This thesis examines why contemporary transgender populations in democratic states fail to see the benefits of social rights legislation. I use Giorgio Agamben’s Homo Sacer to explain how transgender people have become encamped in the margins of the contemporary biopolitical world in such a way as the rule of law does not apply to them. This encampment is especially severe for those who defy our current way of understanding transgender identity. I trace transgender back to its inter-war origins in order to establish how medicalized discourses have created the narrow contemporary definition. I use Djuna Barnes’s Nightwood, which details the lives of non-passing inverts in the “night-world” of interwar Europe, to trace an alternate history of transgender subjects who have been excluded from such discourses. Linking Barnes’s characterization of inverted figures to contemporary trans people who do not pass allows for the creation of alternate transgender epistemologies that undermine states of encampment. / Graduate / 0615 / 0298 / 0733 / agruenew@uvic.ca

Cette thèse défend l’idée que plusieurs auteurs modernistes ont utilisé des concepts centraux à la croyance religieuse traditionnelle afin de préconiser le changement social. Au lieu de soutenir l'hypothèse de la sécularisation, qui prétend que les modernistes ont rejeté la religion en faveur d'une laïcité non contestée, j'argumente en faveur de ce que j'appelle « la spiritualité moderniste, » qui décrie une continuité intégrale des concepts spirituels dans l'agitation de la période moderniste qui a déstabilisée les institutions qui avait auparavant jeté les bases de la société Occidentale. En me basant sur les écrit de Sigmund Freud, William James et Émile Durkheim concernant les fins poursuivis par la religion, je développe cinq concepts centraux de la croyance religieuse que les modernistes ont cherché à resignifier, à savoir la rédemption, la communauté, la sacralité, le spectre, et la liturgie, et, dans chaque cas, j'ai montré comment ces catégories ont été réinterprétées pour traiter des questions considérées comme essentielles au début du vingtième siècle, à savoir ce que l’on identifie aujourd’hui comme le féminisme, l'écologie, la biopolitique, les crises, et le rôle du poète. Le chapitre I se concentre sur la rédemption par le féminin telle qu’on la trouve dans le recueil de vers de H.D. portant sur la Seconde Guerre mondiale, Trilogy (1944-1946), qui projette un certain espoir grâce à un mélange synchrétique de Christianisme, de mythes anciens, d’astrologie, et de psychologie. Mon deuxième chapitre discute de The Grapes of Wrath (1939) de John Steinbeck, qui élargit le rôle de la communauté en avançant une écologie universelle qui concevoit tous les gens comme étant intimement liés entre eux et avec le monde. Le chapitre III traite de la notion du sacré dans The Light in August (1932) de Willam Faulkner et Nightwood (1936) de Djuna Barnes, qui préconisent une foi privatisée qui accentue l'illégitimité des concepts de sacralité et de pollution en élevant des individus qui sont marginalisés biopolitiquement. Le chapitre IV cherche à comprendre le retour des morts, et je soutiens que le topos a été utilisé par les modernistes comme un symbole de crises sociales; le chapitre enquête d'abord sur “The Jolly Corner” (1908) de Henry James, que j'ai lu comme la séquence rêvée d'un homme faisant face à son propre spectre, Ulysses (1922) de James Joyce, où Stephen Dedalus est hanté de façon répétée par le spectre de sa mère, et Mrs. Dalloway (1925) de Virginia Woolf, qui se concentre sur le motif caché de la Fête des Morts. Ma cinquième section traite de la liturgie, la langue poétique utilisée pour les rites religieux, dans la première poésie de Wallace Stevens, qui conçoit le rôle du poète comme une vocation de l'imagination. / This dissertation argues that many modernist writers used concepts central to traditional religious belief in order to urge social change. Against the secularization hypothesis, which posits that the modernists fully jettisoned religion in favour of an unquestioned secularism, I argue for what I term “modernist spirituality,” which identifies an integral continuance of spiritual concepts within the dire turmoil of the modernist period that destabilized the institutions such as an established organized religion that had previously formed the foundations of Western society. Hence, in each of my dissertation chapters, I have looked outside of organized religion to literature to find that spiritual impulse. Building upon the purposes of religion as defined by Sigmund Freud, William James, and Émile Durkheim, I name five concepts central to religious belief that the modernists sought to resignify, namely redemption, community, sacredness, the spectre, and liturgy, and, in each case, I have shown how these categories were reinterpreted to treat issues considered vital in the early twentieth century that would now be identified under the categories of feminism, ecology, biopolitics, crisis, and the role of the poet. The first function of spiritual belief addresses the intertwining of redemption and humanity’s actions within history, and for this reason, Chapter I focuses on redemption through the feminine as seen in H.D.’s book of World War II verse, Trilogy (1944-1946), which offers hope through a syncretistic blend of Christianity, ancient myths, goddess traditions, astrology, and psychology. My second chapter discusses John Steinbeck's The Grapes of Wrath (1939), which enlarges the role of community by positing a universal ecology of holiness that sees all people as connected with one another and with the land. Chapter III treats the notion of the sacred in William Faulkner’s Light in August (1932) and Djuna Barnes’ Nightwood (1936), both of which urge a privatized faith that emphasizes the illegitimacy of concepts of sacredness and pollution by elevating individuals who are marginalized biopolitically. Chapter IV seeks to comprehend the return of the dead in dreams or in visions, and I argue that the topos was used by modernists as a symbol of social crisis; the chapter first investigates Henry James’ “The Jolly Corner” (1908), which I read as a dream sequence of a man facing his own ghost, James Joyce’s Ulysses (1922), wherein Stephen Dedalus is haunted repeatedly by the ghost of his mother, and Virginia Woolf’s Mrs. Dalloway (1925), which is textually ordered by the hidden motif of the Day of the Dead. My fifth section is an epilogue that treats liturgy, the poetic language used for religious rituals, in the early poetry of Wallace Stevens, who revisions the role of the poet as a vocation of the imagination.

