O trabalho busca compor uma teoria etnográfica da política kaiowá, o que significa dizer que, a partir do trabalho de campo, elabora um modelo de compreensão dos movimentos coletivos desses indígenas de língua guarani e de suas formulações a esse respeito as quais, na tradução proposta aqui, corresponderiam, em parte, ao que nós, ocidentais, entendemos como política (estabelecendo, ainda, conexão com o que se vem denominando cosmopolítica). As formas políticas em análise aqui estão agrupadas em torno de três figuras de maior rendimento para a exposição: tendotá, johexakáry e aty. Por vezes, as formulações dizem respeito também aos Guarani de MS (falantes de ñandeva), uma vez que parte da pesquisa os alcança, e parte não. Para que sejam mais bem compreendidas, mostramos como essas formas podem ser postas em diálogo com relatos sobre diversas experiências políticas ameríndias, de grupos como os Tupinambá quinhentistas, os Iroqueses e os Maya de Chiapas, México. O trabalho também discute como a noção de redes sociais pode ajudar a repensar a versão canônica da história da região hoje habitada pelos Kaiowá e Guarani, o sul de Mato Grosso do Sul. / The work aims to compose an ethnographic theory of kaiowa politics, which means that, based on the fieldwork, it formulates a model for understanding the collective movements of this guarani speaking group and its statements about this subject which, in the translation proposed here, correspond in part to what we Westerners understand as politics (also establishing a connection with the so called \"cosmopolitics\"). The political forms under review are grouped around three characters of greater yield for discusssion: tendotá, johexakáry and aty. Sometimes, the statements also concern the Guarani (ñandeva speakers), as part of the research involves them, but not all of it. To promote a better understanding, we show how these forms can be brought into dialogue with accounts of diferent amerindian political experiences, among groups like the Tupinambá of sixteenth century, the Iroquois and the Maya of Chiapas, Mexico. The thesis also discusses how the notion of social networks can help to rethink the canonical version of the history of the region now inhabited by the Guarani and Kaiowá, the south of Mato Grosso do Sul.

O trabalho busca compor uma teoria etnográfica da política kaiowá, o que significa dizer que, a partir do trabalho de campo, elabora um modelo de compreensão dos movimentos coletivos desses indígenas de língua guarani e de suas formulações a esse respeito as quais, na tradução proposta aqui, corresponderiam, em parte, ao que nós, ocidentais, entendemos como política (estabelecendo, ainda, conexão com o que se vem denominando cosmopolítica). As formas políticas em análise aqui estão agrupadas em torno de três figuras de maior rendimento para a exposição: tendotá, johexakáry e aty. Por vezes, as formulações dizem respeito também aos Guarani de MS (falantes de ñandeva), uma vez que parte da pesquisa os alcança, e parte não. Para que sejam mais bem compreendidas, mostramos como essas formas podem ser postas em diálogo com relatos sobre diversas experiências políticas ameríndias, de grupos como os Tupinambá quinhentistas, os Iroqueses e os Maya de Chiapas, México. O trabalho também discute como a noção de redes sociais pode ajudar a repensar a versão canônica da história da região hoje habitada pelos Kaiowá e Guarani, o sul de Mato Grosso do Sul. / The work aims to compose an ethnographic theory of kaiowa politics, which means that, based on the fieldwork, it formulates a model for understanding the collective movements of this guarani speaking group and its statements about this subject which, in the translation proposed here, correspond in part to what we Westerners understand as politics (also establishing a connection with the so called \"cosmopolitics\"). The political forms under review are grouped around three characters of greater yield for discusssion: tendotá, johexakáry and aty. Sometimes, the statements also concern the Guarani (ñandeva speakers), as part of the research involves them, but not all of it. To promote a better understanding, we show how these forms can be brought into dialogue with accounts of diferent amerindian political experiences, among groups like the Tupinambá of sixteenth century, the Iroquois and the Maya of Chiapas, Mexico. The thesis also discusses how the notion of social networks can help to rethink the canonical version of the history of the region now inhabited by the Guarani and Kaiowá, the south of Mato Grosso do Sul.

