Cette thèse interroge l’émergence de ce que j’appelle le problème guerre-communication-public dans le travail de Walter Lippmann (1889-1974), le célèbre journaliste et écrivain, pour ensuite aborder le déploiement ultérieur de ce problème au sein de deux formations contemporaines de pouvoir, le spectacle et la société de contrôle biopolitique. Au niveau théorique et méthodologique, cette thèse réactive l’analytique du pouvoir en tant que guerre proposée par Michel Foucault (1997), laquelle solidarise l’enquête historique et l’analyse du pouvoir. Adoptant cette perspective, cette thèse relève tout à la fois de l’enquête historique et de l’analyse du pouvoir et vise simultanément à produire un savoir historique original et à mobiliser ce savoir afin d’éclairer certains aspects de l’exercice contemporain du pouvoir, notamment quant aux savoirs qui y sont mobilisés. La première partie de cette thèse aborde le renversement de la relation clausewitzienne entre guerre et politique caractéristique du travail de Lippmann, lequel est central au problème guerre-communication-public. Afin d’exposer ce renversement, cette thèse revisite la question des influences intellectuelles de Lippmann à partir d’une enquête archivistique ainsi que par une analyse généalogique de la notion de guerre froide (qui est généralement attribuée à Lippmann). Ce faisant, cette partie de la thèse contribue aux débats historiographiques portant sur l’apport de Lippmann aux théories de la communication (débats avec lesquels cette thèse s’engage), notamment en proposant une nouvelle analyse du débat Dewey-Lippmann et des rapports de Lippmann à la philosophie pragmatiste. La deuxième partie de cette thèse interroge le fonctionnement contemporain du pouvoir en tant que spectacle et société de contrôle biopolitique à partir du problème guerre-communication-public. Cette démarche permet de préciser certains aspects de ces formations de pouvoir, notamment quant à leurs événements historiques, leurs modes de fonctionnement, leurs ancrages dans la guerre et la stratégie ainsi que leurs rapports mutuels. / In this dissertation, I question the emergence of what I call the war/communication/public problem in the work of renowned journalist and writer Walter Lippmann (1889-1974), before addressing the subsequent unfolding of two contemporary power formations, namely the spectacle and the biopolitical control society. At a theoretical and methodological level, this dissertation is based upon Michel Foucault’s (1997) analytics of power as war, which links historical enquiry and power analysis. Through this perspective, this dissertation relates both to historical inquiry and to power analysis, and aims both to produce original historical knowledge and to mobilize that knowledge in order to shed light on some aspects of contemporary exercise of power, especially with respect to the knowledge it mobilizes. The first part of this dissertation addresses the reversal of Clausewitz’s relation between war and politics, which characterizes Lippmann’s work and is central to the war/communication/public problem. In order to highlight this reversal, this dissertation revisits the question of Lippmann’s intellectual influences, thanks of archival work as well as to the genealogical analysis of the notion of cold war (which is usually attributed to Lippmann). In doing so, this first part of the dissertation contributes to the historiographical debates relating to the Lippmann’s contribution to communication theory (debates with which this dissertation converses), especially by suggestion a new outlook on the Dewey-Lippmann debate and the latter’s relationships to pragmatist philosophy. The second part of this dissertation questions the functioning of contemporary power as a spectacle and as a biopolitical control society, through the war/communication/public problem. This endeavor allows pinpointing some aspects of these power formations, especially with respect to their historical events, their modes of operation, their anchoring in war and strategy, as well as their respective relationships.