The political discourse that has emerged as a consequence of establishing a European regulatory framework for GMOs has not been without problems. This dissertation addresses the political and regulatory challenges created by the development and use of genetically modified organisms (GMOs) in the EU. The underlying hypothesis in the dissertation is that the emergence of a European policy in the field of GMOs has appeared through new reflexive forms of governance. The aim of this research is to understand how these reflexive forms of regulation have emerged and operate within the EU, with a particular focus on the two GMO directives 90/220/EEC and 2001/18/EC. However, the study scrutinises the regulatory regimes from the 1970s onwards by investigating how the regulatory framework regarding GMOs has been developed and implemented in the EU. This is done through an analysis of the notion of ‘risk’ and the ‘precautionary principle’ since these concepts have been at the forefront of the GMO regulation debate. The empirical approach focuses on how the European Commission, the European Parliament and the European Council as well as other actors and institutions articulate ambivalence, interpretations and uncertainties in the decision-making processes regarding regulative measures for GMOs, with an accent on risk and the precautionary principle. The main empirical material has been documents concerning the inter-institutional process involved in the regulatory process of making the two directives. The analysis indicates that during the process of implementing GMO regulations, new steering strategies have appeared within the EU’s decision-making institutions when the objective of the regulation has taken centre stage in political and scientific controversies. / Den politiska diskursen som har uppstått som en följd av upprättandet av ett europeiskt regelverk för GMO har inte varit utan problem. Denna avhandling behandlar de politiska utmaningar som alstrats av skapandet och tillämpningen av genetiskt modifierade organismer (GMO) inom EU. Den underliggande hypotesen i avhandlingen är att framväxten av en europeisk politik på området för GMO har uppstått genom nya reflexiva regleringsformer. Syftet med denna forskning är att förstå hur reflexiva regleringsformer har uppkommit och opererar inom EU, med särskilt fokus på de två GMO direktiven 90/220/EEG och 2001/18/EG. Studien analyserar lagstiftning från 1970-talet och framåt genom att undersöka hur lagstiftningen om genetiskt modifierade organismer har utvecklats och implementerats i EU. Detta görs genom en analys av begreppen ‘risk’ och ‘försiktighetsprincipen’ eftersom dessa begrepp har varit centrala för debatten om GMO lagstiftningen. Den empiriska metoden fokuserar på hur Europeiska kommissionen, Europaparlamentet och Europeiska rådet samt andra aktörer och institutioner har uttryckt ambivalens, tolkningar och osäkerhet i beslutsfattandet gällande reglerings åtgärder för genetiskt modifierade organismer, med tonvikt på risk och försiktighetsprincipen. Det huvudsakliga empiriska materialet är dokument gällande den interinstitutionella processen som ägde rum när de två direktiven skapades. Analysen visar att implementeringen av GMO lagstiftningen har skapat nya styrningsstrategier i synnerhet i de fall där ändamålet med lagstiftningen har varit föremål för politiska och vetenskapliga kontroverser.

