédéral américain et le droit international, l'élite décisionnelle fera appel aux conseillers juridiques de l'administration pour réinterpréter le droit et donner une nouvelle définition à la torture, plus pointue et ouvrant la porte à des actes auparavant interdits. Cette définition désormais légalisée, la nouvelle politique d'interrogation donnera libre cours aux militaires et aux agents de renseignement sur le terrain. L'objectif de notre mémoire sera d'expliquer comment et pourquoi les conseillers juridiques de l'administration Bush sont parvenus à convaincre le président américain du bien-fondé de la torture dans le cadre de la lutte contre le terrorisme. Pour ce faire, nous recourrons aux approches organisationnelle et perceptuelle. D'abord, nous verrons que ce groupe de conseillers a bénéficié d'un appareil bureaucratique soumis à l'influence des conseillers juridiques de l'Exécutif où se sont déroulées des luttes organisationnelles lors desquelles ils ont mis en oeuvre une stratégie de marginalisation des dissidents. Ensuite, nous montrerons que le style présidentiel de G. W. Bush a contribué à la montée en force des conseillers juridiques dans ce dossier. Enfin, nous démontrerons que l'élite-conseil a commis plusieurs erreurs perceptuelles qui seront à l'origine de la nouvelle définition de la torture. Dans un premier temps, nous présenterons les architectes de cette redéfinition de la torture: leur rôle, leur relation avec le président et leur personnalité, en ayant toujours en tête l'influence majeure de la dimension individuelle lors de la prise de décision. Nous exposerons de plus la réflexion juridique ayant mené à cette nouvelle définition. Dans un second temps, nous mettrons à contribution les facteurs bureaucratique et perceptuel qui expliqueront respectivement comment et pourquoi une décision aussi controversée a été adoptée par l'administration Bush. ______________________________________________________________________________ MOTS-CLÉS DE L’AUTEUR : États-Unis, Torture, Politique étrangère américaine, George W. Bush, Richard Cheney, Guantanamo, Abou Ghraib, Afghanistan, Irak, Terrorisme, Processus décisionnel, AI-Qaïda, Conventions de Genève.

This paper revisits one of the more frequented stops at the crossroads of politics and morality in contemporary ethical theory, Michael Walzer’s essay “Political Action: The Problem of Dirty Hands.” The aim is to provide a fresh assessment of Walzer’s project, and to evaluate the tenability of its core notion of “dirty hands.” In pursuit of this aim, the effort is made to reopen the paths which take Walzer to his celebrated impasse, from two directions. The first of these resituates Walzer’s analysis in the context of the debate within Anglo-American ethical theory in which it is originally expounded. The second route seeks to recapture the trail of thinkers who guide Walzer to his conclusions from more remote locations in intellectual history, in order to determine the reliability of his intriguing constellation of Machiavelli, Weber and Camus as lodestars. Writing thirty years later, one of Walzer’s friendliest interpreters, Jean Elshtain, in the midst of her enthusiasm for ‘dirty hands,’ renews doubts about his recommendation of “casuistry.” Hints from throughout Walzer’s essay, incompletely elaborated there, are parceled together into closing suggestions as to an alternative approach to so-called ‘dirty hands’ situations. / text

While many politicians gain national or international acclaim, domestic political activists are rarely remembered for their dedication and, similarly, their sufferings. More specifically, the acts of female political activists, and the harsh punishments they endure following government pushback, are not appreciated or acknowledged by popular histories. Across Great Britain, the United States, and Argentina, three women played crucial roles in advancing reform against unjust government policies. Josephine Butler (1828-1906) was a pivotal character in repealing laws allowing for the government regulation of prostitution, the Contagious Diseases Acts, in Great Britain. Similarly, Alice Paul (1885-1997) was essential in achieving the ratification of the Nineteenth Constitutional Amendment in the United States—granting universal suffrage. Lastly, Azucena Villaflor (1924-1977) was one of the first people, man or woman, to openly oppose the Junta dictatorship in Argentina and openly advocate for the release of information on desaparecidos. Despite advancing such important policy reform, all three women increasingly faced physical suffering, torture or death at the hands of their respective state governments. Amid a lack of media coverage or biased, partial media coverage paired with the direct confrontation of male government leaders, noncombatant activists were unjustly treated in violation of their fundamental human rights. Progressive, forceful voices for positive change are consistently dismissed as crazy, extreme or irrational, rather than praised for their efforts. In exploring the cycle of violence surrounding the treatment of political activists, it appears nationalist histories are often void of past government faults.

The study, “Between honor and shame: Martyrdom in 2 Maccabees 6-7 within the socio-cultural arena”, presents a look at how the community viewed martyrdom in 2 Maccabees 6:18-7:42 from the perspective of honor and shame. The chief objective is to determine whether or not the community supported or challenged the notion of the martyrs’ death being either honorable or shameful. In order to reach a satisfactory conclusion to this objective, this study set as goals the identification of key themes which shed light upon the views of the community in regard to the martyrs, as well as the investigation of the community’s understanding of honor and shame found in 2 Maccabees 6:18-7:42. This study incorporates a contextual analytical method comprising of an analysis of sociocultural vocabulary, an analysis of the socio-cultural vocabulary within the Greek text of 2 Maccabees 6:18-7:42 and a synthesis of the analysis of both the socio-cultural and the Greek context. As criteria for the study of the socio-cultural context the aspects of sacred-profane, pure-impure, the patron-client relationship and the relationship between individual and group(s) are implemented. Core-findings of this study may be divided into two main categories: evidence in defence of an honorable conduct during death, and evidence in defence of the dishonorable manner of death. Evidence in defence of honorable conduct during death, are: • The martyrs remain completely loyal and devoted to God (their Chief-Patron), His laws and • the customs of the forefathers. • They are portrayed as being bodily whole. • They safeguard their set-apartness. • They remain pure – especially in the ritualistic sense. • As individuals belonging to the collected identity of various groups, the martyrs prove themselves loyal and honorable. Evidence in defence for the dishonorable manner in which the martyrs die, are: • Torture was deemed disgraceful by the community and would therefore degrade honor. • Mutilation went into the very fabric of the wholeness of the body by destroying the bodily unity, thereby disqualifying a person to come into the realm of the sacred. • Certain members of the community would regard the martyrs’ rejection of the lesser patrons’ favor as disrespectful and therefore as dishonorable conduct. Despite this evidence, it is still found that the community could remain undecided on how to judge the martyrs and martyrdom. Therefore, it is proposed, and successfully implemented, that an emotional argument might be the key to tipping the scale toward viewing the martyrs and martyrdom as honorable. It must therefore be concluded that the community would have indeed challenged the notion of martyrdom being honorable, for torture and mutilations in themselves, were regarded as being disgraceful. Yet the community would have been persuaded to accept the honor of the martyrs because of their honorable conduct and the emotional appeal made by the author of Maccabees. / Thesis (MA (Greek))--North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2013.