La douleur est une expérience humaine des plus universelles et d’une riche variabilité culturelle. Néanmoins, il y a peu d’études sur ce sujet en général et qui plus est, la recherche sur la douleur chez les Amérindiens est presque inexistante. L’expérience de douleur de quelques 28 millions d’Amérindiens en Amérique du Sud, dont les Quichuas (Inca), est encore méconnue. Cette recherche interdisciplinaire, psychophysiologique et anthropologique, vise deux buts : (1) Étudier les effets de type analgésique du défi verbal culturellement significatif chez les Quichuas ; et (2) Faire un survol de leur système de croyances concernant la douleur, leur façon de la percevoir, de la décrire, et de la contrôler. Pour le volet expérimental, on a recruté 40 hommes en bonne santé. Les volontaires étaient assignés de façon alternée soit au groupe expérimental (20) soit au groupe contrôle (20). On a enregistré chez eux les seuils de la douleur, et celui de la tolérance à la douleur. Chez le groupe expérimental, on a, de plus, mesuré le seuil de la tolérance à la douleur avec défi verbal. La douleur était provoquée par pression au temporal, et mesurée à l’aide d’un algésimètre. Après chaque seuil, on a administré une échelle visuelle analogique. Pour le deuxième volet de l’étude, un groupe de 40 participants (15 femmes et 25 hommes) a répondu verbalement à un questionnaire en quichua sur la nature de la douleur. Celui-ci touchait les notions de cause, de susceptibilité, les caractéristiques de la douleur, les syndromes douloureux, les méthodes de diagnostic et de traitement, ainsi que la prévention. Notre étude a révélé que les participants ayant reçu le défi verbal ont présenté une tolérance accrue à la douleur statistiquement significative. Les valeurs de l’échelle visuelle analogique ont aussi augmenté chez ce groupe, ce qui indique un état accru de conscience de la douleur. L’expérience de la douleur chez les Quichuas est complexe et les stratégies pour la combattre sont sophistiquées. Selon leur théorie, le vécu d’émotions intenses, dues à des évènements de la vie, à l’existence d’autres maladies qui affectent la personne de façon concomitante, et aux esprits présents dans la nature ou chez d’autres personnes joue un rôle dans l’origine, le diagnostic et le traitement de la douleur. Les Quichuas accordent une grande crédibilité à la biomédecine ainsi qu’à la médecine traditionnelle quichua. Ils perçoivent la famille et le voisinage comme étant des sources supplémentaires de soutien. Il ressort également que les Quichuas préfèrent un service de santé de type inclusif et pluraliste. En conclusion, cette étude a révélé que des mots culturellement significatifs ayant une connotation de défi semblent augmenter la tolérance à la douleur chez les Quichuas. Il s’agit de la première étude à documenter les effets analgésiques de la parole. D’autre part, cette étude souligne également la potentielle utilité clinique de connaître le système quichua de croyances entourant la douleur et le contrôle de cette dernière. Ceci s’avère particulièrement utile pour les cliniciens soucieux d’offrir des soins de santé de meilleure qualité, culturellement adaptés, dans les Andes. / Pain is among the most universal yet culturally diverse human experience. Nevertheless, there is a dearth of research on pain in general and particularly among the Indigenous Peoples in the Americas. Little is known about the pain experience and suffering of the 28 million Indigenous peoples of the Andes in South America, mainly Quichuas (Inca). The aim of this integrative cultural and psychobiological study is twofold: (1) To examine the analgesic effects of culturally meaningful daring words among the Quichuas; and (2) To explore how Quichua adults perceive, describe, and cope with pain. For the psychophysiological component, a controlled, experimental study was conducted with a total of 40 healthy adult men, distributed alternately in an experimental and control group with 20 participants on each group. They received a pressure pain stimulation using an algometer applied to the right temporal area. The pain threshold and pain tolerance threshold were measured in all participants. In addition, the experimental group received culturally meaningful daring Quichua words while their encouraged pain tolerance threshold was measured. After each threshold measurement, a visual analog scale was administered. The algometer and visual analog scale scores were analyzed using t-tests. For the anthropological component, an exploratory qualitative/descriptive survey was conducted with a convenience sample of 40 Quichua adults, including 15 women and 25 men, in the Northern Highlands of Ecuador. We administered verbally structured interviews using a Quichua questionnaire called “The Nature of Pain” [Nanay Jahua Tapuicuna]. The interviews covered the notions of causation of pain, vulnerability to pain, responses to pain, aggravating factors, frequent locations of pain, types of pain, duration, characteristics of pain, control of pain, pathways to care, and preventive measures. Participants receiving