En partant de la perspective de l’existence d’articulations entre deux importantes politiques publiques brésiliennes - Stratégie de Santé de la Famille (ESF) et Politique Nationale de Promotion de la Santé (PNaPS) – et du fait de la centralité que leurs discours assument dans le contexte contemporain du pays, la présente étude investigue et analyse des pédagogies utilisées pour la gouvernance de conduites de sujets et de leurs familles, en vue de la promotion de soins de santé. Réalisée dans une unité du réseau public de services d’assistance en matière de santé à Porto Alegre, État du Rio Grande do Sul, elle consiste en une recherche d’inspiration ethnographique et s’appuie sur des références dans les domaines des Études Culturelles, des Études de Genre et de Santé Publique, dans ses approches vis-à-vis des théorisations de l’analyse discursive, proposée par Michel Foucault. Pour la production des données empiriques, une observation participative a été produite, dans des groupes dont les activités étaient dirigées vers la Promotion de la Santé (PS) envers des utilisateurs de l’unité de santé. Les enregistrements des moments d’observation ont été réalisés par l’intermédiaire de l’instrument journal de bord et l’analyse du matériel produit offre la possibilité d’argumenter sur le fait que les activités suivies configurent des articulations biopolitiques entre Soins de Base en Matière de Santé (APS), Stratégie de Santé de la Famille et Politique Nationale de Promotion de la Santé. Elles configurent donc, des instances pédagogiques proposées afin d’énoncer, éduquer et réguler des familles d’utilisateurs de services d’APS/ESF – par-dessus tout, les femmes de ces familles. Des instances qui assument, en particulier, des perspectives de genre. Dans ce sens, les pratiques discursives d’éducation/promotion de santé analysées opèrent sous la condition de pédagogies (biopédagogies) et, dans le cadre d’une compréhension amplifiée, en tant que biopédagogies de genre. Elles constituent des stratégies d’exercice du pouvoir sur la vie des populations (biopouvoir), de façon à ce que les corps (spécialement les féminins) soient mieux gouvernés, en les rendant plus sains et de plus grande longévité. J’assume, tout au long des analyses des matériels de terrain, que des biopédagogies jouent un rôle central dans les exercices de biopouvoir contemporain, du fait qu’elles contribuent au disciplinement individuel des sujets et à la régulation de populations, en les normalisant en tant qu’autonomes et capables de choisir le plus « adéquat » pour ce qui a été diffusé en tant que vie « saine ». Dans le contexte des articulations biopolitiques étudiées, des femmes sont positionnées en tant que principales partenaires des services de promotion de la santé des familles. / Desde a perspectiva da existência de articulações entre duas importantes políticas públicas brasileiras – Estratégia de Saúde da Família (ESF) e Política Nacional de Promoção da Saúde (PNaPS) – e pela centralidade que seus discursos assumem no contexto contemporâneo do país, o presente estudo investiga e analisa pedagogias utilizadas para governamento de condutas de sujeitos e suas famílias com vistas à promoção de cuidados em saúde. Realizado numa unidade da rede pública de serviços assistenciais de saúde em Porto Alegre/RS, constitui-se como pesquisa de inspiração etnográfica e está apoiado em referenciais dos campos dos Estudos Culturais, Estudos de Gênero e de Saúde Pública em suas aproximações às teorizações da análise discursiva proposta por Michel Foucault. Para a produção dos dados empíricos, houve observação participante em grupos cujas atividades estivessem direcionadas à Promoção da Saúde (PS) com usuários da unidade de saúde. Os registros dos momentos de observação se efetivaram por intermédio do instrumento diário de campo, e a analítica do material produzido possibilita argumentar que as atividades acompanhadas conformam articulações biopolíticas entre Atenção Primária à Saúde (APS), Estratégia de Saúde da Família e Política Nacional de Promoção da Saúde. Configuram, então, instâncias pedagógicas propostas para enunciar, educar e regular famílias usuárias de serviços de APS/ESF – sobretudo, as mulheres dessas famílias. Essas instâncias assumem, sobremaneira, perspectivas de gênero. Nesse sentido, as práticas discursivas de educação/promoção de saúde analisadas operam à condição de pedagogias (biopedagogias) e, numa compreensão ampliada, como biopedagogias de gênero. Conformam estratégias de exercício do poder sobre a vida de populações (biopoder), para que corpos (especialmente, os femininos) sejam mais bem governados, tornando-se mais saudáveis e longevos. Assumo, no decorrer das análises dos materiais de campo, que biopedagogias ocupam uma função central nos exercícios do biopoder contemporâneo, por contribuírem ao disciplinamento individual dos sujeitos e à regulação de populações, normalizando-os como autônomos/as e capazes de eleger o mais ‘adequado’ para o que tem sido veiculado como vida ‘saudável’. No contexto das articulações biopolíticas estudadas, mulheres são posicionadas como principais parceiras dos serviços para promover a saúde das famílias. / From the perspective of the existing links between two major Brazilian public policies - Family Health Strategy (ESF) and the National Health Promotion Policy (PNaPS) - and the importance that their discourse has taken on in the contemporary context of the country, this paper investigates and analyzes the pedagogies used to govern the behavior of subjects and their families in order to promote health care. Executed at one of the public health assistance service units in Porto Alegre/RS, it was organized as a study inspired by ethnographic research and is supported by references from the fields of Cultural Studies, Gender Studies, and Public Health in their approaches to the theory of discourse analysis, proposed by Michel Foucault. For the production of empiric data, there was participant observation in groups whose activities were directed toward Health Promotion (PS) with the users of the healthcare unit. The records of the observations were done using a field diary tool, and the analysis of the material that was produced enables one to argue that the monitored activities shape bio-politic connections between Primary Health Care (APS), the Family Health Strategy, and the National Health Promotion Policy. Therefore, they are pedagogical forums for enunciating, educating, and regulating families that are users of the APS/ESF – especially the women in these families. Forums that exceedingly take on gender perspectives. In this sense, the health education/promotion discursive practices that were analyzed operate as pedagogies (bio-pedagogies), and with an enlarged understanding, as gender bio-pedagogies. They shape the strategies for exercising power over the lives of people populations (biopower) so that bodies (especially female) are better governed, becoming healthier and living longer. I assume, throughout the analyses of the field material, that the bio-pedagogies hold a central function in the exercise of contemporary bio-power due to their contribution to the individual disciplining of the subjects and the regulation of populations, normalizing them as autonomous and capable of choosing the most "appropriate" path to what has been propagates as a “healthy” life. In the context of the examined bio-political articulations, women are positions as the main partners of the services to promote family health.

En partant de la perspective de l’existence d’articulations entre deux importantes politiques publiques brésiliennes - Stratégie de Santé de la Famille (ESF) et Politique Nationale de Promotion de la Santé (PNaPS) – et du fait de la centralité que leurs discours assument dans le contexte contemporain du pays, la présente étude investigue et analyse des pédagogies utilisées pour la gouvernance de conduites de sujets et de leurs familles, en vue de la promotion de soins de santé. Réalisée dans une unité du réseau public de services d’assistance en matière de santé à Porto Alegre, État du Rio Grande do Sul, elle consiste en une recherche d’inspiration ethnographique et s’appuie sur des références dans les domaines des Études Culturelles, des Études de Genre et de Santé Publique, dans ses approches vis-à-vis des théorisations de l’analyse discursive, proposée par Michel Foucault. Pour la production des données empiriques, une observation participative a été produite, dans des groupes dont les activités étaient dirigées vers la Promotion de la Santé (PS) envers des utilisateurs de l’unité de santé. Les enregistrements des moments d’observation ont été réalisés par l’intermédiaire de l’instrument journal de bord et l’analyse du matériel produit offre la possibilité d’argumenter sur le fait que les activités suivies configurent des articulations biopolitiques entre Soins de Base en Matière de Santé (APS), Stratégie de Santé de la Famille et Politique Nationale de Promotion de la Santé. Elles configurent donc, des instances pédagogiques proposées afin d’énoncer, éduquer et réguler des familles d’utilisateurs de services d’APS/ESF – par-dessus tout, les femmes de ces familles. Des instances qui assument, en particulier, des perspectives de genre. Dans ce sens, les pratiques discursives d’éducation/promotion de santé analysées opèrent sous la condition de pédagogies (biopédagogies) et, dans le cadre d’une compréhension amplifiée, en tant que biopédagogies de genre. Elles constituent des stratégies d’exercice du pouvoir sur la vie des populations (biopouvoir), de façon à ce que les corps (spécialement les féminins) soient mieux gouvernés, en les rendant plus sains et de plus grande longévité. J’assume, tout au long des analyses des matériels de terrain, que des biopédagogies jouent un rôle central dans les exercices de biopouvoir contemporain, du fait qu’elles contribuent au disciplinement individuel des sujets et à la régulation de populations, en les normalisant en tant qu’autonomes