La transformation du sang de cordon ombilical en une précieuse source de cellules souches a, dès le début des années 1990, donné naissance à une industrie commerciale globale de conservation faisant désormais concurrence à un large réseau de conservation public. Ce mémoire cherche à comprendre et à expliquer les soubassements socio-culturels liés à l’émergence de cette industrie, ainsi qu’à mieux cerner les enjeux éthiques et politiques qu’elle pose. En exposant en premier lieu la manière dont les institutions publiques de conservation de sang de cordon se définissent, et sont généralement définies par les comités bioéthiques, comme étant porteuses des valeurs d’altruisme et de solidarité nationale traditionnellement liées au modèle « redistributif » d’échange de sang et d’organes né au lendemain de la Seconde Guerre mondiale, nous problématisons la manière innovatrice par laquelle les banques privées structurent le rapport entre les mères et leurs propres produits biologiques comme l’expression d’une reconfiguration du lien social et politique caractérisée par l’émergence de nouvelles socialisés. L’hypothèse au coeur de ce mémoire est que celles-ci peuvent être comprises comme l’aboutissant de l‘espoir collectivement partagé par les consommatrices d’améliorer leur propre condition biologique familiale, étant lui-même le fruit d’une financiarisation croissante des sciences du vivant. En analysant le discours « promissif » que représente le matériel promotionnel des banques autologues, notre objectif est alors d’identifier la manière par laquelle les multiples potentialités attribuées au sang de cordon définissent des subjectivités maternelles caractérisées par des obligations morales spécifiques. / The recent transformation of cord blood to a precious source of stem cells has given rise to a global commercial industry of conservation, which is now competing with a large network of public cord blood banks. This dissertation explores the socio-cultural context surrounding the emergence of that industry and aims at elucidating the ethical and political concerns that it generates. It begins by examining how public cord blood banks define themselves (and are defined by ethical commitees) as purveyors of values such as altruism and national solidarity -that is, values which were traditionally linked to the « redistributive » model of human blood and organs exchanges that emerged after World War II. It next argues that private banks are bringing about a radical transformation of the relationship between mothers and their biological “products”. This dissertation suggests that this innovative model of exchange is an expression of contemporary reconfigurations of the very notion of community, which is now characterized by what we call new forms of “biosociality”. Our hypothesis is that these new socialities can be understood as the consequence of a collective hope to improve familial biological conditions, which is itself the product of the growing financiarization of life sciences. By way of a foray into the « promissive » discourse employed by private banks for their promotional material, the dissertation attemps to identify how these potentialities attributed to cord blood define new maternal subjectivities characterized by specific moral duties and obligations.

Contributing to the work of philosophers of education who have been examining issues of economy and emancipation, this dissertation employs a set of critical lenses drawn from Foucault’s investigation of governmentality to trace correspondences between economic liberalism and public schooling in Upper Canada/Canada West, the historical antecedent of present day Ontario. The analysis adheres to Foucault’s advice that philosophical critique involves a question asked of the present but answered in history. Thus through a Foucauldian genealogy it is argued that a series of transformations in the deployment of governmental power occurred in Upper Canada/Canada West that entailed the entry of an economic rationality into deliberations over the creation of a school system. To support this argument evidence is presented that demonstrates how race, biopolitics, and the burgeoning science of political economy combined in the first half of the nineteenth century to form the conditions of possibility for governmental control of schooling. In particular, it is illustrated how these conditions favoured a pedagogy based in Locke’s epistemology, and were legitimized by the providential status accorded political economy. This pedagogy, which was promoted as mild and so conducive to student engagement, and the authority of political economy are revealed as integral to the methods of instruction and curriculum of the province’s common schools, and indicative of the legacy of economic liberalism that persists, albeit transformed, in Ontario education to this day. The result of this critical analysis is a redescription or, in Foucault’s terminology, a “countermemory” of Ontario educational history that challenges the presumed naturalism of the ideals characteristic of economic liberalism, such as autonomy, accountability, entrepreneurialism, and consumer choice. The dissertation contends that these ideals are active in local educational regimes long legitimized by economy, and dangerously aimed at fostering political consent by manipulating subjects into locations of restricted agency. Providing insight into the historical role played by liberal governmentality and economy in the local context contributes to the study of Foucault and the philosophy of education, and also suggests a change in approach to questions regarding the corporatization or marketization of education.