culturally meaningful daring words had statistically significant higher algometer values than those who did not receive them. Those who received daring words had higher VAS scores than those who did not receive them, reflecting their increased awareness of pain. The Quichuas’ pain experience is complex and their strategies to cope with it are sophisticated. According to the Quichuas, emotions, life events, co-morbid conditions, and supernatural forces play an important role in the cause, diagnosis and treatment of pain. They embrace biomedicine as well as Quichua traditional medicine. In their view family members and neighbors are valuable sources of health care and pain control. The pathway to pain care that the Quichua people favor is inclusive and pluralistic. Culturally meaningful daring words appear to increase tolerance to pain among the Quichua. This is a pioneering study that reveals the analgesic effects of daring words. It highlights the remarkable biological effects of language in humans. Knowledge of the “emic” details of the Quichuas’ belief system and coping strategies to control pain could be useful for the culturally competent health practitioner who is making efforts to provide high-quality medical care in the Andes.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-07-27T13:54:07Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Joaquim Jose Neto.pdf: 1032268 bytes, checksum: b23e3b664d8fe9e347b936ea8ebdf48d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2004-07-13 / This study proposes to investigate the reality of the Young members of the Tapuia Indian tribe who live in Carretão, at a time whey are going through a process of reconstruction of their indigenous identity. The study specifically examines the feeling of belonging to the ethnic group, Tapuia Indians of Carretão, on the part of these young people, thereby seeking to understand what it means to be young, to be a Tapuia Indian, the relationship with those who are older, with the traditions, with the family and the formative agencies, the relationship with the territory or the land where they live, the educational process and how they see their present and their future. The study seeks to know the young Tapuia Indians of Carretão, who they are and how they live, how they perceive their existence as heirs of an indigenous identity and a piece of land, and how they became interested in their heritage. It investigates the consistency or lack thereof of their conviction of belonging to an ethnic group which is in an accelerated process of losing cultural values, keeping in mind the fact that they participate, as do all young people of their time, in school education, recreation, religion, existential conflicts, to sum it up, in the social and cultural universe of youth who live in a rural area with probable pretensions to conquer space in a world that is becoming over more urbanized. The study considers the young person as a subject of his social world, immersed in the history of his country and his ethnic group, who bears the marks of this history an as subject who is capable to reflect on his acts and to position himself as far as his life is concerned. The phenomenological method has been used to enable penetration of the world of concepts of the subjects and ask who are these young people. The instrument used in this study is the specialized interview. To discover their sense of belonging, an attempt was made to investigate the process of education that the youth of Carretão go through, trying to give due dimensions to their participation in school education, the process of the loss of cultural values and the influence they absorb from organizations of civilian society (the Diocese of Rubiataba, the National Indian Foundation Funai, the Missionary Council for the Indigenous Cimi, the Institute for Pre-history an Anthropology of Goiás IGPA and the Catholic University of Goiás), who with the proposal to help the group in a process of revival influence the way these young people understand their past, their present and their future. The young Tapuia Indians of Carretão are in a process of identifying themselves as descendants of Amerindians. They are conscious of the fat that are Amerindians, the result of a long process of miscegenation and, they are building their identity on the conviction that they are not pure Amerindians and also that they are not white descendants of the colonizers. They consider themselves Tapuia, a World that identifies the indigenous descendants of Carretão since the beginning of 20th century. / O propósito deste estudo é a investigação da realidade dos jovens tapuios do Carretão, no momento em que estão vivendo o processo de reconstrução de sua identidade indígena. A pesquisa centra-se no exame do sentimento de pertencimento dos jovens ao grupo étnico tapuios do Carretão, tendo como referência as perspectivas dos próprios jovens, buscando, para isso, a compreensão do ser jovem, do ser tapuio, do relacionamento com os mais velhos, com as tradições, com a família e as agências formadoras, do relacionamento com o território