Αντικείμενο της παρούσας μελέτης είναι η θεωρητική επισκόπηση και ανάλυση των προσδιοριστικών παραγόντων, των πεδίων συγκρούσεων, των τάσεων και των προοπτικών των Βιομηχανικών Σχέσεων, των σχέσεων που αναπτύσσονται ανάμεσα στους συλλογικά διαπραγματευόμενους εργαζόμενους με τους εργοδότες και διαμεσολαβείται από το κράτος και τους διεθνείς οργανισμούς. Επιχειρείται ο προσδιορισμός της ιστορικής τους καταβολής και εξέλιξης, ο καταλυτικός ρόλος των εργατικών συνδικάτων και η παρουσίαση των εννοιών της Βιομηχανικής Δημοκρατίας και της Βιομηχανικής Σύγκρουσης. Εξετάζεται το νέο - μεταφορντικό μοντέλο παραγωγής στα πλαίσια του σταδίου καπιταλιστικής ανάπτυξης του ολοκληρωτικού καπιταλισμού, η ευελιξία, η παγκοσμιοποίηση και οι διεθνικές επιχειρήσεις ως προσδιοριστικοί παράγοντες των σύγχρονων Βιομηχανικών Σχέσεων στο διεθνές περιβάλλον, εξετάζονται οι τάσεις σύγκλισης των συστημάτων Βιομηχανικών Σχέσεων και παρουσιάζεται ένα μοντέλο εργατικού διεθνισμού ως απάντηση των εργαζομένων στις διεθνείς πιέσεις. Η μελέτη εστιάζει, επίσης, στα χαρακτηριστικά των εργατικών και εργοδοτικών οργανώσεων, στα επίπεδα συνδικαλιστικής πυκνότητας και βιομηχανικής σύγκρουσης, στους θεσμούς, στις διαδικασίες διαλόγου και στις σύγχρονες τάσεις που καταγράφονται στις Βιομηχανικές Σχέσεις σε επίπεδο Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης. Επιχειρείται να προσδιοριστεί πώς η πολιτική της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης - που εκφράζεται μέσω των «Πράσινων» και «Λευκών Βίβλων» - συμβάλει στην ανάπτυξη πεδίων συγκρούσεων και αποτελεί προσδιοριστικό παράγοντα των Βιομηχανικών Σχέσεων στην Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση και συμβάλει στην τάση σύγκλισης των εθνικών συστημάτων Βιομηχανικών Σχέσεων. Η ιστορική εξέλιξη, τα χαρακτηριστικά, οι βαθμίδες και οι τύποι συνδικαλιστικής οργάνωσης των εργατικών και εργοδοτικών οργανώσεων, τα πολιτικά ρεύματα που δραστηριοποιούνται εντός του εργατικού κινήματος, η συνδικαλιστική πυκνότητα και η εξέλιξη της απεργιακής δράσης στην Ελλάδα, αποτελούν σημαντικό τμήμα στην ανάλυση των ελληνικών Βιομηχανικών Σχέσεων. Επιχειρείται μια σύνοψη των βασικών χαρακτηριστικών – προσδιοριστικών παραγόντων του ελληνικού συνδικαλιστικού κινήματος και η αποτύπωση των σύγχρονων τάσεων οργάνωσης εντός και εκτός των δομών του. Αποτυπώνονται τα βασικά χαρακτηριστικά των ελληνικών Βιομηχανικών Σχέσεων και οι πρόσφατες εξελίξεις στο περιεχόμενο και τις δομές τους υπό την επίδραση της διαδικασίας της παγκοσμιοποίησης, του παγκόσμιου οικονομικού περιβάλλοντος και της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης. / The aim of the present study is the theoretical review and analysis of the defining factors, fields of conflicts, tendencies and perspectives of Industrial Relations, that are developed between collectively negotiating workers and the employers and are intermediated by the state and international organisations. It is also attempted to determinate their historical background and development, the catalytic role of working trade unions and to present significations such as Industrial Democracy and Industrial Conflict. The new post fordism mode of production in the frame of the new stage of capitalist development of totalitarian capitalism is examined, as well as the flexibility, the globalisation and the international enterprises as defining factors of modern Industrial Relations in the international environment. The tendencies of convergence of systems of Industrial Relations are also examined and a model of labor internationalism is presented as an answer of workers in international pressures. The study also focuses on the characteristics of workers’ and employers’ organisations at the level of trade-union density and industrial conflict, as well as on the institutions, the processes of dialogue and in the contemporary tendencies that are recorded in the Industrial Relations in European Union. It is attempted to determine how the policy of European Union - that it is expressed via “Green” and “White Papers” - constitutes a defining factor of Industrial Relations in the European Union and contributes to the growth of fields of conflicts and to the tendency to convergence of the national systems of Industrial Relations. The historical evolution, the characteristics, the levels and types of trade-union formation of labor and employing organisations, the political streaming activated in to the labor movement, the trade-union density and the evolution of strike action in Greece consist a major subject in the analysis of greek Industrial Relations. It is attempted a synopsis of the main characteristics and defining factors of greek labor movement and the imprinting of contemporary tendencies of internal and external organisation. The main characteristics of greek Industrial Relations and the recent developments of their content and structure under the effect of the globalisation process, the global economic environment and the European Union are recorded in the present study.