Contributing to the work of philosophers of education who have been examining issues of economy and emancipation, this dissertation employs a set of critical lenses drawn from Foucault’s investigation of governmentality to trace correspondences between economic liberalism and public schooling in Upper Canada/Canada West, the historical antecedent of present day Ontario. The analysis adheres to Foucault’s advice that philosophical critique involves a question asked of the present but answered in history. Thus through a Foucauldian genealogy it is argued that a series of transformations in the deployment of governmental power occurred in Upper Canada/Canada West that entailed the entry of an economic rationality into deliberations over the creation of a school system. To support this argument evidence is presented that demonstrates how race, biopolitics, and the burgeoning science of political economy combined in the first half of the nineteenth century to form the conditions of possibility for governmental control of schooling. In particular, it is illustrated how these conditions favoured a pedagogy based in Locke’s epistemology, and were legitimized by the providential status accorded political economy. This pedagogy, which was promoted as mild and so conducive to student engagement, and the authority of political economy are revealed as integral to the methods of instruction and curriculum of the province’s common schools, and indicative of the legacy of economic liberalism that persists, albeit transformed, in Ontario education to this day. The result of this critical analysis is a redescription or, in Foucault’s terminology, a “countermemory” of Ontario educational history that challenges the presumed naturalism of the ideals characteristic of economic liberalism, such as autonomy, accountability, entrepreneurialism, and consumer choice. The dissertation contends that these ideals are active in local educational regimes long legitimized by economy, and dangerously aimed at fostering political consent by manipulating subjects into locations of restricted agency. Providing insight into the historical role played by liberal governmentality and economy in the local context contributes to the study of Foucault and the philosophy of education, and also suggests a change in approach to questions regarding the corporatization or marketization of education.

Ma thèse propose une analyse attentive de la ré-écriture de l'histoire articulée dans trois romans du collectif d'écrivains italiens publiant sous le pseudonyme Wu Ming: "Q", "54" et "Manituana". Partant du pamphlet publié par les Wu Ming en 2008 sur leur conception du roman historique et de l’écriture romanesque en général, the New Italian Epic (NIE), je propose deux angles d’approche pour mettre en évidence la relecture de l’histoire se dessinant dans les romans cités ci-dessus: la notion du regard oblique (qui est mentionnée dans le NIE); et le concept de multitude. La technique du regard oblique implique une réflexivité de la narration, une mise en abîme du processus narratif qui est effectuéé par le biais d’un point de vue insolite. Ce dernier peut provenir d'un animal, d’un objet animé, ou même d’un objet mystérieux comme le flux immatériel. Cette technique a déjà des précédents littéraires dans l’oeuvre d’écrivains tels que Italo Calvino ou Thomas Pynchon, mais dans la nouvelle forme qu’elle acquiert dans les textes des Wu Ming, elle permet l’articulation d’une relecture transversale de l’histoire. Cette relecture transversale émergeant dans les romans des Wu Ming est analysée dans la première partie de la thèse. La conceptualisation du regard oblique que je développe dans cette partie se base sur la théorie de l'anamorphose de Jacques Lacan, ainsi que sur le concept de la "troisième personne" proposé récemment par le philosophe Roberto Esposito. La seconde partie de la thèse aborde la problématique de la confrontation de l'écriture des Wu Ming à la situation socio-politique internationale contemporaine, soit comment leur ré-écriture de l'histoire s'insère dans la situation biopolitique globale. Dans les romans des Wu Ming on voit surgir une interprétation de cette situation globale qui dépasse les notions classiques de l'État et du citoyen. Le concept du biopolitique se prête à diverses interprétations: dans ses écrits des années 1970, Michel Foucault, qui est un des théoriciens majeurs du biopouvoir et de la biopolitique, ne parvient pas à proposer une interprétation unique et précise de ce dernier concept. Plusieurs philosophes italiens ont repris ce discours en le développant chacun à sa manière. Certains, comme Paolo Virno et, un peu plus tard Toni Negri, voient dans la notion de la Multitude une possibilité pour équilibrer le rapport pouvoir/personne et par conséquent pour développer de nouvelles possibilités révolutionnaires pour la déconstruction du biopouvoir. Les Wu Ming semblent suivre la voie positive de la multitude, qui selon leur conception correspond plus à une interprétation néo-marxiste de l’histoire. / My thesis presents an attentive analysis of the rewriting of history, articulated in three novels of the group of Italian