ou a terra em que vivem, do processo educativo e do modo como vêem o seu presente e futuro. A pesquisa procura saber dos jovens tapuios do Carretão, quem são e como vivem, como percebem sua existência na condição de herdeiros de uma identidade indígena e de uma terra e como esta condição foi neles despertada. Investiga a consistência ou não de sua convicção de pertencimento a um grupo étnico em acelerado processo de aculturação, tendo em vista que eles participam, como todos os jovens de seu tempo, da educação escolar, do lazer, da religião, dos conflitos existenciais, enfim, do universo sócio-cultural da juventude que vive em um espaço rural com prováveis pretensões de conquistar espaços no mundo cada vez mais urbanizado. A pesquisa considera o jovem como sujeito social, imerso na história nacional e de seu grupo, portador de uma historicidade, como sujeito capaz de refletir sobre suas ações e se posicionar diante da vida. Utiliza-se o método fenomenológico, por possibilitar adentrar no universo conceitual dos sujeitos e perguntar quem são esses jovens. O instrumento de pesquisa é a entrevista aprofundada. Para desvendar o sentimento de pertencimento procura-se investigar o processo educativo vivido pelos jovens do Carretão, buscando dimensionar a participação da educação escolar no processo de aculturação e a influência exercida por organizações da sociedade civil (Diocese de Rubiataba, Fundação Nacional do Índio (Funai), Conselho Indigenista Missionário (Cimi), Instituto Goiano de Pré- História e Antropologia (IGPA), da Universidade Católica de Goiás (UCG) que no propósito de assistir o grupo em processo de ressurgimento, influenciam a maneira de os jovens lerem o passado e compreenderem o presente e o futuro. Os jovens tapuios do Carretão estão em processo de identificação como descendentes indígenas. São conscientes de sua indianidade, o resultado de longo processo de miscigenação e, constroem sua identidade na convicção de que não são índios puros, segundo o imaginário da sociedade nacional, e também não são brancos descendentes dos colonizadores. Consideram-se tapuios, denominação que identifica os descendentes indígenas do Carretão, desde o início do século XX.

[pt] Segundo correntes de pensamentos que anunciam a condição distópica promovida pelo que se convencionou nomear capitalismo global integrado, entra em crise a noção de Humano. Guiados via satélite a transitar por mapas digitais, aventa-se que este trajeto histórico nos conduziu até a rua sem saída deste suposto realismo capitalista. É este o cenário labiríntico de uma sociedade do cansaço, em que os poderes governamentais articulados pelo capital se infiltram pela frágil divisão entre cultura e natureza. O sono, segundo o pesquisador Jonathan Crary, simboliza a última fronteira entre as versões mais atualizadas de uma tecnocracia objetiva que se apodera dos corpos para anestesiar o sensível e, portanto, normatizar os modos de vida a partir também da reorganização da percepção. Na esteira, portanto, de respostas acerca do que fabrica mundos – e suas consequentes formas de habitá-lo – e acerca da emergência de ventilar outros possíveis desdobramentos, esta dissertação debruça sobre a experiência onírica ressignificada como gesto estético-político. Pode o sonho agir como uma mediação – ou como manifestação – de disputa de imaginários capaz de despertar para uma forma de vida sympoiética? É pelo reencantamento do mundo, a partir de um lirismo onírico – e onírico aqui no sentido amplo e do senso comum – que este trabalho será conduzido, visando uma exploração topográfica na tentativa de constituir outra paisagem de mundo. / [en] Oneilyrical Imaginism: A cartography crossing landscapes. According to groups of thought that announce the dystopic condition promoted by what has been called integrated global capitalism, the notion of Humanism plunges into a crisis. Guided by satellite to navigate on digital maps, it is revealed that this historical route led us to a dead-end in a supposed capitalist realism. This is the labyrinthic scenario of a society of weariness, in which governmental powers articulated by capital infiltrate the fragile division between culture and nature. Sleep, according to researcher Jonathan Crary, symbolizes the last frontier between the most up-to- date versions of an objective technocracy that seizes bodies to anesthetize the sensory and therefore normalize lifestyles from the reorganization of perception. In the wake, therefore, of answers about what creates worlds - and their consequent ways of inhabiting it - and about the emergence of letting out other possible outcomes, this dissertation focuses on the dream experience resignified as an aesthetic-political gesture. Can the dream act as a mediation - or as a manifestation - in a dispute of imaginaries be capable of promoting a sympoietic way of life? It is t rough the re-enchantment of the world, from a dream perspective – here in a broad and common sense – that this work will be conducted, aiming at a topographic exploration in the attempt to constitute another landscape of the world.