La responsabilité sociale des entreprises (RSE) est un concept qui fait référence au volontariat, sans définition unique, et visant la prise en compte des intérêts des parties prenantes de l’entreprise. Pour celle-ci, les caractéristiques communes à ces différentes définitions est d’établir des balises allant au-delà de ce que la loi fixe comme règle. Pour mettre en oeuvre la RSE, plusieurs outils sont utilisés, le code de conduite étant le plus répandu. Quant aux multiples parties prenantes de l’organisation, celle des travailleurs ne semble pas invitée à participer aux décisions de l’entreprise en matière de RSE, malgré les intérêts importants que les travailleurs et le syndicat peuvent posséder auprès de cette dernière. Notre recherche porte sur la convention collective en tant qu’outil de responsabilité sociale des entreprises. Nous nous intéressons à savoir si cet outil traditionnel en relations du travail pourrait être utilisé, tout comme un code de conduite, pour stimuler la participation des syndicale aux décisions de l’entreprise. À l’aide du Portrait statistique des conventions collectives analysées au Québec en 2006, nous avons validé la fréquence, le sujet ainsi que le niveau de participation syndicale dans les comités conjoints conventionnés en comparant les entreprises dites RSE et non RSE. Il s’est avéré qu’il n’y a pas plus de participation syndicale indiquée dans les conventions collectives d’entreprises RSE que dans celles non RSE. Cependant, notre analyse précise que deux outils RSE autres que le code de conduite adoptés par l’entreprise coïncident avec la participation syndicale, soit la signature d’un accord-cadre international et la participation au Pacte Mondial de l’ONU. / Corporate social responsibility (CSR) is a concept referring to voluntarism, without unique definition, aiming to take into account interests of various company stakeholders. The main common characteristic is to institute principles that go beyond what the law establishes. In order for CSR to take place, several tools have been used, like the code of conduct which is the most widely used. As for one of the multiple corporate stakeholders, the workers don’t seem to be invited to participate in corporate decisions related to CSR, despite the major interests that they and the workers’ union might have in the company. Our research looks at the collective agreement as a tool for corporate social responsibility. We question ourselves to see if this traditional labour tool could be used, like the code of conduct, to confine unions’ participation in corporate decisions. With the Portrait statistique des conventions collectives analysées au Québec en 2006, we have validated the frequency, subject and participation level of unions in collective joint committees by comparing CSR and non CSR organizations. It appears that unions’ participation to corporate decisions is not higher in collective agreements of CSR organizations. Nevertheless, our analysis shows that two CSR tools other than a code of conduct adopted by the organization coincide with unions’ participation, that are the signature of a global framework agreement and participation to the UN Global Compact.

