This thesis uses a philosophical discussion to explore the tensions that result in the meeting between universal claims and particular contexts regarding human rights and how these tensions can be mediated by exploring the right to religious freedom. In order to do this, two approaches will be studied, one liberal and one postcolonial, represented by Martha Nussbaum and Saba Mahmood respectively. In comparing the approaches of Nussbaum and Mahmood, their arguments and positions become clearer, but also the nuances of the debate between universalism and contextualism. The right to religious freedom, with its many tensions between theory and practice, has been useful in exploring what values are at stake when we talk about human rights in general and how we can think about the apparent tension between universalism and contextual sensitivity. The thesis thus shows that there are more similarities between these two approaches than it may first seem and that they are not incompatible. This is argued to provide insight into possible ways of mediating human rights between theory and practice. / Denna uppsats utgår från en filosofisk diskussion kring spänningen mellan universella anspråk och specifika sammanhang när det kommer till mänskliga rättigheter och hur dessa spänningar kan medlas utifrån en undersökning av religionsfriheten. För att åstadkomma studeras två inriktningar, den ena liberal och den andra postkolonial. Dessa inriktningar representeras av Martha Nussbaum respektive Saba Mahmood. I och med en jämförande analys mellan dessa två inriktningar är förhoppningen att deras likheter och skillnader blir tydligare, samt att nyanserna inom debatten mellan universalism och kontextualism blir tydligare. Det finns många spänningar mellan teori och praktik när det kommer till rätten till religionsfrihet och just denna rättighet är på så sätt användbar för att utforska spänningen mellan universalism och kontextualism när det kommer till mänskliga rättigheter. Denna uppsats visar därmed att det finns flera likheter mellan dessa inriktningar och att de därför inte kan anses vara oförenliga med varandra. Detta för med sig en insikt i möjligheter till att medla mänskliga rättigheter mellan teori och praktik.

The European Union has faced lots of criticisms over the last couple of years when it comes to how refugees are treated in Europe. The Lisbon Treaty states in Article 2 that the European Union is founded on respect for human freedom, dignity and equality. Values such as democracy, rule of law, respect for human rights and that the rights of persons belonging to minorities should be respected are also something that the Union should be based on. How is it then that the Roma people, which are Europe's largest minority, are being persecuted all over Europe, that they get deported and have their camps destroyed? Why are refugees from North Africa being sent back before they even have a chance to seek asylum?   In this essay I have examined how the EU are treating refugees and tried to distinguish if there are any differences in how they treat internal and external refugees. I have analyzed this by using liberal universalism theory to see if the EU lives up to the liberal values that they claim to be based on. I found out that the European Union has a lot to work on when it comes to managing refugees in a fair way. I also found that the economic crises we have today has stolen focus from the refugee issue and that it also have affected the attitude towards refugees in a negative way.

<p>This study deals with theories of community, justice, and freedom within liberalism, communitarianism, African philosophy and theology. The study maintains that there are different latitudes on how to formulate and articulate theories of community, justice and freedom informed by particualr moral experiences with bearing on different views of human. People differ and their claims on moral matters are influenced by contexts in which they find themselves, which means that cultural diversity has bearing on different interpretations of what it means to be a human being. Given the importance of this diversity, of particular significance in this study is the relationship between various theories of justice and freedom and different understandings of the relationship between the individual and the community. The study endorses that any contemporary discourse on community, justice, and freedom to be adequate should take notice on the political, economic, and cultural aspirations of the people it seeks to address itself. It argues that there might be alternative theories of community, justice, and freedom which may give a fuller appreciation to the fact that there are different understandings of what community implies as well as what justice and freedom means. One such alternative is the African view of human, that of "ubuntu", which maintains that "to be" is "to belong". In this view a person is because of others, and by inference one's humanity, including one's sense of personhood, is affirmed by affirming the humanity and personhood of others. The first aim of the study is to examine how we should understand different theories of justice and freedom within Western political philosophy, and African political theory and theology. The second aim is to analyse how different theories of justice and freedom are related to different conceptions of the relationship between the individual and the community. The third and final aim is to propose an adequate theory of community, justice, and freedom from an African perspective.</p>