以出生年份所定義的七年級生，因其富庶卻又嚴苛的生存條件而與草莓族形象疊合，形成獨一無二的「草莓世代」。筆者身為七年級生的一員，關注此世代從無到有、經由比較與召喚所被建構的過程。首先將勾勒出七年級生的成長背景，討論他們何以繼釣魚台世代之後被指認，並試圖指出其歷史意義；其次蒐集七年級生在財經企管雜誌中的相關表述，並置於時空脈絡中探討其形象如何被建構，及背後的論述形構。世代的建構與定義方式，從曼海姆與蕭阿勤的自我定義與實踐，消費社會中以行銷為本、針對年輕族群所貼的標籤，到「草莓世代」的勞動主體建構，反映不同的命名邏輯與社會脈絡。本研究發現，草莓世代中的「生產力論述」中出現了工作倫理轉向，從生產者社會的全景敞視規訓，轉化為消費者社會中具備彈性與動能、隨時召喚認同的生命治理模式：由內而外進行勞動主體的調理與改造，使之內化此規訓法則，進而成為個體化社會中自負盈虧、高度彈性的理想勞動力。 / Youths born in 1980s (The Post-80s) were raised rich yet faced relatively crucial living status when grown up, and thus were defined as unique "strawberry generation." As part of the youths, I concern the process that how the generation emerged by comparison and interpellation. First of all, the article illustrates social background in the 1980s, discussing why the Post-80s were identified as “strawberry generation” after the Diaoyu/Senkaku Islands generation, and then points out the historical meaning behind. Secondly, I collected essays about the Post-80s in business magazines, analyzing how their images were constructed and the discursive formulation in temporal context. The ways that generations were constructed and defined were shifting from the self-definition/practice that Mannheim and A-chin Hsiau have discussed, labels on youths in terms of marketing strategy of consumer society, to the construction of labor subjectivity among "strawberry generation." Furthermore, the evolution reflects different naming logic as well as social context. In this research, I discover that there has been a work ethic turn in the "productivity discourses" of strawberry generation. It turns from the panoptical discipline of producer society to the flexible/dynamic biopolitics that may call for identification in consumer society. In terms of the biopolitics, it manages to convert labor subjects from the inside out, making them internalize the discipline rules and thus become ideal labor force who takes his/her own responsibility with higher mobility.

La médicalisation de la naissance, par l’extension des possibles qu’elle occasionne, confronte à de nouveaux choix. Ces décisions, autrefois prises par les médecins, se réfèrent désormais au « projet » des parents. Non plus simple réponse à une proposition du corps médical comme peut l’être le consentement, le projet fait du patient le sujet décisionnaire, à l’origine comme à la fin : le projet est donc le critère qui guide les pratiques, la nouvelle instance de décision. Là où la médicalisation, accusée de « déshumaniser » la naissance, pouvait apparaître comme un instrument d’assujettissement et de désubjectivation au service d’une société industrielle pour Illich ou d’une biopolitique pour Foucault, une résistance à cette gouvernementalité aurait vu le jour sous la forme du projet. Garante de l'autonomie et de choix singuliers, la référence au projet aurait ainsi une valeur émancipatrice, relèverait d’un nouveau mode de subjectivation. Pourtant, cette catégorie s'insérant dans une nouvelle forme d’organisation sociale à laquelle Boltanski donne le nom de « cité par projets », elle apparaît dès lors comme un rouage de cette cité, elle-même inséparable du nouveau cadre que constitue le néolibéralisme. Penser la naissance en terme de projet, c’est alors étendre le néolibéralisme jusque dans la naissance. Car celle-ci marque le début de la vie humaine ; laquelle est précisément associée, dans la gouvernementalité néolibérale, au nouveau capital à entretenir. Et si auparavant le début de la vie humaine représentait un domaine d'impuissance, la médicalisation a modifié cette donnée : la médecine s'est emparée de ce premier temps de la vie, et dorénavant, on peut agir dans le champ de la naissance. La médicalisation de la naissance, via le projet, a ainsi permis l’extension du néolibéralisme à l'ensemble de l'existence. La catégorie de projet, loin de constituer une véritable alternative, est au contraire soluble dans le néolibéralisme contemporain et la nouvelle forme de gouvernementalité qui le caractérise. La naissance peut-elle alors résister au néolibéralisme? Plus que d’envisager de libérer la catégorie de projet de son sens néolibéral, c’est du côté d’une pensée voire d’une philosophie de la naissance qu’une voie sera esquissée. C’est dans l’attention à la naissance comme totalité vécue, comme expérience incarnée et non comme support de projet, qu’une résistance peut voir le jour. Contre le volontarisme néolibéral du projet nous suggérerons l’incarnation philosophique de la naissance. / The medicalization of birth by extending the realm of the possible, confronts with new choices. These decisions, formerly taken by doctors, now refer to the project of the parents. No more a mere answer to the offer from the medical corps as the consent can be, the project gets the patient into a decision making subject, at the beginning like at the end: then the project is the criterion that guides practices, the new decision making authority. Where the medicalization, accused of “dehumanizing” birth, could appear as an instrument of subjugation and desubjectivation in the service of an industrial society for Illich or of biopolitics for Foucault, a a resistance to this governmentality has emerged in the form of the project. Guarantor of autonomy and singular choices, the reference to the project would then have a liberating value, would constitute a new mode of subjectivation. However, this category getting into a new form of social organization which Boltanski gives the name of “projective city” thus appears to be a cog of this city, itself inseparable from the new framework that neoliberalism consist in. Thinking the birth in terms of project means expanding neoliberalism up to birth. For this marks the start of human life; which precisely embodies, in the framework of neoliberalism, the new capital to look after. And if the start of this human life formerly stood for an area of helplessness, medicalization changed this fact: medicine captured this first time of life, and from now on we can act in the field of birth. Hence the medicalization of birth, via the project, has enabled the expansion of neoliberalism to the whole of the existence. The project category, far from offering a real alternative, is on the contrary soluble in the contemporary neoliberalism and the new form of governmentality that characterizes it. Can birth then resist neoliberalism? Rather than planning to release the project category of its neo-liberal meaning, we might find a way around a thought, even a philosophy of the birth. A resistance can emerge from the attention to birth as a lived whole, as an embodied experience, and not as the support of a project. Against the neo-liberal voluntarism of the project we shall suggest the philosophical incarnation of birth.