Submitted by Johnny Rodrigues (johnnyrodrigues@ufcg.edu.br) on 2018-11-12T22:58:38Z No. of bitstreams: 1 ANNALIZA BERTOLAZZI - DISSERTAÇÃO PPGCS 1989..pdf: 65175904 bytes, checksum: c4f7ea7520179d698acda1ee6583f9d7 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-11-12T22:58:39Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 ANNALIZA BERTOLAZZI - DISSERTAÇÃO PPGCS 1989..pdf: 65175904 bytes, checksum: c4f7ea7520179d698acda1ee6583f9d7 (MD5) Previous issue date: 1989-03 / La question syndicale, depuis 1978, occupe les prémières pages des journeaux brésiliens pour la nouveauté que présente la pratique actuelle des syndicalistes par rapport a celle du passé. Les travailleurs des villes et des campagnes s'organisent pour le changement des directions syndicales, des pratiques et des objectifs de lutte du sybdicalisme traditionel; des Centrales Syndicales sont créés représentant de différentes perspectives et conceptions; um "nouveau syndicalisme" se construit, defini en opposition à la structure syndicale encore en place. "Participation" et "combativité" synthétisent les revendications qui développent le "nouveau": "ad intra", en opposant démocratisation et structure horizontale à la structure "verticale en place; "ad extra", en opposant une attitude de combat permanent face aux intérêts antagoniques au syndicalisme de- conciliation des classes consacré par la structure traditionelle. Découpant, pour son analyse, une région de la campagne dans l'Etat de Paraíba, l'auteur cherche à identifier y. les conditions sociales qui rendent possible le changement du syndicalisme . rural ansi que les facteurs de continuité des formes traditionelles. L'analyse considère les différents acteurs qui jouent dans le "champ de forces" du syndicalisme de Paraíba. Mettant le focus sur la naissance du "nouveau syndicalisme". considère de façon plus spécifique les "oppositions syndicales" qui - dans la période 1980/88 - ont lutté pour le réaliser, ainsi que leurs propositions, leur "leadership" et les forces qui les soutienent. Finalement l'auteur se détient sur l'analyse d'un cas pris comme exemple réprésentatif de la problematique abordée. A la conclusion de l'étude, que met en énvidence le fait que les changements se font sans des ruptures brusques avec ce qui existait déjà par la force de la continuité institucionelle, sont indiqués les principaux dilèmes et défi posés, à présent, au "nouveau syndicalisme". / A questão sindical, desde 78 ocupa as manchetes nacionais pelas novidades que apresenta em relação ao passado. Os trabalhadores da cidade e do campo se organizam para a mudança dasdireções sindicais, das práticas e das bandeiras de luta do sindicalismo tradicional; constituem-se as Centrais Sindicais enucleando diferentes perspectivas e concepções sindicais; constrói-se um "novo sindicalismo" que se define por oposição à estrutura sindical ainda vigente. "Participação" e "Combatividade" sintetizam as revindicações que desenvolvem "o novo": "ad intra", contrapondo democratização e estrutura horizontal à atual estrutura vertical; "ad extra" opondo uma atitude de combate, frente aos interesses antagônicos, ao sindicalismo de conciliação de classes consagrado pela estrutura sindical vigente. No recorte de uma determinada região do campo paraibano, a autora busca identificar as condições sociais que viabilizam a mudança do sindicalismo no campo e os fatores de continuidade das formas tradicionais. A análise considera os diversos atores em jogo no "campo de forças" do sindicalismo paraibano em sua atuação recente. Tendo como enfoque o surgimento do "novo sindicalismo" estuda especificamente as "oposições sindicais" que no período I980-88 - lutaram para realizá-lo, bem como suas propostas, suas lideranças e apoios. Finaliza analisando concretamente um caso considerado mais representativo da problemática abordada. A conclusão do estudo, que evidencia como as mudanças vem se desenvolvendo sem bruscas rupturas com o existente pela força da continuidade institucional, são colocados os principais dilemas e desafios com os quais se defronta hoje o "novo sindicalismo".