[pt] A dissertação apresenta uma leitura de obras do artista visual e escritor Jimmie Durham (1940). A escrita é parte fundamental de seu trabalho, e se faz presente tanto na forma de ensaios e poemas como em pinturas, esculturas e instalações. Por ter nascido nos EUA de suposta ascendência escocesa e cherokee, o pensamento de Durham transita por cosmovisões distintas. Ele provoca a linguagem, contesta os limites identitários, reelabora geopolíticas e confunde a noção hegemônica de História. Sua obra escancara os absurdos da normalidade e aponta para a permanência de mecanismos de segregação, opressão e exploração de origem colonial, instigando uma autocrítica do pensamento ocidental. Esta dissertação trata também de trabalhos e textos desenvolvidos pelo artista para o contexto específico brasileiro, e inclui a transcrição de uma conversa inédita com ele. Durham catalisa a imaginação em direção a outro modo de existência, do qual a cosmologia e a temporalidade inscritas nos idiomas ameríndios fazem parte. Esta dissertação conta com escrita de aspiração descolonizadora, acionada pela pulsação da potência estética e intelectual da obra de Jimmie Durham. / [en] The dissertation presents a reading of works by the visual artist and writer Jimmie Durham (b. 1940, –). Writings are a fundamental part of his work, either as essays and poems or as part of paintings, sculptures, and installations. Since he was born in the USA, with an alleged Scottish and Cherokee ancestry, his thinking transits through different cosmovisions. He teases language, he challenges identity limitations, re-elaborates geopolitics, and disturbs the hegemonic notion of History. His body of work exposes the absurd of normality and points out to the permanence of segregation, oppression, and exploitation mechanisms of colonial origin. It instigates Western thinking to do an auto-criticism. This dissertation also approaches texts and works he has developed to the specific Brazilian context, and includes an exclusive conversation with the artist. Durham catalyzes imagination towards another mode of existence, in which there are cosmology and temporality intrinsic to Amerindian languages. This dissertation has a decolonizing aspiration that is triggered by the pulse of the aesthetic and intellectual potency of Jimmy Durham s work.

This project engages with the Kogi, an Amerindian indigenous people from the Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta mountain range in northern Colombia. Kogi leaders have been engaging in a consistent ecological-political activism to protect the Sierra Nevada from environmentally harmful developments. More specifically, they have attempted to raise awareness and understanding among the wider public about why and how these activities are destructive according to their knowledge and relation to the world. The foreign nature of these underlying ontological understandings, statements, and practices, has created difficulties in conveying them to mainstream, scientific society. Furthermore, the pre-determined cosmological foundations of Kogi society, continuously asserted by them, present a problem to anthropology in terms of suitable analytical categories. My work aims to clarify and understand Kogi environmental activism in their own terms, aided by anthropological concepts and “Western” forms of expression. I elucidate and explain how Kogi ecology and public politics are embedded in an old, integrated, and complex way of being, knowing, and perceiving on the Sierra Nevada. I argue that theoretically this task involves taking a realist approach that recognises the Kogi’s cause as intended truth claims of practical environmental relevance. By avoiding constructivist and interpretivist approaches, as well as the recent “ontological pluralism” in anthropology, I seek to do justice to the Kogi’s own essentialist and universalist ontological principles, which also implies following their epistemological rationale. For this purpose, I immersed myself for two years in Kogi life on the Sierra, and focused on structured learning sessions with three Mamas, Kogi spiritual leaders and knowledge specialists. I reflect on how this interaction was possible because my project was compatible with the Mamas’ own desire to clarify and contextualise the Kogi ecological cause. After presenting this experience, I analyse the material as a multifaceted, interrelated, and elaborate system to reflect the organic, structured composition of Kogi and Sierra, also consciously conveyed as such by the Mamas. I hereby intend to show how the Kogi reproduce, live, and sustain this system through daily practices and institutions, and according to cosmological principles that guide a knowledgeable, ecological relationality with things, called ‘the Law of Origin’. To describe this system, I develop a correspondingly holistic and necessary integration of the anthropological concepts of cosmology, ontology, epistemology, and ecology. Based on this, I argue that Kogi eco-politics are equally embedded in this system, and constitute a contemporary attempt to maintain their regulatory relations with the Sierra Nevada and complement their everyday care-taking practices and rituals. In Kogi terms, this continuity and coherence is a moral imperative and environmental necessity. Thus framing and clarifying Kogi eco-politics may enrich insights into the nature of indigenous ecological knowledge, and may help address environmental problems.