et capables de choisir le plus « adéquat » pour ce qui a été diffusé en tant que vie « saine ». Dans le contexte des articulations biopolitiques étudiées, des femmes sont positionnées en tant que principales partenaires des services de promotion de la santé des familles. / Desde a perspectiva da existência de articulações entre duas importantes políticas públicas brasileiras – Estratégia de Saúde da Família (ESF) e Política Nacional de Promoção da Saúde (PNaPS) – e pela centralidade que seus discursos assumem no contexto contemporâneo do país, o presente estudo investiga e analisa pedagogias utilizadas para governamento de condutas de sujeitos e suas famílias com vistas à promoção de cuidados em saúde. Realizado numa unidade da rede pública de serviços assistenciais de saúde em Porto Alegre/RS, constitui-se como pesquisa de inspiração etnográfica e está apoiado em referenciais dos campos dos Estudos Culturais, Estudos de Gênero e de Saúde Pública em suas aproximações às teorizações da análise discursiva proposta por Michel Foucault. Para a produção dos dados empíricos, houve observação participante em grupos cujas atividades estivessem direcionadas à Promoção da Saúde (PS) com usuários da unidade de saúde. Os registros dos momentos de observação se efetivaram por intermédio do instrumento diário de campo, e a analítica do material produzido possibilita argumentar que as atividades acompanhadas conformam articulações biopolíticas entre Atenção Primária à Saúde (APS), Estratégia de Saúde da Família e Política Nacional de Promoção da Saúde. Configuram, então, instâncias pedagógicas propostas para enunciar, educar e regular famílias usuárias de serviços de APS/ESF – sobretudo, as mulheres dessas famílias. Essas instâncias assumem, sobremaneira, perspectivas de gênero. Nesse sentido, as práticas discursivas de educação/promoção de saúde analisadas operam à condição de pedagogias (biopedagogias) e, numa compreensão ampliada, como biopedagogias de gênero. Conformam estratégias de exercício do poder sobre a vida de populações (biopoder), para que corpos (especialmente, os femininos) sejam mais bem governados, tornando-se mais saudáveis e longevos. Assumo, no decorrer das análises dos materiais de campo, que biopedagogias ocupam uma função central nos exercícios do biopoder contemporâneo, por contribuírem ao disciplinamento individual dos sujeitos e à regulação de populações, normalizando-os como autônomos/as e capazes de eleger o mais ‘adequado’ para o que tem sido veiculado como vida ‘saudável’. No contexto das articulações biopolíticas estudadas, mulheres são posicionadas como principais parceiras dos serviços para promover a saúde das famílias. / From the perspective of the existing links between two major Brazilian public policies - Family Health Strategy (ESF) and the National Health Promotion Policy (PNaPS) - and the importance that their discourse has taken on in the contemporary context of the country, this paper investigates and analyzes the pedagogies used to govern the behavior of subjects and their families in order to promote health care. Executed at one of the public health assistance service units in Porto Alegre/RS, it was organized as a study inspired by ethnographic research and is supported by references from the fields of Cultural Studies, Gender Studies, and Public Health in their approaches to the theory of discourse analysis, proposed by Michel Foucault. For the production of empiric data, there was participant observation in groups whose activities were directed toward Health Promotion (PS) with the users of the healthcare unit. The records of the observations were done using a field diary tool, and the analysis of the material that was produced enables one to argue that the monitored activities shape bio-politic connections between Primary Health Care (APS), the Family Health Strategy, and the National Health Promotion Policy. Therefore, they are pedagogical forums for enunciating, educating, and regulating families that are users of the APS/ESF – especially the women in these families. Forums that exceedingly take on gender perspectives. In this sense, the health education/promotion discursive practices that were analyzed operate as pedagogies (bio-pedagogies), and with an enlarged understanding, as gender bio-pedagogies. They shape the strategies for exercising power over the lives of people populations (biopower) so that bodies (especially female) are better governed, becoming healthier and living longer. I assume, throughout the analyses of the field material, that the bio-pedagogies hold a central function in the exercise of contemporary bio-power due to their contribution to the individual disciplining of the subjects and the regulation of populations, normalizing them as autonomous and capable of choosing the most "appropriate" path to what has been propagates as a “healthy” life. In the context of the examined bio-political articulations, women are positions as the main partners of the services to promote family health.