This study is an analysis of the conditions of access and permanence of women in the trade union movement. The issue is framed in the discussions on the political participation of women and the cut is the trade union movement. Considering that the political and trade union fields have traditionally been dominated by men, and considering the increasing participation of women, we aim to investigate the constraints of their insertion in these spaces. To that end, we selected as a reality to be observed the category of Technical-Administrative in Education - TAE, formed by professionals that make up the administrative sphere of Brazilian public higher education institutions. The representation tables, previously composed predominantly by men, gradually changed with the presence of women. Because of these changes, we propose to think the mechanisms that justify them and frame the analysis from two perspectives. In the first, we place the category of TAE in front of the institution that represents it nationally, the Federation of Trade Unions of Technical-Administrative Workers in Public Higher Education Institutions of Brazil - FASUBRA Sindical. In this regard, we analyze the composition of the national leadership and the directorates/coordinations of the affiliated unions, taking into account the percentages and places occupied by men and women. In the second, we selected one of the affiliated unions, the Syndicate of Technical-Administrative Workers in Education of the Federal University of Sergipe - SINTUFS. We seek to understand the conditions of access and permanence of women with the focus on the relational aspects around the engagement of the militants. The study was guided by the sociology of militancy and the gender approach, and the main concepts and notions employed were: trajectories, careers, sexual division of labor, militant engagement and social bonds. We use different methodological strategies, such as document consultation, questionnaire application, participant observation and biographical interview. We have identified the presence of many women in the directorates/coordinations of FASUBRA's basic institutions. However, differences were also observed in the number of places occupied by men and women. The social ties and some experiences found in women's itineraries have emerged as a mechanism to explain their entry and stay in union leadership. Among the types of links, the personalities were more relevant, and educational experiences were the most significant resources for engagement. We find that, in general, the increase of women in the trade union movement is associated with their participation in the labor market and the cultural and social transformations that affect the role of women in society. The unionists justified that the awareness of the need to occupy political spaces by women and, especially, the commitment to the working class were the reasons for their militant engagement. / Este estudo é uma análise das condições de acesso e permanência das mulheres no movimento sindical. A temática está enquadrada nas discussões sobre a participação política das mulheres e o recorte é o movimento sindical. Considerando que os campos político e sindical foram tradicionalmente dominados pelos homens, e considerando a crescente participação de mulheres, objetivamos investigar os condicionantes da inserção delas nesses espaços. Para tanto, selecionamos como realidade a ser observada a categoria dos Técnico-Administrativos em Educação - TAE, formada pelos profissionais que compõem a esfera administrativa das instituições de ensino superior público brasileiro. Os quadros de representação, antes compostos predominantemente por homens, aos poucos sofreram modificações com a presença das mulheres. Em razão dessas mudanças, propomos pensar os mecanismos que as justificam e enquadramos a análise sob duas perspectivas. Na primeira, situamos a categoria dos TAE frente à instituição que a representa nacionalmente, a Federação de Sindicatos de Trabalhadores Técnico-Administrativos em Instituições de Ensino Superior Públicas do Brasil - FASUBRA Sindical. Nesse aspecto, analisamos a composição da direção nacional e das direções/coordenações dos sindicatos filiados, levando em consideração os percentuais e os lugares ocupados por homens e mulheres. Na segunda, selecionamos um dos sindicatos filiados, o Sindicato dos Trabalhadores Técnico-Administrativos em Educação da Universidade Federal de Sergipe – SINTUFS. Buscamos apreender as condições de acesso e permanência das mulheres com o enfoque nos aspectos relacionais em torno do engajamento das militantes. O estudo foi norteado a partir da sociologia da militância e da abordagem de gênero, e os principais conceitos e as noções empregados foram: trajetórias, carreiras, divisão sexual do trabalho, engajamento militante e vínculos sociais. Utilizamos diferentes estratégias metodológicas, tais como, a consulta a documentos, a aplicação de questionário, a observação participante e a entrevista biográfica. Identificamos a presença de muitas mulheres nas direções/coordenações das instituições de base da FASUBRA. Contudo, também foi observado diferenças em relação aos lugares ocupados por homens e por mulheres. Os vínculos sociais e algumas experiências encontradas nos itinerários das mulheres emergiram como mecanismo que servem para explicar a entrada e a permanência delas na liderança sindical. Entre os tipos de vínculos, os pessoais tiveram maior relevância, e as experiências educacionais foram os recursos mais significativos para o engajamento. Constatamos que, de modo geral, o aumento de mulheres no movimento sindical está associado à participação delas no mercado de trabalho e às transformações culturais e sociais que envolvem o papel da mulher na sociedade. As sindicalistas justificaram que, a conscientização da necessidade de ocupação dos espaços políticos pelas mulheres e, principalmente, o compromisso com a classe trabalhadora foram os motivos do seu engajamento militante. / São Cristóvão, SE