authors publishing under the pseudonym Wu Ming: "Q", "54" and "Manituana". Starting from the pamphlet published by the Wu Ming in 2008, on their conception of the historical novel and the romantic writing in general, the New Italian Epic (NIE), I propose two ways to put in evidence the review of History that emerges from the novels mentioned above: the notion of the oblique gaze (mentioned in the NIE); and the concept of the multitude. The technique of the oblique gaze implies a reflexion on the narration, a "mise en abyme" of the narrative process which is made by the way of an unusual point of view. This technique already has some litterary precedents in the works of writers such as Italo Calvino or Thomas Pynchon,*but in the new form that it aquires in the texts of the Wu MIng, it allows the articulation of a transversal review of history. This transversal review emerging from the novels of the Wu Ming is analysed in the first part of the thesis. The conceptualization of the oblique gaze that I develop in this section is based on the theory of the Anamorphosis of Jacques Lacan, in addition to the concept of the "Third person" suggested recently by the philosopher Roberto Esposito. The second part of the thesis focuses on Wu Ming’s analysis and interpretation of the contemporary socio-political situation, namely how their re-writing of history is inserted in the global biopolitical situation. In the novels of the Wu Ming we observe the emergence of an interpretation of this global situation which subverts the classical notions of the State and the citizen. The concept of biopolitics lends itself to different interpretations: in his writings of the 1970's, Michel Foucault, who is one of the major theorists of biopower and biopolitics, does not succeed in suggesting a unique and precise interpretation of this concept. Many Italian philosophers have worked on this notion, each one of them developping it in her own way. Some, such as Paolo Virno and, some time later Toni Negri, see in the concept of the multitude a possibility to balance the rapport power/people and therefore to develop new revolutionary possibilities for the deconstruction of the biopower. The Wu MIng seem to follow the positive reading of the multitude, which according to their conception, corresponds more to a neo-marxist interpretation of History. / Nella mia tesi esamino l’emergenza di una riscrittura della Storia proposta dai tre romanzi: Q, 54 e Manituana, del collettivo di scrittori italiani che pubblicano sotto lo pseudonimo Wu Ming, i quali, attraverso una nuova proposta di romanzo storico e lo sguardo della Moltitudine, rimettono in questione la struttura del biopotere. Da un’attenta analisi dei testi sopracitati fuoriescono le peculiarità di un nuovo modo di concepire il romanzo storico in cui, fra le varie caratteristiche emerge quella dello “sguardo obliquo”, tecnica basata nell’esporre al lettore la narrazione facendola provenire da un punto di vista che non è quello che solitamente ci si attende, ma piuttosto un punto di vista insolito che può provenire da animali, oggetti animati, o addirittura da oggetti misteriosi come flussi immateriali. Questa tecnica ha già visto alcuni illustri precedenti letterari nelle sperimentazioni di scrittori quali Italo Calvino o Thomas Pynchon, ma nella nuova forma che fuoriesce dalla scrittura dei Wu Ming acquista la particolare capacità di leggere la storia in un contesto che si accosta in modo accentuato alle problematiche del contemporaneo. L’analisi di questa lettura trasversale, che copre la prima parte della tesi, è stata effettuata con l’aiuto di alcune teorie come quelle dell’Anamorfosi di Jacques Lacan, ma è attraverso il concetto della “terza persona”, riproposto recentemente da Roberto Esposito, che ho inquadrato lo sguardo obliquo come essenza estranea al rapporto dialogico io/tu. Nella seconda parte della tesi affronto la problematica dell’allineamento della scrittura dei Wu Ming alla situazione socio-politica internazionale contemporanea; detta in altre parole cerco di far emergere come la loro riscrittura della storia si inserisca nella situazione biopolitica globale. Nei romanzi dei Wu Ming, infatti, si scorge un’interpretazione del contemporaneo che sorpassa le categorie classiche di Stato e cittadino in favore di un’idea di egemonia universale esercitante un bio-potere globale. Il concetto di biopolitica si apre a varie interpretazioni. Già dalle prime iniziative negli anni Settanta Michel Foucault si era trovato in una situazione di ambigua difficoltà nel poter dare un’interpretazione unica e precisa dei concetti da lui stesso proposti. Vari filosofi italiani hanno ripreso questo discorso incompiuto sviluppandogli intorno una parte importante del proprio pensiero, ognuno però scegliendo una propria strada. Alcuni di loro come Paolo Virno e, successivamente, Toni Negri vedono nella categoria della “Moltitudine” una possibile via per equilibrare il rapporto Potere/persona e quindi ottenere nuove possibilità rivoluzionarie per poter decostruire il biopotere. I Wu Ming sembrano seguire la strada positivista della moltitudine, la quale si allinea alla loro natura marxiana.