This study deals with theories of community, justice, and freedom within liberalism, communitarianism, African philosophy and theology. The study maintains that there are different latitudes on how to formulate and articulate theories of community, justice and freedom informed by particualr moral experiences with bearing on different views of human. People differ and their claims on moral matters are influenced by contexts in which they find themselves, which means that cultural diversity has bearing on different interpretations of what it means to be a human being. Given the importance of this diversity, of particular significance in this study is the relationship between various theories of justice and freedom and different understandings of the relationship between the individual and the community. The study endorses that any contemporary discourse on community, justice, and freedom to be adequate should take notice on the political, economic, and cultural aspirations of the people it seeks to address itself. It argues that there might be alternative theories of community, justice, and freedom which may give a fuller appreciation to the fact that there are different understandings of what community implies as well as what justice and freedom means. One such alternative is the African view of human, that of "ubuntu", which maintains that "to be" is "to belong". In this view a person is because of others, and by inference one's humanity, including one's sense of personhood, is affirmed by affirming the humanity and personhood of others. The first aim of the study is to examine how we should understand different theories of justice and freedom within Western political philosophy, and African political theory and theology. The second aim is to analyse how different theories of justice and freedom are related to different conceptions of the relationship between the individual and the community. The third and final aim is to propose an adequate theory of community, justice, and freedom from an African perspective.

In this reading a notion of the human is developed through an engagement with the work of French philosopher Emanuel Levinas. The argument is that, with the help of Levinas, it is possible for the idea of the human to be understood anew, for the notion to be ‘resaid’. This resaying of the human is performed in a critical appropriation of the philosophical tradition: Levinas’s work is shown not to be a new variation of the complacent ideology of humanism; the idea of the human is instead interpreted to be the bearer of the very movement of critique. This movement is articulated in terms of a transcendence of a discursive ‘economy of violence’. Critique does not establish a permanent position outside of violence, but is a movement that must constantly be renewed. Here Levinas is offered as a modern thinker of particular relevance for contemporary discussions surrounding the nature both of the political and of Human Rights. In addition one finds a systematic analysis of the major works of Levinas, unraveling how a notion of the human develops from within his philosophy. Levinas’s thought is placed alongside philosophical figures of his time, such as Heidegger, Sartre, Bataille, Lévi-Strauss, Althusser, Foucault and Derrida, as well as more recent political thinkers, for example, Alain Badiou, Giorgio Agamben and Jacques Rancière.

Le Paradoxe de la redistribution de Walter Korpi et Joakim Palme (1998) postule que les États-providences qui ont des dépenses sociales moins ciblées redistribuent davantage. Ive Marx, Lina Salanauskaite et Gerlinde Verbist (2013) ont toutefois constaté que le paradoxe démontré grâce à une corrélation entre un indice de redistribution et un indice de ciblage des dépenses sociales n'était plus valide dans les années 2000. En reproduisant les corrélations, il apparaît que l'augmentation importante du ciblage dans des pays qui redistribuent beaucoup comme le Danemark et la Suède est la principale cause de la disparition de la corrélation entre redistribution et ciblage. Lors des crises économiques dans les années 1980 et 1990, les prestations maximales déjà relativement faibles ainsi que la volonté de maintenir les prestations minimums et les taux de remplacement de la part des partis sociaux-démocrates ont poussé les gouvernements danois et suédois à réduire les prestations maximales afin de limiter l’augmentation des dépenses, augmentant ainsi le ciblage des dépenses sociales tout en préservant le caractère universel des programmes. L’augmentation du ciblage des dépenses sociales n’a pas eu d’effets négatifs sur la redistribution particulièrement au Danemark où la redistribution a augmenté et les inégalités diminué entre la fin des années 80 et le milieu des années 2000. / The Paradox of redistribution by Walter Korpi and Joakim Palme (1998) posits that welfare states that have less targeted social spending redistribute more. However, Ive Marx, Lina Salanauskaite and Gerlinde Verbist (2013) found that the correlation between the social spending targeting index and the redistribution index that demonstrates the paradox has weakened in the 2000s. By replicating the correlations, it seems that the increase targeting of social spending in countries with high redistribution like Denmark and Sweden is the main cause behind the weakening of the correlation between targeting and redistribution. During the economic crisis of the 80s and 90s, the already low maximum benefits and the will of social-democratic parties to maintain the minimal benefits and replacement rate led Danish and Swedish governments to reduce maximum benefits to restrain the increase of social spending, thus increasing the targeting of social spending without sacrificing universalism.