En dépit de son importance dans la formation de la société contemporaine, le syndicalisme apparaît comme l’un des parents pauvres de l’historiographie en Belgique. Il y a plus de trente ans, Jean Puissant déplorait que l’historiographie syndicale était essentiellement « produite par le milieu syndical lui-même » et que sa fonction était généralement « la commémoration, la légitimation, la contestation ou encore la célébration » (Archivium, vol.XXVII, 1980). Plusieurs auteurs ont, à partir des années 1960 et surtout des années 1980, entamé une approche scientifique de l’histoire syndicale. Mais, en raison du manque cruel d’études systématiques préalables, cette production historique récente, plus riche de perspectives scientifiques, est demeurée largement monographique, ne dépassant que partiellement les clivages sectoriels, régionaux et politiques. « Des synthèses restent à faire, écrivait Antoine Prost en 1997 à propos de la France, [car] aucun de ces travaux ne réussit à lier de façon pleinement satisfaisante l’histoire du travail, celle des travailleurs et celle du mouvement ouvrier. [.] Les nouveaux paradigmes de l’histoire ouvrière continuent à se chercher » (Cahiers d’Histoire, n°66, 1997). Ce constat s’applique incontestablement à l’historiographie syndicale belge.<p><p>L’ambition de la présente thèse est de pallier l’absence d’étude d’ensemble sur le mouvement syndical belge de l’entre-deux-guerres, période essentielle dans le processus de mise en place du syndicalisme contemporain en Belgique. Cette période est en effet non seulement marquée par l’avènement d’un syndicalisme de masse, par l’intégration des syndicats dans des nouveaux systèmes de relations industrielles (reconnaissance généralisée des syndicats par le patronat et l’État comme interlocuteurs privilégiés dans la négociation du contrat de travail), par leur attribution à l’échelle nationale d’un rôle officiel dans la redistribution des secours étatiques de chômage, mais également par de profondes réformes des structures et des fonctionnements syndicaux (centralisation, concentration et rationalisation accrues). <p><p>Notre étude tente d’analyser comment et suivant quelles modalités les diverses composantes du mouvement syndical ont participé à ces transformations sociétales (y compris en ce qui concerne le nouveau rôle qu’elles y acquièrent) en même temps qu’elles se sont trouvées transformées par elles. Globalement, elle propose une évaluation des influences réciproques sur la construction du fait syndical belge :<p>-\ / Doctorat en Histoire, art et archéologie / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

Orientador: Karina Lilia Pasquariello Mariano / Resumo: Nos anos 2000, impulsionados pelas crises econômicas na região e pela resistência dos movimentos sociais, diversos governos progressistas foram eleitos na América Latina. Com isso, os processos de integração regional na América do Sul e Latina se intensificaram com a criação de novas institucionalidades e com a expansão da agenda para novos temas, além da tradicional agenda comercial. A Central Única dos Trabalhadores foi fundamental para contraposição aos blocos comerciais que se conformavam nos anos 1990 e, posteriormente, para eleição e construção dos governos de Lula da Silva e Dilma Rousseff (2003-2014). Nesse sentido, esta pesquisa tem como objetivo avaliar a importância da participação social desse ator para as mudanças institucionais que ocorreram no Mercosul durante os governos progressistas no Brasil. Para tanto, este trabalho discute a importância de ampliarmos as reflexões teóricas sobre a relevância da sociedade civil nos estudos de integração regional e de relações internacionais, pois a ação dos atores sociais impacta diretamente o processo de formulação política, visto que o Estado é uma relação social e não um ator central e racional. O estudo analisa as transformações institucionais do Mercosul que não propiciaram alterações no seu processo decisório, nem possibilitaram a superação histórica do déficit democrático da estrutura institucional do bloco. Com base em entrevistas e na análise de documentos oficiais da Central Única dos Trabalhadores, a dissertação... (Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo) / Abstract: In the 2000s, driven by economic crises in the region and the resistance of social movements, several progressive governments were elected in Latin America. As a result, regional integration processes in South and Latin America have intensified with the creation of new institutions and the expansion of the agenda for new themes, in addition to the traditional trade agenda. The Central Única dos Trabalhadores was fundamental for opposing the commercial blocs that were formed in the 1990s and, later, for the election and construction of the governments of Lula da Silva and Dilma Rousseff (2003-2014). In this sense, this research aims to evaluate the importance of social participation of this actor for the institutional changes that occurred in Mercosur during the progressive governments in Brazil. To this end, this paper discusses the importance of broadening the theoretical reflections on the relevance of civil society in studies of regional integration and international relations, as the action of social actors directly impacts the process of political formulation, since the state is a not a central and rational actor. The study analyzes the institutional transformations of Mercosur that did not allow changes in its decision-making process, nor made possible the historical overcoming of the democratic deficit of the bloc's institutional structure. Based on interviews and analysis of official documents of the Central Única dos Trabalhadores, the dissertation evaluates the synd... (Complete abstract click electronic access below) / Resumen: En la década de 2000, impulsados por las crisis económicas en la región y la resistencia de los movimientos sociales, varios gobiernos progresistas fueron elegidos en América Latina. Como resultado, los procesos de integración regional en América