Submitted by Ana Lúcia Torres (bfmhuap@gmail.com) on 2017-10-26T14:06:28Z No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) TESE_MARCELO.MAYERNYIK_VERSÃO.FINAL.pdf: 2684171 bytes, checksum: 0f58c64a11267f042717eaad623a6249 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Ana Lúcia Torres (bfmhuap@gmail.com) on 2017-10-26T14:06:37Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) TESE_MARCELO.MAYERNYIK_VERSÃO.FINAL.pdf: 2684171 bytes, checksum: 0f58c64a11267f042717eaad623a6249 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-10-26T14:06:37Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) TESE_MARCELO.MAYERNYIK_VERSÃO.FINAL.pdf: 2684171 bytes, checksum: 0f58c64a11267f042717eaad623a6249 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017 / Universidade Federal Fluminense. Instituto de Saúde Coletiva / A judicialização da política de medicamentos oncológicos de alto custo, fruto da complexidade da vida e das relações humanas, suscita questões de ordem econômica, social e política, que efluem de uma cadeia de eventos que envolvem o cidadão, o sistema de saúde e o sistema de justiça, no contexto da microjustiça de medicamentos oncológicos de alto custo, que, por sua vez, perpassa todas as etapas sucessórias de um contencioso, ou seja, desde o início do conflito, o manejo, até o seu desfecho, mobilizando diversos protagonistas que agem e deliberam, em uma dinâmica consecutiva de decisões que impactam diretamente e determinam o cuidado produzido com o cidadão-vulnerado. Neste sentido, tornou-se relevante a operacionalização de uma pesquisa que procurasse desvelar, compreender e contrastar as distintas percepções, sentidos, argumentos e modos de agir, dos diversos protagonistas envolvidos nesses litígios, bem como as suas intencionalidades e contribuições para a defesa da vida e para a promoção de um cuidado resolutivo em saúde. O objetivo geral deste estudo foi investigar a ideia de cuidado estabelecido com o cidadão-vulnerado, na perspectiva dos representantes do Judiciário e do Executivo, à luz da biopolítica, para compreender a dinâmica entre a política da vida e a política sobre a vida, e, entre a biopotência e o biopoder, que se expressam na microjustiça de medicamentos. Os participantes dessa pesquisa são profissionais, do sistema de justiça ou do sistema de saúde, envolvidos, direta ou indiretamente, nos cinco processos-casos selecionados entre os anos 2012 e 2014, julgados em segunda instância pelo Tribunal de Justiça do Rio de Janeiro, cujo pleito era medicamentos oncológicos de alto custo. A operacionalização desta investigação contou com três etapas distintas e sucessivas: a exploração inicial dos argumentos processuais, categorizando as partes de acordo com a afinidade argumentativa, através da dialética, para a elaboração e personalização do roteiro de entrevista; o trabalho de campo, com a aplicação do roteiro para entrevista semiestruturada junto aos participantes; e, a apresentação dos resultados, análise e discussão, que integra, metodologicamente, a dialética, a análise da retórica, o fluxograma descritor e a abordagem qualitativa em profundidade. De acordo com os resultados, observa-se a adoção de distintos parâmetros éticos, contrários ou complementares, tais como os parâmetros de uma ética biomédica, centrada na medicalização; uma ética de mercado, centrada na mercantilização da doença ou da vida; uma ética utilitarista, centrada na maximização do bem-estar comum; ou, propriamente, uma ética de cuidado, centrada na defesa da vida e do direito à saúde; os quais fundamentam a argumentação e orientam o agir deliberativo dos protagonistas envolvidos, podendo promover a potência da vida pelo exercício de uma política em defesa da vida, quando o cuidado produzido é reconhecidamente resolutivo, expressando um compromisso ético com a vida qualificada; ou, podendo promover a potência de morte pelo exercício de uma política sobre a vida, quando, em defesa de interesses avessos a um cuidado singular, os atos resultam em uma assistência insatisfatória e ineficiente ou, na pior das hipóteses, resultam em desassistência, acelerando ou contribuindo para a finitude da vida. Deste modo, conclui-se que todo cuidado é ético, pois toda a ação dos