Submitted by Ana Lúcia Torres (bfmhuap@gmail.com) on 2018-01-04T14:54:13Z No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Dissertação Irene Lopes.pdf: 863308 bytes, checksum: e07e12d0fc7768297726da7e1d086b1a (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Ana Lúcia Torres (bfmhuap@gmail.com) on 2018-01-04T14:54:27Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Dissertação Irene Lopes.pdf: 863308 bytes, checksum: e07e12d0fc7768297726da7e1d086b1a (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-01-04T14:54:27Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Dissertação Irene Lopes.pdf: 863308 bytes, checksum: e07e12d0fc7768297726da7e1d086b1a (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017 / Universidade Federal do Rio de Janeiro. Hospital Universitário Clementino Fraga Filho / Nesse trabalho pretendeu-se investigar os problemas bioéticos na Estratégia Saúde da Família (ESF), identificados na literatura, a partir dos conceitos foucaultianos de biopolítica e de biopoder e das conversações deleuzianas acerca das sociedades de controle e de suas capturas, e discutir as possibilidades da Bioética da Proteção, formulada por Fermin Roland Schramm e Miguel Kottow, na abordagem desses problemas. Esta trajetória produziu um deslocamento no objetivo inicial do trabalho, uma ‘linha de fuga’, pois, para além de abordar os principais problemas bioéticos da ESF, colocou-se em análise a ESF em si. O trabalho foi divido em três capítulos, sendo o primeiro intitulado ‘A estratégia saúde da família e as sociedades de controle’; o segundo ‘Problemas bioéticos na estratégia saúde da família: capturas entre biopolítica e biopoder’; e o capítulo final ‘A bioética da proteção como forma de resistência’. Foi possível concluir que a ESF tem sido – também – utilizada como um dispositivo de controle das pessoas/comunidades, pois, em nome da gestão da saúde, a estratégia acaba por intervir além da demanda dos indivíduos, das famílias e das coletividades, invadindo sua privacidade, vigiando seu comportamento, controlando suas escolhas, tentando normalizar sua conduta. Propõe-se, que a Bioética da Proteção, que resgata o papel do estado em assumir suas responsabilidades sanitárias com as populações, colocando em questão as condições desiguais que roubam dos indivíduos o seu direito à saúde e consequentemente a possibilidade de realização de seus legítimos projetos de vida, se constitui como um possível antídoto às biopolíticas de saúde que massificam e uniformizam suas ações, expropriando a autonomia e a singularidade dos indivíduos / This work aimed to investigate the bioethical problems in the Family Health Strategy (FHS), identified in the literature, based on the Foucaultian concepts of biopolitics and biopower and the Deleuzian conversations about control societies and their captures, and to discuss possibilities of the Bioethics of Protection, formulated by Fermin Roland Schramm and Miguel Kottow, in the approach of these problems. This path produced a displacement of the initial objective of the work, an 'escape line', since, in addition to addressing the main bioethical problems of the FHT, the FHT itself was analyzed. The work was divided into three chapters, the first being titled 'The family health strategy and control societies'; The second 'Bioethical problems in family health strategy: captures between biopolitics and biopower'; And the final chapter 'The bioethics of protection as a form of resistance'. It was possible to conclude that the FHS has also been used as a device to control people / communities, because, in the name of health management, the strategy ends up intervening beyond the demands of individuals, families and communities, invading their privacy, monitoring their behavior, controlling their choices, trying to normalize their conduct. It is proposed that the Bioethics of Protection, which rescues the role of the state in assuming its sanitary responsibilities with the populations, calling into question the unequal conditions that rob individuals of their right to health and consequently the possibility of carrying out their legitimate projects of life, constitutes a possible antidote to health biopolitics that massify and standardize their actions, expropriating the autonomy and individuality of individuals

This work has as its object the speeches about childbirth studied from the analysis of discourse. Using speeches about childbirth as relays for public policies and between technicians and users of the health system in Aracaju, social movements and the humanization of childbirth step to formulate the question: were the modes of naturalization in childbirth practices reflecting modeling conduct, production of stereotypies and determinism in the effects of this experience? The goal is to study how the disciplining and control bodies traverse the speeches on labor and the extent to which discourses about childbirth presented as progressive or liberating subdues can produce. To this end, the article shows a brief genealogy of the birth, the trajectory of their practices, biopolitical crossings and State policies, and discuss and give visibility to the affective, economic, aesthetic, ecological implications. The trajectory analysis ends up unfolding the relationship between the proposed humanized labor and the emergence of a pedagogy of childbirth and pregnancy anchored in the role of Doula. The research method is based on the concepts of institutional analysis implication and superimplication, regarded to research on the implications of the research are considered the essence of scientific work. / O presente trabalho tem como objeto os discursos sobre o parto estudado a partir da análise do discurso. Utilizando os discursos sobre o parto tal como se veicula pelas políticas públicas e entre técnicos e usuários do sistema de saúde em Aracaju, e pelos movimentos sociais de humanização do parto passo a formular a questão: estariam os modos de naturalização nas práticas de parto refletindo modelação de condutas, produção de estereotipias e determinismos nos efeitos dessa experiência? O objetivo é estudar de que forma a disciplinarização e/ou o controle dos corpos atravessam os discursos sobre o parto e em que medida os discursos sobre o parto apresentados como progressistas ou libertadores podem produzir assujeitamentos. Para tanto, o texto percorre uma breve genealogia do parto, a trajetória de suas práticas, atravessamentos biopolíticos e das políticas de Estado, além de discutir e dar visibilidade às implicações afetivas, econômicas, estéticas, ecológicas. A trajetória da análise acaba desdobrando as relações entre a proposta de parto humanizado e a emergência de uma pedagogia do parto e da gestação ancorada na função da Doula. O método da pesquisa se baseia nos conceitos da análise institucional de implicação e sobreimplicação que se refere à pesquisa em que as implicações do pesquisador são consideradas como o essencial do trabalho científico.