del Sur y América Latina se han intensificado con la creación de nuevas instituciones y la expansión de la agenda para nuevos temas, además de la agenda comercial tradicional. La Central Unitaria de los Trabajadores fue fundamental para oponerse a los bloques comerciales que se formaron en la década de 1990 y, más tarde, para la elección y construcción de los gobiernos de Lula da Silva y Dilma Rousseff (2003-2014). En este sentido, esta investigación tiene como objetivo evaluar la importancia de la participación social de este actor para los cambios institucionales que ocurrieron en el Mercosur durante los gobiernos progresistas en Brasil. Con este fin, esta disertación discute la importancia de ampliar las reflexiones teóricas sobre la relevancia de la sociedad civil en los estudios de integración regional y relaciones internacionales, ya que la acción de los actores sociales impacta directamente el proceso de formulación política, ya que el estado es una relación social, y no es un actor central y racional. El estudio analiza las transformaciones institucionales del Mercosur que no permitieron cambios en su proceso de toma de decisiones, ni hicieron posible la superación histórica del déficit democrático de la estructura institucio... (Resumen completo clicar acceso eletrônico abajo) / Mestre

Les syndicats d’entreprise chinois souffrent d’un manque apparent de pertinence pour les salariés. Dans l’intervalle, les gouvernements et les fédérations de syndicats locaux mènent de plus en plus de réformes syndicales d’entreprise en vue de promouvoir la négociation collective et la démocratie syndicale. Ces deux tendances se produisant simultanément, c’est ainsi que les questions de recherche suivantes viennent à l’esprit: (1) D’une manière générale, la négociation collective et la démocratie syndicale améliorent-elles la pertinence des syndicats pour les salariés? (2) Dans le cas chinois, les réformes de la négociation collective et de la démocratie syndicale menées par les gouvernements et les fédérations de syndicats locaux améliorent-elles la pertinence des syndicats d’entreprise pour les salaries? Afin d’explorer et d’expliquer les variations de l’identification syndicale des employés et de l’identification des employés avec l’employeur, cette thèse développe un nouveau cadre théorique composé de quatre lignes d’analyse. Cette thèse examine d’abord les récits instrumentaux et constructivistes de l’identification syndicale des salariés. La possibilité d’une double identification, d’une identification unilatérale, ou d’une double désidentification ouvre une troisième ligne d’analyse, qui se concentre sur la relation entre l’identification des salariés – la configuration combinant l’identification syndicale des salariés et l’identification des salariés à l’employeur – et le cadre de référence pour les relations de travail. Enfin, en prenant en considération la spécificité du système chinois de relations de travail, cette thèse considère l’intervention du Parti-État en vue d’explorer comment une telle intervention affecte la démocratie syndicale et s’il existe ou non d’autres facteurs en jeu dans la relation entre la démocratie syndicale et l’intervention du Parti-Etat. Afin d’explorer ces quatre lignes d’analyse, cette thèse s’est appuyée sur des études de cas comparatives de six filiales d’entreprises multinationales étrangères dans, ce que nous appelons à des fins d’anonymat, la zone de développement économique et technologique de Binhai. Deux iv séries d’enquête sur le terrain comprenaient des entretiens dans chaque entreprise de l’échantillon avec le responsable syndical, trois à cinq membres du comité syndical, quatre ou cinq délégués syndicaux (le cas échéant), et cinq à sept membres syndicaux. Les principaux résultats empiriques sont résumés comme suit. Premièrement, trois types d’identité des syndicats d’entreprise chinois – le pont critique, le pont constructif, et le pont communicatif – à titre de pont entre les salariés et leur employeur et qui est assumé par un syndicat d’entreprise. Il existe par ailleurs une correspondance entre l’identité syndicale et l’identification des salariés. Deuxièmement, l’identification du syndicat des salariés est associée au caractère instrumental de syndicat et à la démocratie syndicale. La démocratie syndicale affecte non seulement directement l’identification du syndicat des salariés, mais affecte également le caractère instrumental de syndicat et, à son tour, a un impact indirect sur l’identification du syndicat des salariés. Les synergies entre le cadre de référence des relations de travail, la capacité stratégique syndicale, et la vitalité délibérative conduisent à la construction de l’identité syndicale. Troisièmement, le cadre de référence va du pluralisme adversarial à l’unitarisme autocratique, puis à l’unitarisme consultatif, et enfin, à l’unitarisme coordonné. En affectant l’instrumentalité syndicale, le cadre de référence affecte indirectement l’identification syndicale des salariés. Le cadre de référence affecte également l’amélioration des intérêts des salariés par un employeur et à son tour, a un impact indirect sur l’identification des salariés à l’employeur. Enfin, l’intervention du Parti-Etat affecte la démocratie syndicale mais comme modérée par la capacité stratégique. / Chinese enterprise unions suffer the apparent absence of relevance for employees. In the meantime, local governments and federations of trade unions are increasingly conducting enterprise union reforms with a view to promoting collective bargaining and union democracy. With these two trends occurring simultaneously, the following research questions come to mind: (1) Do collective bargaining and union democracy improve the relevance of trade unions for employees? (2) Do the reforms of collective bargaining and union democracy conducted by local governments and federations of trade unions in China improve the relevance of enterprise unions for employees? In order to explore and explain the variations in employee union identification