A presente tese parte da afirmação reiterada e desconcertante desse filósofo francês de que ele não seria, de modo algum, um \"teórico do poder\", para mostrar que, para além das discussões em torno de se o primeiro Foucault (da arqueologia dos saberes), o segundo (da genealogia do poder), ou o terceiro (da ética e das condutas individuas), seria o mais importante, o \"melhor\", é possível falar numa unidade no que diz respeito à trajetória do seu pensamento e que essa unidade se dá em torno das relações políticas entre os homens, o que faz com que ele seja, eminentemente, um pensador da política, ou melhor, do político. Só que a política tal qual ele a entende não tem nada a ver com a aquela dos teóricos da política ou do poder e, sim, com a relação que ele passou a perseguir em um determinado momento dessa trajetória: a relação entre governantes e governados. Essa relação, cuja percepção se tornou possível por meio do conceito de governamentalidade, gestado no ano de 1978, constitui-se numa nova \"grade de leitura\" para a política, que permite: 1) dar um basta à idéia de que haja, nesse âmbito, modelos universais que possam dar respostas a todos os tipos de questões--modelos esses que legitimam a existência de \"intelectuais universais\", incumbidos de conceber esses modelos e apresentá-los aos \"explorados\" e \"ignorantes\", prometendo-lhes a sua libertação, bem como da \"vida política\" nas atuais democracias representativas--; 2) conceber uma noção de liberdade--enquanto uma relação entre governantes e governados que não possui limites a priori--que escapa à da tradição liberal que, gestada nos séculos XVII-XVIII, se tornou hegemônica no Ocidente a partir do século XIX, não só no plano discursivo, mas enquanto realidade sócio-econômica global. Onde quer que existam essas relações--e elas sempre existirão, para Foucault, do micro ao macro--é necessário que seja possível, sempre, pô-las sob questão; o que só acontece quando o pensamento é deixado solto para ser capaz de levantar o maior número de conflitos possível--e não de consensos--; para, crítico, apontar o maior número de problemas a serem resolvidos dentro do âmbito dessas. Algumas dessas relações irão, então, se sustentar, conseguir se justificar; outras, não, terão que ser revistas, num interminável trabalho de extensão dos limites da liberdade humana. Essa nova noção de liberdade, por sua vez, traz consigo a possibilidade de interrogação do fenômeno da subjetividade, na medida em que são sujeitos, sempre, os que participam dessas relações entre governantes e governados. Por isso, o presente trabalho se esforça em mostrar percursos intelectuais que, tendo sido percebidos e diretamente abordados por Foucault (caso de Kant e de Platão) ou não (segunda clínica lacaniana e perspectivismo ameríndio), mantêm, na ênfase que dão ao sujeito, uma visada em comum com a empreitada foucaultiana. / This thesis initiates itself by the reiterated and astonishing declaration by this French philosopher that he would not be, under any circumstance, a \"power theoretician\", in order to show that, beyond the debates on whether it would be the first Foucault (the archeology of knowledge one), the second (genealogy of power one), or the third (the ethics and the individual conduct one), the most important one, the \"best\", it is possible to talk about a unity in what concerns the trajectory of his thought and that such unity concerns the political relations between men, which results in that he is, eminently, a thinker of politics, or rather, of the political. Except that politics as he understands it has nothing to do with that of the theorists of politics or of power but with a relationship that he began to pursue somewhere along such a trajectory: the relationship that exists between the governing and the governed. Such a relationship, whose perception became possible by means of the concept of governmentality, conceived in the year of 1978, constitutes itself as a \"grid of understanding\" for politics, which allows to: 1) declare that we\'ve had enough of the idea that there shall exist, in such domain, universal models that may answer all kinds of questions--models which legitimate the existence of \"universal intellectuals\", held responsible for conceiving such models and for presenting them to the \"exploited\" and \"ignorant\", promising their liberation, as well as of \"political life\" in current representative democracies--; 2) to conceive a notion of liberty--as a relationship between the governing and the governed which has no a priori limits--that escapes from the liberal tradition one which, created along the XVII/XVIIIth century, became hegemonic in the West since the XIXth century, not