Contexte : Chez les adolescents, les différences sociales dans les pratiques d’activité physique (AP) et les comportements sédentaires restent peu expliquées. Les interventions universelles proportionnées visant la réduction des inégalités sociales chez les adolescents en situation de surpoids/obésité sont rares. Objectifs : Explorer les relations entre l’AP, la sédentarité, les facteurs sociaux, familiaux et scolaires chez les adolescents. Quatre axes de recherche ont été définis : identification des facteurs associés à l'AP et à la sédentarité, étude de la participation des adolescents en situation de surpoids/obésité socialement moins favorisés à une intervention universelle proportionnée en milieu scolaire, analyse de la perception des adolescents de leurs pratiques et évaluation de l'efficacité de l'intervention. Méthodes : Ces travaux sont issus d’essais en milieu scolaire : PRALIMAP (PRomotion de l'ALIMentation et de l'Activité Physique) et PRALIMAP-INÈS (INÈgalité de Santé). Le questionnaire international d’AP (IPAQ) a été utilisé pour mesurer l’AP et la sédentarité. Le niveau social a été défini à partir des catégories socioprofessionnelles et de l’échelle d’aisance familiale (FAS). Des entretiens individuels ont permis le recueil des perceptions. Des régressions logistiques ont été réalisées. Résultats : L'AP était dépendante des caractéristiques sociales, familiales et scolaires. La dépense énergétique totale n’était pas suffisante pour identifier les différences sociales en AP. Les freins perçus à la pratique d’AP étaient majoritairement individuels et étaient différents selon le niveau social et le sexe. Une intervention universelle proportionnée en milieu scolaire a permis la mobilisation de ces adolescents et de réduire les inégalités sociales d’AP. Conclusion : Ces travaux soulignent l’importance de la mise en œuvre en milieu scolaire d’actions spécifiques en AP pour les adolescents en situation de surpoids/obésité socialement moins favorisés / Background: Among adolescents, social differences in physical activity (PA) and sedentary behaviour (SB) are seldom explained. Proportionate universal interventions aimed at reducing social inequalities among overweight adolescents are uncommon. Objectives: To explore correlations between PA, SB, social, family and school-related factors among adolescents. Four research topics were elaborated: identifying factors associated with PA and SB, analysing socially less-advantaged overweight adolescents’ participation in a proportionate universal school intervention, analysing adolescents' perceptions of their PA practice, and evaluating the effectiveness of this intervention. Methods: This work is the result of two trials in the school setting: (PRomotion de l'ALIMentation et de l'Activité Physique) and PRALIMAP-INÈS (INÈgalité de Santé). The International PA Questionnaire (IPAQ) was used to measure PA and SB. Social status was defined according to socio-professional categories and the family affluence scale (FAS). Data on perceptions was collected from individual interviews. Individual interviews allowed data collection of perceptions. Logistic regressions were also carried out. Results: PA was dependent on social, family and school-related characteristics. Total energy expenditure was not sufficient to identify social differences in PA. The perceived barriers to PA practice were mostly individual and were different according to social status and gender. The proportionate universal intervention in schools successfully engaged these adolescents and reduced social inequalities related to PA. Conclusion: This work emphasises the importance of implementing specific activities in PA for socially less advantaged overweight adolescents