envolvidos, comprometidos com o cuidado, é orientada por parâmetros éticos, mas nem todo cuidado é reconhecido como ético, pois pode resultar na satisfação de interesses divergentes aos propostos nos pactos de cuidados estabelecidos entre os profissionais e o cidadão / The judicialization of politics of high cost oncological drugs, result of the complexity of life and human relations, raises issues of an economic, social and political order, which emanate from a chain of events involving the citizen, the health system and the justice system, in the context of the microjustice of high cost oncological drugs, which, in turn, runs through all successive stages of a litigation, that is, from the beginning of the conflict, handling, until its denouement, mobilizing several protagonists who act and deliberate, in a consecutive dynamics of decisions that directly impact and determine the care produced with the vulnerable citizen. In this sense, it became relevant to operationalize a research that seeks to unveil, understand and contrast the different perceptions, meanings, arguments and ways of acting, the various protagonists involved in these health litigations, as well as their intentions and contributions for the defense of life and for the promotion of resolutive health care. The general objective of this study was to investigate the idea of care established with the vulnerable citizen, from the perspective of the representatives of the Judiciary and the Executive, in the light of biopolitics, to understand the dynamics between politics of life and politics about life, and, between biopotency and biopower, which are expressed in the microjustice of drugs (medicines). The participants in this research are professionals, the justice system or the health system, involved, directly or indirectly, in the five lawsuits-cases selected between the years 2012 and 2014, judged in the second instance by the Court of Justice of Rio de Janeiro, whose demand was high cost oncology drugs. The operation of this investigation had three distinct and successive stages: the initial exploration of arguments of lawsuits, categorizing the parts according to argumentative affinity, through the dialectic, for the elaboration and personalization of the interview script; the fieldwork, with the application of the script for semi-structured interview with the participants; and, the presentation of results, analysis and discussion, which integrates, methodologically, the dialectic, rhetorical analysis, descriptive flowchart and qualitative approach in depth. According to the results, it is observed the adoption of different ethical parameters, contraries or complementary, such as the parameters of a biomedical ethics, centered in the medicalization; an ethics of market, centered on the commodification of disease or life; a utilitarian ethics, centered on the maximization of the common welfare; or, properly, an ethics of care, centered on the defense of life and the right to health; which ground the argument and guide the deliberative action of the protagonists involved, being able to promote the power of life by the exercise of a policy in defense of life, when the care produced is recognized as resolutive, expressing an ethical commitment to a qualified life; or, by promoting the power of death through the exercise of a politics about life, when, in defense of interests that are averse to singular care, the acts result in unsatisfactory and inefficient care or, at worst, result in lack of assistance, accelerating or contributing to the finitude of life. That way, it is concluded that all care is ethical, since all the action of those involved, committed to care, is guided by ethical parameters, but not all care is recognized as ethical, as it can result in the satisfaction of interests divergent from those proposed in the pacts of care established between professionals and the citizen