only on the discursive level, but as socio-economic global reality. Wherever such relations exist--and they will always do, for Foucault, from micro to macro--it is necessary that it be possible, always, to put them open to question; that which only occurs when thought is left free to be able to raise the highest number possible of conflicts--and not consensuses--, in order to, critic as it is, point out the highest number of problems to be solved in such domain. Some of those relationships will be able, then, to sustain themselves, to justify themselves; others, won\'t, they will have to be modified, in an interminable labor of extending the limits of human liberty. This new notion of liberty, by its turn, carries along with itself the possibility of the inquiry of the phenomenon of subjectivity, as it is that it is always subjects that participate in such relations between the governing and the governed. For this reason, this thesis makes an effort to present intellectual paths which, having been noticed and approached by Foucault (the case of Kant and Plato) or not (second Lacanian clinic and Amerindian perspectivism), maintain, in the emphasis they give to the subject, a common viewpoint with the Foucauldian enterprise.

A presente tese parte da afirmação reiterada e desconcertante desse filósofo francês de que ele não seria, de modo algum, um \"teórico do poder\", para mostrar que, para além das discussões em torno de se o primeiro Foucault (da arqueologia dos saberes), o segundo (da genealogia do poder), ou o terceiro (da ética e das condutas individuas), seria o mais importante, o \"melhor\", é possível falar numa unidade no que diz respeito à trajetória do seu pensamento e que essa unidade se dá em torno das relações políticas entre os homens, o que faz com que ele seja, eminentemente, um pensador da política, ou melhor, do político. Só que a política tal qual ele a entende não tem nada a ver com a aquela dos teóricos da política ou do poder e, sim, com a relação que ele passou a perseguir em um determinado momento dessa trajetória: a relação entre governantes e governados. Essa relação, cuja percepção se tornou possível por meio do conceito de governamentalidade, gestado no ano de 1978, constitui-se numa nova \"grade de leitura\" para a política, que permite: 1) dar um basta à idéia de que haja, nesse âmbito, modelos universais que possam dar respostas a todos os tipos de questões--modelos esses que legitimam a existência de \"intelectuais universais\", incumbidos de conceber esses modelos e apresentá-los aos \"explorados\" e \"ignorantes\", prometendo-lhes a sua libertação, bem como da \"vida política\" nas atuais democracias representativas--; 2) conceber uma noção de liberdade--enquanto uma relação entre governantes e governados que não possui limites a priori--que escapa à da tradição liberal que, gestada nos séculos XVII-XVIII, se tornou hegemônica no Ocidente a partir do século XIX, não só no plano discursivo, mas enquanto realidade sócio-econômica global. Onde quer que existam essas relações--e elas sempre existirão, para Foucault, do micro ao macro--é necessário que seja possível, sempre, pô-las sob questão; o que só acontece quando o pensamento é deixado solto para ser capaz de levantar o maior número de conflitos possível--e não de consensos--; para, crítico, apontar o maior número de problemas a serem resolvidos dentro do âmbito dessas. Algumas dessas relações irão, então, se sustentar, conseguir se justificar; outras, não, terão que ser revistas, num interminável trabalho de extensão dos limites da liberdade humana. Essa nova noção de liberdade, por sua vez, traz consigo a possibilidade de interrogação do fenômeno da subjetividade, na medida em que são sujeitos, sempre, os que participam dessas relações entre governantes e governados. Por isso, o presente trabalho se esforça em mostrar percursos intelectuais que, tendo sido percebidos e diretamente abordados por Foucault (caso de Kant e de Platão) ou não (segunda clínica lacaniana e perspectivismo ameríndio), mantêm, na ênfase que dão ao sujeito, uma visada em comum com a empreitada foucaultiana. / This thesis initiates itself by the reiterated and astonishing declaration by this French philosopher that he would not be, under any circumstance, a \"power theoretician\", in order to show that, beyond the debates on whether it would be the first Foucault (the archeology of knowledge one), the second (genealogy of power one), or the third (the ethics and the individual conduct one), the most important one, the \"best\", it is possible to talk about a unity in what concerns the trajectory of his thought and that such unity concerns the political relations between men, which