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En partant de la perspective de l’existence d’articulations entre deux importantes politiques publiques brésiliennes - Stratégie de Santé de la Famille (ESF) et Politique Nationale de Promotion de la Santé (PNaPS) – et du fait de la centralité que leurs discours assument dans le contexte contemporain du pays, la présente étude investigue et analyse des pédagogies utilisées pour la gouvernance de conduites de sujets et de leurs familles, en vue de la promotion de soins de santé. Réalisée dans une unité du réseau public de services d’assistance en matière de santé à Porto Alegre, État du Rio Grande do Sul, elle consiste en une recherche d’inspiration ethnographique et s’appuie sur des références dans les domaines des Études Culturelles, des Études de Genre et de Santé Publique, dans ses approches vis-à-vis des théorisations de l’analyse discursive, proposée par Michel Foucault. Pour la production des données empiriques, une observation participative a été produite, dans des groupes dont les activités étaient dirigées vers la Promotion de la Santé (PS) envers des utilisateurs de l’unité de santé. Les enregistrements des moments d’observation ont été réalisés par l’intermédiaire de l’instrument journal de bord et l’analyse du matériel produit offre la possibilité d’argumenter sur le fait que les activités suivies configurent des articulations biopolitiques entre Soins de Base en Matière de Santé (APS), Stratégie de Santé de la Famille et Politique Nationale de Promotion de la Santé. Elles configurent donc, des instances pédagogiques proposées afin d’énoncer, éduquer et réguler des familles d’utilisateurs de services d’APS/ESF – par-dessus tout, les femmes de ces familles. Des instances qui assument, en particulier, des perspectives de genre. Dans ce sens, les pratiques discursives d’éducation/promotion de santé analysées opèrent sous la condition de pédagogies (biopédagogies) et, dans le cadre d’une compréhension amplifiée, en tant que biopédagogies de genre. Elles constituent des stratégies d’exercice du pouvoir sur la vie des populations (biopouvoir), de façon à ce que les corps (spécialement les féminins) soient mieux gouvernés, en les rendant plus sains et de plus grande longévité. J’assume, tout au long des analyses des matériels de terrain, que des biopédagogies jouent un rôle central dans les exercices de biopouvoir contemporain, du fait qu’elles contribuent au disciplinement individuel des sujets et à la régulation de populations, en les normalisant en tant qu’autonomes et capables de choisir le plus « adéquat » pour ce qui a été diffusé en tant que vie « saine ». Dans le contexte des articulations biopolitiques étudiées, des femmes sont positionnées en tant que principales partenaires des services de promotion de la santé des familles. / Desde a perspectiva da existência de articulações entre duas importantes políticas públicas brasileiras – Estratégia de Saúde da Família (ESF) e Política Nacional de Promoção da Saúde (PNaPS) – e pela centralidade que seus discursos assumem no contexto contemporâneo do país, o presente estudo investiga e analisa pedagogias utilizadas para governamento de condutas de sujeitos e suas famílias com vistas à promoção de cuidados em saúde. Realizado numa unidade da rede pública de serviços assistenciais de saúde em Porto Alegre/RS, constitui-se como pesquisa de inspiração etnográfica e está apoiado em referenciais dos campos dos Estudos Culturais, Estudos de Gênero e de Saúde Pública em suas aproximações às teorizações da análise discursiva proposta por Michel Foucault. Para a produção dos dados empíricos, houve observação participante em grupos cujas atividades estivessem direcionadas à Promoção da Saúde (PS) com usuários da unidade de saúde. Os