and employee identification with the employer, this thesis develops a novel theoretical framework consisting of four lines of analysis. This thesis first examines the instrumental and constructivist accounts of employee union identification. The possibility of dual identification, unilateral identification, or dual disidentification opens up a third line of analysis, which focuses on the relationship between employee identification – the configuration combining employee union identification and employee identification with the employer – and the frame of reference for labour relations. Finally, in taking the specificity of the Chinese labour relations system into consideration, this thesis considers the intervention of the Party-State with a view to exploring how such intervention affects union democracy and whether or not there are other factors at play in the relationship between union democracy and the intervention of the Party-State. In order to pursue these four lines of analysis, this thesis drew on the comparative case studies of six subsidiaries of foreign multinational enterprises in, what we label for the purpose of anonymity, the Binhai Economic-Technological Development Area. Two rounds of fieldwork involved interviews in each sample enterprise with the union officer, three to five union committee members, four or five union stewards (when applicable), and five to seven union vi members. The major empirical findings are summarized as follows. First, three types of identity of the Chinese enterprise unions discussed – critical bridging, constructive bridging, and communicative bridging – emerge in terms of the role of the bridge between employees and their employer, which is played by an enterprise union. There is a link between trade union identity and employee identification. Second, employee union identification is associated with union instrumentality and union democracy. Union democracy not only directly affects employee union identification but also affects union instrumentality and in turn, has an indirect impact on employee union identification. Synergies between the frame of reference for labour relations, union strategic capacity, and deliberative vitality lead to union identity construction. Third, the frame of reference ranges from adversarial pluralism to autocratic unitarism, then to consultative unitarism, and finally, to coordinated unitarism. By affecting union instrumentality, the frame of reference indirectly affects employee union identification. The frame of reference also affects the improvement of employee interests by an employer and in turn, has an indirect impact on employee identification with the employer. Finally, the intervention of the Party-State affects union democracy but as moderated by strategic capacity.

Several interesting findings emerged from this study. First, strong labour movements still failed to successfully bargain for employment protections due to resistance from employers to encroachments on their institutionalized managerial prerogatives. Second, governments favoured a policy of abstentionism and acquiescence to the collective-laissez-faire tradition until the critical juncture of the 1960s and 1970s. Third, the increasing power resources of trade unions and a deteriorating socio-economic climate created a window of opportunity for bold government action to improve industrial relations, albeit without the consent of employers, and at first, unions. Fourth, contrary to the liberalizing pressures one would expect to find in an archetypical free market economy, the UK has implemented far more statutory protections than deregulatory reforms. Fifth, in contrast to its traditional non-intervention in industrial relations and reputation for worker-protective regulations, Swedish governments have enacted numerous statutes, both restricting and freeing managerial prerogatives in the hiring and firing process. Sixth, statutory employment protections became an independent set of institutional power resources for unions in the long run, serving their organizational and representational interests in important ways. Seventh, unions and left parties consistently defended and advanced the policy preferences of their core constituencies in secure employment by privileging the job security of regular contracts. Eighth, employers and parties on the right of the political spectrum consistently opposed restrictions on the managerial capacity to hire and fire at will, especially for small businesses. Nineth, to increase flexibility without threatening the stability of regular contracts, reforms over the years had to foster atypical forms of work, creating a regulatory gap between permanent and temporary employment, particularly in Sweden. Tenth, differences exist between job security in the statute books and job security in action, particularly in the UK where this gap pervades all aspects of the unfair dismissal system. These findings suggest employment protection legislation has developed in ways far more complex, dynamic and contradictory than is commonly assumed by prominent theories of comparative political economy. / Dissertation / Doctor of Philosophy (PhD) / This thesis examines how and why employment protection legislation developed in the United Kingdom and Sweden in the ways that it did from its early beginnings to the present period. It hopes to offer answers to questions about the initial impetus for statutory regulation, the number, content and impact of significant legislative changes and the preferences of key stakeholders with material interests in the policymaking process. It does this by drawing on a variety of both primary and secondary source materials, including employment protection databases, parliamentary records and research publications. At the same time, it assesses the explanatory merit of dominant theories in the political economy literature by testing them against voluminous empirical evidence and provides a multi-factorial account to fill the gaps in the existing body of knowledge.