Cette thèse interroge l’émergence de ce que j’appelle le problème guerre-communication-public dans le travail de Walter Lippmann (1889-1974), le célèbre journaliste et écrivain, pour ensuite aborder le déploiement ultérieur de ce problème au sein de deux formations contemporaines de pouvoir, le spectacle et la société de contrôle biopolitique. Au niveau théorique et méthodologique, cette thèse réactive l’analytique du pouvoir en tant que guerre proposée par Michel Foucault (1997), laquelle solidarise l’enquête historique et l’analyse du pouvoir. Adoptant cette perspective, cette thèse relève tout à la fois de l’enquête historique et de l’analyse du pouvoir et vise simultanément à produire un savoir historique original et à mobiliser ce savoir afin d’éclairer certains aspects de l’exercice contemporain du pouvoir, notamment quant aux savoirs qui y sont mobilisés. La première partie de cette thèse aborde le renversement de la relation clausewitzienne entre guerre et politique caractéristique du travail de Lippmann, lequel est central au problème guerre-communication-public. Afin d’exposer ce renversement, cette thèse revisite la question des influences intellectuelles de Lippmann à partir d’une enquête archivistique ainsi que par une analyse généalogique de la notion de guerre froide (qui est généralement attribuée à Lippmann). Ce faisant, cette partie de la thèse contribue aux débats historiographiques portant sur l’apport de Lippmann aux théories de la communication (débats avec lesquels cette thèse s’engage), notamment en proposant une nouvelle analyse du débat Dewey-Lippmann et des rapports de Lippmann à la philosophie pragmatiste. La deuxième partie de cette thèse interroge le fonctionnement contemporain du pouvoir en tant que spectacle et société de contrôle biopolitique à partir du problème guerre-communication-public. Cette démarche permet de préciser certains aspects de ces formations de pouvoir, notamment quant à leurs événements historiques, leurs modes de fonctionnement, leurs ancrages dans la guerre et la stratégie ainsi que leurs rapports mutuels. / In this dissertation, I question the emergence of what I call the war/communication/public problem in the work of renowned journalist and writer Walter Lippmann (1889-1974), before addressing the subsequent unfolding of two contemporary power formations, namely the spectacle and the biopolitical control society. At a theoretical and methodological level, this dissertation is based upon Michel Foucault’s (1997) analytics of power as war, which links historical enquiry and power analysis. Through this perspective, this dissertation relates both to historical inquiry and to power analysis, and aims both to produce original historical knowledge and to mobilize that knowledge in order to shed light on some aspects of contemporary exercise of power, especially with respect to the knowledge it mobilizes. The first part of this dissertation addresses the reversal of Clausewitz’s relation between war and politics, which characterizes Lippmann’s work and is central to the war/communication/public problem. In order to highlight this reversal, this dissertation revisits the question of Lippmann’s intellectual influences, thanks of archival work as well as to the genealogical analysis of the notion of cold war (which is usually attributed to Lippmann). In doing so, this first part of the dissertation contributes to the historiographical debates relating to the Lippmann’s contribution to communication theory (debates with which this dissertation converses), especially by suggestion a new outlook on the Dewey-Lippmann debate and the latter’s relationships to pragmatist philosophy. The second part of this dissertation questions the functioning of contemporary power as a spectacle and as a biopolitical control society, through the war/communication/public problem. This endeavor allows pinpointing some aspects of these power formations, especially with respect to their historical events, their modes of operation, their anchoring in war and strategy, as well as their respective relationships.

In the tradition of the Birmingham School of cultural studies, this thesis focuses on Miami’s graffiti subculture and the conflicts between market economies and economies of social meaning. As a reference point, I consider Miami’s “Penits”: the name given to the seemingly abandoned buildings where graffiti is performed. Short for penitentiary, the term derives from the 1980s after a large building rumored to be a prison was defunded midway through its construction. After this first reclamation, every other graffiti heterotopia in Miami has been similarly recoded as spaces that mock structures of discipline and industry. Through Michel Foucault’s biopolitical framework I argue that the sovereign state and marketplace conspire to dually criminalize and commoditize the subculture’s performative defiance. I conclude by illustrating how the market itself reinforces the carceral archipelago by framing the subculture’s vandal aesthetic through the normalized, self-interested boundaries of conduct that the market itself deems il/legal.