registros dos momentos de observação se efetivaram por intermédio do instrumento diário de campo, e a analítica do material produzido possibilita argumentar que as atividades acompanhadas conformam articulações biopolíticas entre Atenção Primária à Saúde (APS), Estratégia de Saúde da Família e Política Nacional de Promoção da Saúde. Configuram, então, instâncias pedagógicas propostas para enunciar, educar e regular famílias usuárias de serviços de APS/ESF – sobretudo, as mulheres dessas famílias. Essas instâncias assumem, sobremaneira, perspectivas de gênero. Nesse sentido, as práticas discursivas de educação/promoção de saúde analisadas operam à condição de pedagogias (biopedagogias) e, numa compreensão ampliada, como biopedagogias de gênero. Conformam estratégias de exercício do poder sobre a vida de populações (biopoder), para que corpos (especialmente, os femininos) sejam mais bem governados, tornando-se mais saudáveis e longevos. Assumo, no decorrer das análises dos materiais de campo, que biopedagogias ocupam uma função central nos exercícios do biopoder contemporâneo, por contribuírem ao disciplinamento individual dos sujeitos e à regulação de populações, normalizando-os como autônomos/as e capazes de eleger o mais ‘adequado’ para o que tem sido veiculado como vida ‘saudável’. No contexto das articulações biopolíticas estudadas, mulheres são posicionadas como principais parceiras dos serviços para promover a saúde das famílias. / From the perspective of the existing links between two major Brazilian public policies - Family Health Strategy (ESF) and the National Health Promotion Policy (PNaPS) - and the importance that their discourse has taken on in the contemporary context of the country, this paper investigates and analyzes the pedagogies used to govern the behavior of subjects and their families in order to promote health care. Executed at one of the public health assistance service units in Porto Alegre/RS, it was organized as a study inspired by ethnographic research and is supported by references from the fields of Cultural Studies, Gender Studies, and Public Health in their approaches to the theory of discourse analysis, proposed by Michel Foucault. For the production of empiric data, there was participant observation in groups whose activities were directed toward Health Promotion (PS) with the users of the healthcare unit. The records of the observations were done using a field diary tool, and the analysis of the material that was produced enables one to argue that the monitored activities shape bio-politic connections between Primary Health Care (APS), the Family Health Strategy, and the National Health Promotion Policy. Therefore, they are pedagogical forums for enunciating, educating, and regulating families that are users of the APS/ESF – especially the women in these families. Forums that exceedingly take on gender perspectives. In this sense, the health education/promotion discursive practices that were analyzed operate as pedagogies (bio-pedagogies), and with an enlarged understanding, as gender bio-pedagogies. They shape the strategies for exercising power over the lives of people populations (biopower) so that bodies (especially female) are better governed, becoming healthier and living longer. I assume, throughout the analyses of the field material, that the bio-pedagogies hold a central function in the exercise of contemporary bio-power due to their contribution to the individual disciplining of the subjects and the regulation of populations, normalizing them as autonomous and capable of choosing the most "appropriate" path to what has been propagates as a “healthy” life. In the context of the examined bio-political articulations, women are positions as the main partners of the services to promote family health.