results in that he is, eminently, a thinker of politics, or rather, of the political. Except that politics as he understands it has nothing to do with that of the theorists of politics or of power but with a relationship that he began to pursue somewhere along such a trajectory: the relationship that exists between the governing and the governed. Such a relationship, whose perception became possible by means of the concept of governmentality, conceived in the year of 1978, constitutes itself as a \"grid of understanding\" for politics, which allows to: 1) declare that we\'ve had enough of the idea that there shall exist, in such domain, universal models that may answer all kinds of questions--models which legitimate the existence of \"universal intellectuals\", held responsible for conceiving such models and for presenting them to the \"exploited\" and \"ignorant\", promising their liberation, as well as of \"political life\" in current representative democracies--; 2) to conceive a notion of liberty--as a relationship between the governing and the governed which has no a priori limits--that escapes from the liberal tradition one which, created along the XVII/XVIIIth century, became hegemonic in the West since the XIXth century, not only on the discursive level, but as socio-economic global reality. Wherever such relations exist--and they will always do, for Foucault, from micro to macro--it is necessary that it be possible, always, to put them open to question; that which only occurs when thought is left free to be able to raise the highest number possible of conflicts--and not consensuses--, in order to, critic as it is, point out the highest number of problems to be solved in such domain. Some of those relationships will be able, then, to sustain themselves, to justify themselves; others, won\'t, they will have to be modified, in an interminable labor of extending the limits of human liberty. This new notion of liberty, by its turn, carries along with itself the possibility of the inquiry of the phenomenon of subjectivity, as it is that it is always subjects that participate in such relations between the governing and the governed. For this reason, this thesis makes an effort to present intellectual paths which, having been noticed and approached by Foucault (the case of Kant and Plato) or not (second Lacanian clinic and Amerindian perspectivism), maintain, in the emphasis they give to the subject, a common viewpoint with the Foucauldian enterprise.

Recent calls from progressive, subaltern and postcolonial geopoliticians to move geopolitical scholarship away from its Western ontological bases have argued that more ethnographic studies centred on peripheral and dispossessed geographies need to be undertaken in order to integrate peripheralised agents and agencies in dominant ontologies of geopolitics. This thesis follows these calls. Through empirical data collected during a period of five months of fieldwork undertaken between October 2014 and March 2015, it investigates the ways through which an Indigenous community of the Canadian Arctic, Tulita (located in the Northwest Territories' Sahtu region) represents geopower. It suggests a semiotic reading of these representations in order to take the agency of other-than/more-than-human beings into account. In doing so, it identifies the ontological bases through which geopolitics can be indigenised. Drawing from Dene animist ontologies, it indeed introduces the notion of a place-contingent speculative geopolitics. Two overarching argumentative lines are pursued. First, this thesis contends that geopower operates through metamorphic refashionings of the material forms of, and signs associated with, space and place. Second, it infers from this that through this transformational process, geopower is able to create the conditions for alienating but also transcending experiences and meanings of place to emerge. It argues that this movement between conflictual and progressive understandings is dialectical in nature. In addition to its conceptual suggestions, this thesis makes three empirical contributions. First, it confirms that settler geopolitical narratives of sovereignty assertion in the North cannot be disentangled from capitalist and industrial political-economic processes. Second, it shows that these processes, and the geopolitical visions that subtend them, are materialised in space via the extension of the urban fabric into Indigenous lands. Third, it demonstrates that by assembling space ontologically in particular ways, geopower establishes (and entrenches) a geopolitical distinction between living/sovereign (or governmentalised) spaces and nonliving/bare spaces (or spaces of nothingness).