Following the wake of the AIDS-catastrophe in the beginning of the eighties, homosexual men or 'men who have sex with men' (MSM) have been barred from donating blood throughout the planet. In this thesis I look into the different discourses at play in the context of creating the legal framework for blood donation in Sweden. Genealogically tracing the emergence of the category of MSM and mapping how the category is brought to use in contemporary negotiations on blood safety, I scrutinize how scientific truth is established within blood transfusion practice. I argue that the rationality of risk group exclusion is contingent on economical grounds, and that the foucauldian concept of biopolitics could productively be used to understand this rationality. In particular, the concept of the 'biopolitics of blood' can be employed in order to understand the reluctance from the involved actors to acknowledge the heteronormative consequences of the legal framework of contemporary blood donation. / Sedan HIV-virusets uppkomst i början av åttiotalet har homosexuella män eller 'män som har sex med män' (MSM) uteslutits från blodgivning. I den här uppsatsen tittar jag på de sexualitetsdiskurser som cirkulerar i de sammanhang där dessa regler utvecklas. Genom att genealogiskt spåra uppkomsten av kategorin MSM och sedan följa hur den används i samtida förhandlingar om blodsäkerhet undersöker jag hur vetenskaplig sanning etableras inom svensk blodtransfusion. Jag menar att riskgruppslogiken till viss del vilar på ekonomiska grunder, samt att begreppet 'blodets biopolitik' produktivt kan användas för att förstå den motvilja som de inblandade aktörerna visar mot att erkänna de heteronormativa konsekvenser som dagens lagstiftning kring blodgivning har.

Cette thèse a été réalisée dans le cadre d'une formation doctorale en bioéthique au département de médecine sociale et préventive à l'École de santé publique de l'Université de Montréal (ESPUM). Elle a été complétée grâce au soutien financier des Fonds de recherche du Québec - Santé (FRQS) et des Instituts de recherche en santé du Canada (IRSC). / L’épigénétique est un champ de recherche qui s’intéresse aux variations dans l'activité des gènes n’impliquant pas de modification de la séquence d'ADN et pouvant être transmises lors des divisions cellulaires. Les chercheurs dans ce domaine se penchent principalement sur le rôle de changements très précis dans la structure 3D de l’ADN, qui sont imposés par la méthylation de l’ADN et d'autres réactions biochimiques et qui ont pour effet de contraindre ou de faciliter la lecture des gènes en fonction du besoin des cellules. De nombreuses maladies ont été associées à une perturbation des mécanismes épigénétiques, comme les cancers, les maladies cardiovasculaires, les désordres hormonaux et métaboliques, les maladies inflammatoires chroniques et les troubles neuropsychologiques. Au cours des quinze dernières années, l’épigénétique a connu un essor fulgurant. Elle fut particulièrement propulsée par la recherche en épigénétique environnementale, une spécialité qui s’intéresse aux causes externes de l’altération des mécanismes épigénétiques. Cette branche de la recherche a récemment suscité une vive attention de la part des médias et des chercheurs en sciences sociales et humaines, parce qu’elle met en évidence, au niveau moléculaire, l’influence critique de l’environnement physico-chimique et psychosocial des personnes sur leur santé. Elle apporte ainsi un éclairage supplémentaire sur la relation étroite qui existe entre les inégalités sociales et les inégalités de santé. L’épigénétique environnementale pourrait donc nous encourager, non seulement à imaginer des technologies biomédicales capables de renverser les perturbations acquises, mais aussi à élaborer des stratégies de santé publique préventives, soucieuses des considérations de justice sociale qui affectent la santé des personnes et des populations. Dans cette thèse, nous proposons une exploration des implications éthiques, légales et sociales de l’épigénétique (EpigELS). Nous présentons d’abord une revue exhaustive des différentes observations, interprétations et spéculations exprimées dans la littérature en sciences sociales et humaines au sujet des conséquences épistémologiques et normatives de ce jeune champ de recherche. Nous procédons ensuite à une analyse en trois temps de l’application des connaissances. Une première approche, que nous appelons la perspective rhétorique, fait la promotion de l’épigénétique environnementale comme plaidoyer en faveur de politiques de santé préventives et de l’expansion de la bioéthique nord-américaine pour y inclure les préoccupations environnementales et les enjeux relatifs aux déterminants sociaux de la santé (article 1). Une seconde approche, que nous appelons la perspective dialectique, offre un regard critique sur l’attribution de responsabilités morales fondée sur les découvertes en épigénétique. Elle démontre toute la complexité de cette entreprise en faisant la lumière sur les incertitudes scientifiques et les contradictions internes apparentes de ce champ d’étude, spécialement autour des concepts de norme épigénétique et de plasticité épigénétique (article 2). Une troisième approche, que nous appelons la perspective réflexive, se penche sur l’influence potentielle du paysage biopolitique contemporain – molécularisation de la santé et biomédicalisation de la vie – sur l’application des connaissances. Dans ce ‘régime de vérité’ néolibéral, qui favorise les processus d’internalisation, d’isolement, de marchandisation et de technologisation, il est probable que l’application clinique des découvertes en épigénétique soit injustement privilégiée, par défaut, au détriment de leur application en politiques de santé préventives (article 3). Nous terminons par une ouverture sur l’avenir du domaine EpigELS et une brève discussion sur la nature en partie interprétative du processus de passage des connaissances à la pratique. / Epigenetics is a field of research focusing on variations in gene activity that do not involve changes in the DNA sequence and that can be transmitted during cell divisions. Researchers in this field are studying the role of very precise changes in the 3D structure of DNA, imposed by DNA methylation and other biochemical reactions, that impede or facilitate the reading of genes depending on the need of the cells. Many diseases are associated with a disruption of epigenetic mechanisms, such as cancers, cardiovascular diseases, hormonal and metabolic disorders, chronic inflammatory diseases and neuropsychological disorders. Over the past fifteen years, epigenetics has grown rapidly. It was particularly propelled by research in environmental epigenetics, which is interested in the external causes of the alteration of epigenetic mechanisms. This branch of research has recently attracted considerable attention from the media and researchers in social sciences and humanities because it highlights, at the molecular level, the critical influence of the physico-chemical and psycho-social environment on people’s health. It also sheds additional light on the close relationship between social inequalities and health inequalities. Thus, environmental epigenetics could encourage us not only to conceive biomedical technologies capable of reversing the acquired detrimental variations, but also to develop preventive public health strategies that take into account social justice considerations affecting the health of individuals and populations. In this thesis, we propose an exploration of the ethical, legal and social implications of epigenetics. We begin by presenting a comprehensive review of the various observations, interpretations and speculations expressed in the social sciences and humanities literature about the epistemological and normative consequences of this young field of research. We then proceed to a three-step analysis of knowledge translation. A first approach, that we call the rhetorical perspective, promotes environmental epigenetics as an advocacy tool for preventive health policies and the expansion of North American bioethics towards a view that includes environmental concerns and social determinants of health (Article 1). A second approach, that we call the dialectical perspective, offers a critical look at the assignment of moral responsibilities based on epigenetic discoveries. It demonstrates the complexity of this endeavor by shedding light on the scientific uncertainties and apparent internal contradictions of this field of study, especially with regards to the notions of epigenetic normality and epigenetic plasticity (Article 2). A third approach, that we call the reflexive perspective, examines the potential influence of the contemporary biopolitical landscape – molecularization of health and biomedicalization of life – on knowledge translation. In this neoliberal ‘regime of truth’, which favors the processes of internalization, isolation, commodification and technologization, it is likely that the clinical translation of epigenetics will be unduly privileged, by default, impeding its translation into important preventive health policies (Article 3). We conclude with a view towards the future of the field of EpigELS and a brief discussion on the partly interpretive nature of the knowledge-to-practice process.

The purpose of this project is to ascertain the ways in which Orange is the New Black uses its platform to either complicate or reify narratives about the prison system, prisoners and their relationship to the state. This research uses the works of Giorgio Agamben, Colin Dayan, Michelle Alexander and Lisa Guenther to situate the ways the state uses the prison and social narratives about the prison to extend its control on certain populations beyond prison walls through police presence, parole, the war on drugs and prison fees. From that basis, this work argues that while Orange does challenge some narratives about race and sexuality, because of its reliance on “bad choices” as a humanizing trope and its reliance on certain racialized stereotypes for entertainment, the show ultimately does more to reify existing narratives that support state interests.