Made available in DSpace on 2011-05-04T12:42:01Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2010 / Estudo sobre a transexualidade, um fenômeno complexo que diz respeito à transição que uma pessoa faz de um sexo para o outro, através do processo transexualizador, denominação dada pelo Ministério da Saúde ao conjunto de procedimentos médicos realizados para a redesignação sexual da pessoa transexual. O objetivo principal da tese é de monstrar que o processo transexualizador atual é bioeticamente inadequado, em virtude dos problemas que dele decorrem para a pessoa transexual, especialmente no que tange a sua vida em sociedade. O trabalho é de natureza teórica e foi realizado através de pesquisa bibliográfica, que levantou publicações, nacionais e internacionais, inclusive na imprensa, sobre os temas tratados na tese, a saber: sexualidade, sexo, gênero, heterossexualidade. O levantamento bibliográfico compreendeu, preferencialmente, obras sobre filosofia, ética, bioética, medicina e direito, que permitiram a análise das questões teóricas envolvidas diretamente no estudo. O exame da bibliografia jurídica foi dirigido à jurisprudência existentenos tribunais brasileiros de segunda instância sobre a transexualidade, e teve o propósito de investigar o posicionamento dos referidos tribunais em face dos pedidos de mudança de nome e/ou de sexo por parte de pessoas transexuais, submetidas ao processo transexualizador. A transexualidade foi estudada no campo definido pela interface entre a sexualidade, a bioética,e o direito. Na análise bioética, a transexualidade é considerada não tanto como fenômeno , algo que se percebe, mas como objeto de práticas de agentes e pacientes morais, dispositivos,políticas e biopolíticas, como concebidos por Michel Foucault. Embora o processo transexualizador possa produzir bons resultados sob o ponto de vista médico, no que concerne à transformação física de um corpo masculino em feminino e vice-versa, os efeitos sociais dessa mudança podem ser perversos para o transexual. Isto acontece quando o transexual não obtém sua requalificação civil junto ao poder judiciário, o que agrava sua discriminação e exclusão sociais, além de haver restrições a vários de seus direitos. O transexual em tal caso pode ser identificado como um homo sacer, figura do antigo direito romano apresentada por Giorgio Agamben, que era a pessoa condenada a viver uma vida nua , isto é, uma vida forado seu contexto, no espaço do não direito . Esta situação quando vivida pelo transexual é moralmente inaceitável, especialmente na denominada era dos direitos humanos, e justifica, aliada a outros argumentos apresentados ao longo da tese, a proposta central do trabalho. Sustenta-se que o processo transexualizador é bioeticamente inadequado, enquanto: não se respeitar a autonomia do transexual, no que se refere à realização (ou não) da cirurgia de transgenitalização; forem cerceados direitos das pessoas, pelo fato de serem transexuais; e não for assegurada a requalificação civil dos transexuais. / A study of transsexuality, a complex phenomenon that deals with the transition of a person from one sex to the other one. This process is called trans-sexualizing by the Brazilian Ministry of Health and it concerns the set of medical procedures aiming the sexual redesign of the transsexual person. The main target of this thesis is to demonstrate that, due to the raising issues regarding the transsexual person, the current trans-sexualizing process is bioethically inadequate, especially in terms of his/her life in society. This is a theoretical study, and it has been done throughout bibliographical research. Foreign and Brazilian literature have been examined on the subjects of sexuality, sex, gender, heterosexuality, even in the media. The fields of Philosophy, Ethics, Bioethics, Medicine, and Law have contributed with an in-depth analysis of the theoretical issues brought up by the thesis. Specifically, the analysis of Law bibliography focused the jurisprudence of Brazilian courts of appeal regarding transsexuality, mainly on name and sex change petitions by transsexual persons whom have undergone transsexualizing process. Transsexuality itself has been examined in a field that has been defined by the interface among Sexuality, Bioethics, and Law. The Bioethics analysis of transsexuality does not consider it as a “phenomenon”, as something that might be perceived, but as an object resulting from the practices of moral agents and patients, dispositifs, politics and biopolitics, as it is conceived by Michel Foucault. Though the trans-sexualizing process may well produce good results through a medical perspective – regarding the transformation of a male body into a female one, and vice-versa – the social effects of this very same transformation might be quite perverse to the transsexual persons. Because transsexual persons are not automatically granted the change of their name and sex on their birth certificates, they have to petition to the Judiciary. Notwithstanding, such right of petition does not ensure them to reverse their civil status. Being deprived of that right of adjusting sex and name on their birth certificates worsens their discrimination and social exclusion, besides restricting some other rights to that population. In such cases, the transsexual person may well be identified as a homo sacer, as Giorgio Agamben names the ancient Roman Law figure that was condemned to live a “bare life”, that is, a life out of its context, in the space of “no-Law”. It is morally unacceptable to have transsexual persons living in such patterns, especially in an age that is also called as “the age of human rights”. With the help of other arguments demonstrated along this thesis, that same non-acceptance is justified by the core of this proposal. We hereby sustain that the trans-sexualizing process is bioethically inadequate for the transsexual person when his/her autonomy to undergo (or not) the transgenitalization surgery is not being respected; when the fruition of their rights is being restricted for the very fact that they are transsexuals, and when no sex and/or name change in their birth certificates are granted.

Submitted by ANA KARLA PEREIRA RODRIGUES (anakarla_@hotmail.com) on 2017-09-27T12:35:40Z No. of bitstreams: 1 arquivototal.pdf: 1101166 bytes, checksum: 140740be19433a16721ed571a9cc8fb6 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-09-27T12:35:40Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 arquivototal.pdf: 1101166 bytes, checksum: 140740be19433a16721ed571a9cc8fb6 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-02-10 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / In this dissertation, our research’s object is centered in the use of key concepts of camp, biopolitics, homo sacer and exception, under the form of extermination, especially consolidated after the last Brazilian military regime of 1964 in its permanent into the current democratic regime, in 2014. Our problem question can be formulated as follows: Is there a continuity of authoritarian policies in Brazil, after so many years of dictatorship, in relation to those excluded by the system? Those who are life-killing, but not sacrificable, through extermination as a paradigm of contemporary government? In this way, we start from the hypothesis that the Brazilian military regime, terminated in 1985, based on the National Security Doctrine and the biopolitical management of the Brazilian government historically considered, together with the practices still present, fifty years after the beginning that regime and three decades after its completion are reflected in a camp’s form as a modern biopolitical paradigm on the indolent and useless bodies of society, notably the poor and opponents of the regime. This hypothesis are supported by adaptive interpretation from the contributions of Homo Sacer, State of Exception, articles and interviews of Giorgio Agamben, into previous readings to the research, perceive the existence of traces of this theory that can be applied to Brazil: the existence of the camp as a modern biopolitical paradigm; the torture, extermination and enforced disappearance persisting’s practices; and, a true regime of permanent exception, with determinable time and space, on the population possibly converted as homini sacri. Therefore, the present dissertation will use a deductive approach methodology, together with a historicalcomparative procedure method and a bibliographic research technique to explain the current Brazilian situation. The organization of this work will be in three chapters: first, we determine the assumptions present in this work, presenting the Brazilian historicalpolitical antecedents’, the biopolitical archeology of the contemporary state and the agambenian conceptual discussions of homo sacer, camp, biopolitics and permanent exception. Next, we seek a definition of forced disappearance and extermination between the various key-concepts close to it, and delimit the practice and theory of dictatorship and democracy in relation to our key concepts. In the last part, we present the Brazilian biopolitical governance paradigm, the place of Agambenian camp execution and permanent extermination and the confrontations and uncertainties about the life-that-canbe- killed in Brazil. The objective is to present the historical-philosophical assumptions of the Military Dictatorship to the Six Republic, the institutional approach of homo sacer in the Brazilian State and the challenges and threats to democratic consolidation in Brazil. It concludes by confirming the hypothesis, partially to the focused period, converging the previous historical practice to the military regime for the analyzed period, at the same time that it points out ways and difficulties in the probability of expansion of this extermination. / Nesta dissertação, nosso objeto de pesquisa está centrado numa leitura biopolítica da histórica brasileira, a partir dos aportes de Giorgio Agamben, sob a forma de extermínio, especialmente consolidado após o último regime militar brasileiro de 1964 naquilo em que permanece no regime democrático atual, em 2014. A nossa pergunta-problema pode ser assim formulada: Há de se falar de uma continuidade das políticas autoritárias do Brasil, passados tantos anos da ditadura, em relação a aqueles excluídos pelo sistema, aqueles que são vida matável impunemente, através do extermínio como paradigma de governo contemporâneo? Desta forma, partimos da hipótese que o regime militar brasileiro, encerrado em 1985, tendo por base teórica a Doutrina de Segurança Nacional e da histórica gestão biopolítica brasileira, em conjunto com as práticas ainda presentes, cinquenta anos depois do início daquele regime e três décadas após o seu término se refletem em uma forma de campo como paradigma biopolítico moderno sobre os corpos indóceis e inúteis da sociedade, destacadamente os pobres e opositores ao regime. Essa hipótese alicerça-se na interpretação adaptativa a partir dos aportes das obras Homo Sacer, Estado de Exceção, artigos e entrevistas de Giorgio Agamben, parte destas leituras prévias à pesquisa, percebendo a existência de traços desta teoria que podem ser aplicados ao Brasil: a existência do campo como paradigma biopolítico moderno; a persistência de práticas de tortura, de extermínio e desaparecimento forçado; e, um verdadeiro regime de exceção permanente, com tempo e espaço determináveis, sobre a população potencialmente convertida como homini sacri. Para tanto, a presente dissertação utilizou de uma metodologia de abordagem dedutivo, em conjunto com um método de procedimento histórico-comparativo e com técnica de pesquisa bibliográfica para explicitar a situação atual brasileira. A organização deste trabalho se dará em três capítulos: primeiramente determinamos os pressupostos presentes neste trabalho, apresentando os antecedentes histórico-políticos brasileiro, a arqueologia biopolítica do Estado contemporâneo e as discussões conceituais agambenianas de homo sacer, campo, biopolítica e de exceção permanente. Em seguida, buscamos uma definição de desaparecimento forçado e extermínio entre os vários conceitos próximos a este e delimitamos a prática e a teoria da ditadura e da democracia em relação aos nossos conceitos-chave. Na última parte, expomos o paradigma de governo biopolítico brasileiro, o local do campo agambeniano de extermínio e os enfrentamentos e as incertezas sobre a vida matável no Brasil. Objetiva-se, assim, apresentar os pressupostos histórico-filosóficos da Ditadura Militar à Sexta República, a abordagem institucional do homo sacer no Estado Brasileiro e desafios e as ameaças a consolidação democrática no Brasil. Conclui-se pela confirmação da hipótese, parcialmente ao período enfocado, confluindo a prática histórica anterior ao regime militar para o período analisado, ao mesmo tempo que aponta caminhos e dificuldades frente a probabilidade de expansão desse extermínio.