Submitted by isabela.moljf@hotmail.com (isabela.moljf@hotmail.com) on 2017-08-15T12:53:28Z No. of bitstreams: 1 danieljorgesallesdefreitas.pdf: 1825968 bytes, checksum: 13910bdcb0a17f0ed07f3bb10c54361a (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Adriana Oliveira (adriana.oliveira@ufjf.edu.br) on 2017-08-15T12:59:19Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 danieljorgesallesdefreitas.pdf: 1825968 bytes, checksum: 13910bdcb0a17f0ed07f3bb10c54361a (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-08-15T12:59:19Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 danieljorgesallesdefreitas.pdf: 1825968 bytes, checksum: 13910bdcb0a17f0ed07f3bb10c54361a (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-07-23 / A realização de testes químicos no ambiente de trabalho para identificar o uso de drogas lícitas e ilícitas pelos funcionários é uma prática instituída em muitas empresas de grande porte no Brasil. Esse trabalho aborda o tema sociologicamente e discute questões relacionadas aos testes a partir de pesquisa de inspiração etnográfica realizada dentro de uma empresa mantém um programa de testagem em seus funcionários. Buscando contextualizar o tema no debate sobre as formas de controle social na sociedade contemporânea. Recorre-se à genealogia de poder de Foucault para se construir um referencial analítico que permite descrever os testes de drogas no ambiente de trabalho como práticas de vigilância representativas de um arranjo de poder governamental biopolítico, mecanismos cujos efeitos de poder voltam-se menos para o disciplinamento dos indivíduos do que para a fabricação de tipos específicos de liberdade e a administração das condutas dos sujeitos livres por meio de técnicas atuariais e classificação social. Adotando uma abordagem interpretativa com o objetivo de compreender como os próprios funcionários atribuem sentido aos testes de drogas, a pesquisa empírica enseja uma análise dos valores e significados sociais articulados por tais práticas. Ao final a pesquisa permite delinear algumas novas tendências no controle social contemporâneo, que se apresenta de formas muito mais difusas e descentralizadas, bem como depreender os discursos e os sentidos simbólicos que o legitimam e sustentam. Além disso, o trabalho também pretende contribuir com a questão metodológica apresentando algumas discussões sobre perspectivas e abordagens para pesquisas empíricas sobre a vigilância. Ao compreender como os indivíduos percebem e lidam com essas novas formas de controle social, esse trabalho pretende colaborar com os esforços para se entender melhor a sociedade contemporânea e alguns de seus processos sociais mais desafiadores – como transformações nas concepções de liberdade, responsabilidade individual e segurança. / Workplace drug testing is a common practice in large companies in Brazil. In this work this practice is approached sociologically and questions related to the tests are debated from an ethnographic research held within a specific company that maintains a regular drug testing program on its employees. To contextualize the theme in the debate about forms of social control in contemporary society, Foucault's genealogy of power is used, constructing an analytical framework that allow to describe the workplace drug testing as a surveillance practice representative of the biopolitical governmental power arrangement, a mechanism whose power effects are less focused on disciplining individuals than on fabricate specific types of freedom and on the management of the conduct of free subjects through actuarial techniques and social classification. By adopting an interpretive approach to understand how employees themselves give meaning to the workplace drug testing, empirical research provides an analysis of the values and social meanings articulated by such practices. At the end it is possible to delineate some new tendencies in contemporary social control, which presents itself in much more diffuse and decentralized ways, as well as to understand some discourses and symbolic meanings that legitimize and sustain it. In addition, the paper also aims to contribute to the methodological issue by presenting some discussions on perspectives and approaches to empirical research on surveillance. By understanding how individuals perceive and deal with these new forms of social control, this work seeks to collaborate with efforts to better understand contemporary society and some of its more challenging social processes - such as changes in conceptions of freedom, individual responsibility, and security.