A presente dissertação tem por objetivo analisar o debate teórico entre cosmopolitas, comunitaristas e pós-modernos a respeito da tensão entre universalismo do Direito Internacional dos Direitos Humanos e soberania estatal no caso da lei francesa de 2010 que proíbe a dissimulação da face no espaço público, mas que se aplica às mulheres muçulmanas adeptas do uso do véu integral. / This work aims at analyzing the theoretical debate between cosmopolitans, communitarians, and postmodernists about the tension between the universalism of International Human Rights Law and state sovereignty in the case of the French law of 2010, which prohibits the concealment of the face in the public space, applying, however, only to muslim women who are adept to the use of the full veil.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:21:34Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Melina Girardi Fachin.pdf: 2984274 bytes, checksum: c230898cdca80cfb76a39346796b7130 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-04-08 / This thesis has as main goal to propose a renewed critical and constructive study of the human right to development and its respective reconfiguration as a theoretical category of practical possibilities, capable of overcoming the convenience of the universal human rights discourse experienced in our times. In this context, from a revised perspective, also pursues, as a specific object, to confront the paradox of partial universalization which is, at the same time, generator and generated by a fragmented conception of human rights which breaks with the provisions of the contemporary idea of these rights reflected in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (1948). This is justified by the emancipatory possibility that can arise of the universalization of human right to development, seen through the lenses inherited by the human rights approach. This perspective has as an outcome the normative and material empowerment of human beings and as consequence the process of expansion of human liberties and (re)signification of a dignified existence from concrete realities. The theme, here proposed, will be focused from a bibliographical approach that combines, in a dialectical complementarity, the international bias with the domestic level of protection of human rights / A presente tese tem como objetivo geral propor renovado estudo crítico e construtivo do direito humano ao desenvolvimento e sua respectiva reconfiguração como categoria teórica, de possibilidades práticas, passível de superação ao discurso de conveniência da universalização dos direitos humanos experienciado hodiernamente. Nesse âmbito, sob refundadas bases, busca, ainda, como finalidade específica, problematizar o paradoxo da universalização parcial que é, ao mesmo tempo, gerador e gerado por uma concepção fragmentada de direitos humanos o que rompe com os desígnios da concepção contemporânea de direitos humanos refletida na Declaração dos Direitos Humanos (1948). Tal se justifica pela possibilidade emancipadora que pode emergir da universalização do direito ao desenvolvimento, visto através das lentes que o human rights approach traz ínsitas. Essa perspectiva tem como fruto o empoderamento normativo e material dos indivíduos e como consequência o processo de expansão de liberdades humanas e de (re)significação da existência digna a partir das realidades concretas. O tema assim proposto será enfocado a partir de levantamento bibliográfico que conjugue, em relação de complementaridade dialética, o viés internacional com o plano interno de proteção dos direitos humanos

Submitted by Rosivalda Pereira (mrs.pereira@ufma.br) on 2017-09-20T18:42:07Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Maranhao Restauracao Portuguesa.pdf: 2733437 bytes, checksum: 90bd89918fe6abc32e303d70d9f6ba55 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-09-20T18:42:07Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Maranhao Restauracao Portuguesa.pdf: 2733437 bytes, checksum: 90bd89918fe6abc32e303d70d9f6ba55 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-12-22 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / The present study analyzes the role of Maranhão in the political-prophetic writings of Father Antônio Vieira. In the context of the Restoration War (1640-1668), the vast work of Father Antonio Vieira, which includes letters, sermons and his prophetic-political writings, reinvents the theme of universalism to include the newly restored nation in the plans for recognition and legitimacy of Their independence. However, his writings are beyond the European space, setting also in Portuguese America and in the State of Maranhão itself. The present 9study investigates the impacts of the Restoration and the Luso-Castilian war in this territory and in what we can call the Equatorial Atlantic. Thus, we seek to understand how associated elements such as Vieira's diplomacy, the war of restoration, the Equatorial Atlantic and the State of Maranhão are integrated into a project at the same time of political conquest and conversion, reinvented within the limits of portuguese providentialism. / O presente estudo analisa o papel do Maranhão nos escritos político-proféticos do Padre Antônio Vieira. No contexto da Guerra de Restauração (1640-1668), a vasta obra do Padre Antônio Vieira, que incluindo cartas, sermões e seus escritos políticosproféticos, reinventa o tema do universalismo para incluir a recém restaurada nação nos planos de reconhecimento e legitimidade de sua independência. Entretanto, seus escritos estão para além do espaço europeu, fixando-se também na América portuguesa e no próprio Estado do Maranhão. O presente estudo investiga os impactos da Restauração e da guerra luso-castelhana neste território e no que podemos chamar de Atlântico Equatorial. Assim, buscamos compreender como elementos associados, como a diplomacia vieiriana, a Guerra de Restauração, o Atlântico Equatorial e o Estado do Maranhão se integram em um projeto ao mesmo tempo de conquista política e de conversão, reinventados nos limites do providencialismo português.