Esta dissertação apresenta e discute resultados de pesquisa desenvolvida como pré-requisito parcial para obtenção do grau de mestre em Bioética, Ética Aplicada e Saúde Coletiva junto ao Programa de Pós-graduação em Bioética, Ética Aplicada e Saúde Coletiva da Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro, em regime de associação com a Universidade Federal do Rio de Janeiro, a Fundação Oswaldo Cruz e a Universidade Federal Fluminense. A pesquisa de metodologia qualitativa analisou material empírico composto por amostra de registros da Ouvidoria da Previdência Social contendo reclamações sobre o atendimento médico-pericial. A Previdência integra o campo da seguridade social e tem a vida e suas intercorrências na população de segurados como seu objeto de cuidados e controles. O benefício auxílio-doença é o mais frequentemente concedido entre todos os benefícios da Previdência sendo devido somente a seus segurados em dupla condição de vulnerabilidade, doentes e incapazes para o trabalho. A verificação da condição de incapacidade para o trabalho é realizada pelos médicos peritos da Previdência Social como pré-requisito para acesso ao benefício e funciona como mecanismo de controle de custos. Os resultados do estudo evidenciam que a tarefa de controle de acesso, realizada na interface com o segurado, exige um deslocamento da atividade médica da função assistencial para a pericial em decorrência da natureza da tarefa médico-pericial, onde o lugar do controle é o da exceção beneficente. Tal atribuição condiciona um risco da atividade médico-pericial que entendemos ser de ordem moral. As reclamações sobre o atendimento médico na perícia previdenciária foram compreendidas como índices de disfunções nesta interface, assim como os registros de violência em torno desta atividade. Resultantes da prática de limites de acesso ao benefício, na forma em que estes limites estão colocados. A análise desta interface coloca em relevo o paradoxo da proteção securitária que funciona retirando da proteção partes de sua população e caracteriza a relação médico-paciente na perícia médica da Previdência Social como moralmente conflituosa. A pesquisa na linha de uma bioética crítica, que enfatiza as políticas públicas que afetam a vida, entendeu Previdência Social como biopolítica e a atividade médico-pericial como expressão de biopoder, nos termos da filosofia política de Michel Foucault. Cabe à sociedade refletir seriamente sobre essas práticas de controle e definir o alcance e a forma da proteção securitária tendo em vista que esta proteção tensiona necessidades individuais e coletivas. Cabe a todos e a cada um ter em mente a dimensão ética da política previdenciária. / This dissertation presents and discusses research results developed as prerequisite for obtaining the masters degree in Bioethics, applied Ethics and Public Health by the graduate program in Bioethics, applied Ethics and Public Health at the University of the State of Rio de Janeiro, in association with Federal University of Rio de Janeiro, Oswaldo Cruz Foundation and the Fluminense Federal University. The qualitative methodology research analyzed empirical material composed sample records of the Ombudsman of Brazilian`s Social Security System containing complaints about the medical examinations. The Social Security System has life and its complications in the population of insured persons as object of care and controls. The sick leave benefits is the most often granted between all social security benefits being due only to its policyholders in double condition of vulnerability, disease and work disability. The verification of incapacity to work is carried out by medical experts of Social Security as prerequisite for access to benefit and serves as a cost-control mechanism. The results of the study show that the task of access control, held at the interface with insured, requires an offset of medical care function as a result of the nature of medical-legal examinations, where place of the control is the beneficent exception. Such attributions determine a specific risk to the medical-legal examinations that we understand to be of moral order. The complaints about the medical work in Social Security were understood as dysfunctions index on this interface, as well as the records of violence around this activity. As results of the limits to access the benefits, in the form in which of these limits are placed. The analysis of this interface puts into sharp relief the paradox of social security protection that works by removing parts of its population under protection and characterizes the medicalpatient relationship in Medical Social Security expertise as morally conflictive. The research, in accordance with a critical bioethics approach, that emphasizes the public policies that affect the life, understands Social Security as Biopolitics and medical expertise as an expression of Biopower according political philosophy of Michel Foucault. Its up to society reflect seriously on these control practice and define the scope and form of social security protection considering that this protection produces tension between individual and collective needs. Its up to each and every one to keep in mind the ethical dimension of the social security policy.