Denna essä syftar till att belysa och problematisera rådande ekonomiska och management-baserade styrningsformer och dess effekter inom hälso- och sjukvårdssystemet genom att undersöka hur läkekonsten och allmänläkares praktiska kunskap påverkas i en marknadsstyrd vård. Utgångspunkten är en gestaltning av en allmänläkares arbetsdag på en vårdcentral i Stockholm. Med avstamp i en hermeneutisk och politisk filosofisk tanketradition utforskar essän frågor kring patientens narrativ, läkares utmattning, samvete och empati, reflektion och motstånd, arbete och alienation samt konflikten mellan olika rationaliteter och kunskapsparadigm. Essän visar hur den nyliberala rationaliteten och nuvarande naturvetenskapliga och biotekniska paradigmen förstärker varandra och en reduktionistisk och ekonomisk människosyn. Essän förespråkar förändring genom en mer balanserad kunskapssyn och medicinsk praktik med en mobilisering av kollektiv och individuell fronesis hos läkare för att upphöja värdet av det mellanmänskliga mötet, den praktiska kunskapen och läkekonsten. / This essay aims to highlight and problematize current economic and management-based forms of governance and its effects in the healthcare system by exploring how the art of medicine and general practitioners' practical knowledge are influenced in market-based health care. The starting point is a narrative of a general practitioner's working day at a healthcare centre in Stockholm. The theoretical framework is mainly within the fields of philosophical hermeneutics and political philosophy. The essay explores questions about the patient's narrative, physician burnout, conscience and empathy, reflection and resistance, work and alienation, and the conflict between different rationalities and knowledge paradigms. The essay shows how neoliberal rationality and current paradigms of natural sciences and biotechnology reinforce each other and a reductionist and economic view of human being. The essay advocates change through a more balanced understanding of knowledge and medical practice with a mobilization of collective and individual phronesis in physicians in order to elevate the value of the interpersonal meeting, the practical knowledge and the art of medicine.

Exploring both political aesthetics and the politics of aesthetics to outline an environmental ruralism for art in public spaces, this practice lead research project postulates a “complemental practice”, outlining its methodology and contexts for operation, the rural, spaces of leisure and the public realm. It is a response to threats to spatial and environmental commons from heritage, place-making and nostalgia, psychological inhibition such as a sense of global contingency and widespread economic exploitation. Responses by artists to this situation can be characterised as a binary of dialogism (Kester, 2004) and relational antagonism (Bishop, 2004), i.e. consensual/collaborative or antagonistic/autonomous practices. Informing both is the work of Jacques Rancière who theorises an ethical and social turn in the arts. Through both commissioned and self-initiated projects this thesis offers an interpretation of Jacques Rancière’s conception of dissensus (Rancière, 2010) modulated through an application of the work of philosopher Slajov Žižek on environmental politics and complementarity - the inscription of the universal within the particular (Žižek, 2011). The thesis’ originality lies in this theoretical synthesis which sets out a complemental practice based on dissensus and the undecidability of subject and context, but which dismisses any inflexible schema of either aesthetic autonomy or ethico-political egalitarianism. In addition it suggests an approach to practice in this field and a situation for this - a dissensual infrastructure for the common public realm which is socially relational and evolutionary over time.

Ce travail de recherche s’inscrit dans le cadre de la psychosociologie, de la microsociologie et de l’anthropologie sociale. Nous envisageons l’étude des liens sociaux développés au sein du collectif des prostituées transgenre migrantes d’Amérique du Sud dans la ville de Paris. Pour ce faire, nous devrons penser l’organisation sociale dans leurs pays d’origine ainsi que leurs trajectoires de migration. La subjectivité des personnes transgenre migrantes sera étudiée à différents niveaux : individuel, groupal et communautaire. Nous nous sommes ainsi servis de plusieurs catégories d’analyse comme la classe, la migration, la race, l’ethnie, etc. Nous considérons que l’adoption d’une identité de genre qui ne coïncide pas avec le genre attribué à la naissance mène les personnes transgenre à une place de stigmatisation sociale. En France, nous étudierons le passage du milieu de la prostitution au travail associatif. Nous cherchons à comprendre comment, à partir d’une proposition biopolitique précise de la part des pouvoirs publics (VIH), les acteurs sociaux vont négocier au niveau local une existence sociale possible, en-dehors du statut de « malade ». Cela nous conduira à des réflexions sur le changement du rôle de l’État et des acteurs sociaux à partir de la subjectivité moderne et contemporaine. / This research follows the principles of psychosociology, microsociology and social anthropology. It studies social bonds in communities of migrant transgender prostitutes from South America in Paris. In order to do that, we will start analyzing their social organization in their country of origins, and their migration trajectories. We will think three-level analysis for transgender migrant subjectivity : individual, groupal and community. We will also consider different categories such as class, migration, race, ethnicity, etc. We consider that assuming a gender identity different from the one assigned on birth implies for people a stigmatised social existence. In France, we are going to analyse the transition between two professional identities : from prostitution to self-help organizations. We are looking forward to understand how, following a biopolitical proposition from french government related to HIV, subjects try to negotiate in a local level, different identities beyond the « sick » labelling. This analysis will teach us the historical transitions between State and individual roles in modern and contemporary subjectivity.