Trade unions have been in existence for many years. Although their introduction was generally met with resistance, since their establishment trade unions have been important agents of social change worldwide. Over the years, trade unions have been involved in politics and other societal activities. In South Africa, trade unions for many years not only fought for worker’s rights within the workplace but also beyond the workplace. Trade unions started as friendly societies aimed at assisting their members with various matters, including offering financial help for education purposes and also in cases of illnesses. Although the main purpose of trade unions is to regulate relations between employees and their employers, trade unions perform other functions in society which can be broadly referred to as their social responsibility role. Unlike corporate social responsibility, which is recognised and formalised, trade union social responsibility is not, with the role and importance of social responsibility for trade unions having been largely ignored. This thesis aims at changing this by investigating their core responsibilities and their social responsibilities and subsequently making recommendations on how trade unions could recognise and accommodate their social responsibilities in their activities. It also considers factors that could assist trade unions in fulfilling their social responsibilities. Trade unions generally obtain legislative support for their core responsibilities, but not their social responsibilities; however this should not obstruct trade unions in such endeavours. As modern organisations it is high time that trade unions make a contribution towards sustainable development through their social responsibility role. / Private Law / LLD

La ricerca prende avvio dalla ricostruzione dei processi socio-economici che hanno portato alla crisi del modo di produzione taylorista-fordista. Muovendo da tali riflessioni, si constata come le imprese “post-fordiste” si avvalgano in misura crescente di lavoratori autonomi, un tempo coordinati e continuativi e, oggi, a progetto (artt. 61 e ss., d.lgs. 276/2003). Tali collaboratori sono, dunque, soggetti ad un potere (contrattuale) di coordinamento del committente che, alle volte, si somma ad una condizione di dipendenza economica dal committente medesimo. Si crea, quindi, una differenziazione interna all'area dell'autonomia coordinata che non pare adeguatamente valorizzata dal legislatore ordinario, ma che sembra interessare i sindacati. Il dato reale vede, infatti, agire rappresentanze varie, sicché occorre circoscrivere l'ambito di applicabilità degli artt. 39 e 40 Cost. L'assenza di un genuino interesse collettivo e di un'effettiva attività di autotutela inducono a ritenere che i collaboratori “forti” e il relativo associazionismo possano beneficiare delle sole tutele poste dagli artt. 2, 18 e 41 Cost. A conclusione si affrontano le problematiche che la ricostruzione così svolta solleva, ovverosia come garantire l'effettività delle tutele riconosciute al sindacalismo dei collaboratori “deboli” e come contemperare l'associazionismo dei collaboratori “forti” con il diritto antitrust comunitario. / The search starts with the reconstruction of socio-economic processes. Moving from these reflections, it's possible to see that today's companies take advantage of increasingly self-employed coordinated and continuous and, after d.lgs. 276/2003 “lavoratori a progetto”. These employees are, therefore, subject to a power (contractual) coordination of the customer that, at times, it adds up to a state of economic dependence by the same. It then creates an internal differentiation into autonomy area that does not seem properly valued by the ordinary legislator, but that seems to involve trade unions. Given that in reality there are different representations, we move to circumscribe the scope of applicability of the Arts. 39 and 40 Const. The absence of a genuine interest and genuine self activities suggest that employees "strong" and its associations can only benefit from the protections posed by Arts. 2, 18 and 41 Const. At the end tackling the problems so that the reconstruction turn raises, namely how to ensure the effectiveness of the safeguards recognized unionism collaborators "weak" and reconcile the associations of employees "strong" with the antitrust law.