This thesis asks two central questions: (1.) Is there a link between atrocities committed during American counterinsurgency campaigns and race? (2.) Is there continuity between the counterinsurgency techniques deployed in the Philippines and in Iraq in this respect? In an effort to answer these questions I propose to briefly outline the chapters which are to follow. In Chapter 1 I propose to tackle the question of race using the following questions as broad guides to my investigation: what is it? how do we understand it? how will it be operationalized? In other words, this first chapter serves both as a literature review and an outline of the theoretical framework to be adopted in the later sections of this thesis. It outlines the current state of the concept ‘race’ in the literature of various fields of politics with an eye to finding space for a critical approach. In the end, I settle on the elegant framework set forth by Roxanne Lynn Doty. In Chapter 2, carrying forward Doty’s operationalized concept of race, I undertake an analysis of the discourse and practice surrounding American Counterinsurgency Policy during the invasion of the Philippines from 1899-1903. First; I investigate the role that racialized discourse played in the domestic and international contexts surrounding the invasion of the Philippines. Second; I delve into the empirical historical record to attempt to sketch out how racism was deployed on the ground in the counterinsurgency in the Philippines and what relationship the acts of atrocity committed there had with racial discourse. Following the findings of Chapter 2 I attempt to investigate the extent to which these mechanisms existed in the counterinsurgency in Iraq in Chapter 3. The investigation of Iraq is structured similarly to that of the Philippines but, due to the absolute abundance of information on Iraq, it is broken into three sections. The first section examines the role of race in the 2 domestic politics of the United States before, during, and after September 11, 2001. The second section sketches out an emerging international logic concerning military intervention and development. The final section sketches out the empirical reality of how race was used in atrocity in Iraq.

This thesis makes use of biopolitical theory to examine the governmental and organizational response to the covid-19-infodemic. It aims to answer the puzzling research question as to why the infodemic – whose inherent problem is an overabundance of information – is responded to and met with even greater amounts of information by governments and health organizations, and what implications these measures may have on the population. The analysis finds that the question can partly be answered by derivation to previous research within the field of crisis communication: the most efficient way to respond to mis- and disinformation is to respond with correct information and with counter arguments. To answer the question in full an analysis of the subject of security is conducted where what can be interpreted from the material, following a modified version of Carol Lee Bacchi’s “What’s the Problem Represented to be?” method, is that the human judgement can be understood as the subject of security. The idea is that by securing the human judgment through improving people’s health literacy, people can be taught to act in a manner which is coherent with the state’s biopolitical goals, i.e. to secure the survival of the population. The analysis also shows that while these measures are made in an effort to secure the population, the measures themselves risk becoming a threat to the very population it is supposed to protect.

My thesis focuses on reproductive politics of (un)democratic Czechoslovakia, namely on the discursive construction of abortion as presented in the scientific and political discourses in the 20's and 50's. The aim is to compare the discourses and track the genealogy of control and regulation of women's bodies as biopolitical spaces within the Czechoslovakian nation. The text uses theories of G. Agamben, M. Foucault and R. Miller which deprive from the classical/juridical model of sovereignty and rights and offer a biopolitical one instead. Using this perspective the text tries to answer whether there is a difference between scientific and political discourses of so-called democracy and communism. That is, whether by putting the abortion into the center it is possible to speak about democracy and communism as if they were two different and mutually exclusive systems. Through the lenses of poststructuralist feminist analysis the thesis tries to doubt the binaries of "communism" - "democracy", "East" - "West", in which democracy always signals the good and communism evil. Analysing the discourses surrounding the enactment of 1957 law the text also ponders whether it is possible to read the law as a typical communist product, implanted by someone from the outside.