This study aims to rethink the hegemonic speeches within capitalism emergency policies - linked to social assistance in the past 30 years of democratic government - hence these are the practices that when displaced from an effective commitment of aiding people that produce, instead of the promotion of the Human Rights, an exercise of monitoring of the legal order through a wide range of population statistical control and social risks prevention guided knowledge-practices. Thus, it is intended to discuss the practices developed in the contemporary, that on the behalf of the Human Rights promotion within a social aid public policies system, legitimate practices of knowledge/power to actualize the legal order as the controller of the bodies and population, including through the profession of psychology. Thus, the analysis of this problem will be performed by scenarios that are described by excerpts taken from field jornals and discussed by the French institutional analysis tools. Such cut-outs allowed rethink the possible accommodations, immobilities, concerns, resistances that occurred in contact with people assisted in the Specialized Reference Center for Social Assistance (CREAS). In this sense, the works of Michel Foucault and René Lourau emerge as an important theoretical framework to discuss the issues that concern the day-by-day operations. Notions such as governability, biopolitics, and implication developed in important works of these authors has served for a critical reading of the institutional practice and its modus operandi upon the individuals and their subjection modes. / Neste estudo pretende-se repensar os discursos hegemônicos no âmbito das políticas emergenciais do capitalismo – ligadas a assistência social nos últimos 30 anos de governo democrático - afinal são essas práticas que ao serem deslocadas de um compromisso efetivo com o atendimento as pessoas, que produzem ao invés da promoção dos direitos humanos, um exercício de vigilância do ordenamento legal através de uma série de saberes-práticas pautadas no controle estatístico das populações e prevenção de riscos socais. Dessa forma, será possível problematizar as práticas desenvolvidas no contemporâneo, que em nome da promoção de direitos humanos, dentro de um sistema de políticas públicas da assistência social, legitimam, através do ofício da Psicologia, práticas de saber/poder que efetivam o papel do ordenamento legal como controlador dos corpos e da população, portanto, no papel do exercício de uma biopolitica. Assim, a análise dessa problemática será realizada por cenários que serão descritos através de recortes extraídos de diários de campo e discutidos através de ferramentas da análise institucional francesa. Tais recortes possibilitaram repensar as possíveis acomodações, imobilidades, inquietudes e resistências que ocorriam no contato com as pessoas atendidas no Centro de Referência Especializado em Assistência Social (CREAS). Nesse sentido, as obras de Michel Foucault e René Lourau surgem como importante arcabouço teórico para problematizar essas questões que tangem o dia-a-dia da instituição. Noções como governamentalidade, biopolitíca e implicação desenvolvidas em importantes obras destes autores tem servido para uma leitura crítica da prática institucional e seus modos de operacionalização sobre as pessoas e seus modos de subjetivação.

The present research uses the theoretical contribution of the biopolitics of the philosopher Giorgio Agamben and aims to analyze the disputes around the concept of Contemporary Slave Labor (CSL) in Brazil, from the bills in progress in the National Congress that seek to modify the concept, the Ministry of Labor Ordinance nº 1129/2017 and Federal Supreme Court's judgments on the subject. The biopolitical regime in the contemporary Democratic State of Law is examined based on the conceptual discussions brought by Agamben in the Homo Sacer Project, also as the debate on the ambivalent role of human rights and the ambiguous character of their discourses, especially in view of their weakness of protection in the limit situations. The condition of CSL is reflected as a bare life produced by the rule of law, which shows the paradox of sovereignty and bare life in which the homo sacer and the umbilical relation between state of exception and the rule of law. It is also analyzed the historicallegal development of international and national documents in an attempt to unveil the strategies of the biopolitical exercise of control of the individual’s life. In this sense, the study has as hypothesis that the examination of the disputes around the concept of CSL, from the study of the aforementioned corpus, shows that the state action, instead of contributing to the eradication of the CSL, constitutes a biopolitical formula of control and maintenance of the phenomenon. Therefore, the preservation of the structure of brazilian society would be based on a biopolitical control of exclusion-inclusion of the living subject, in this case contemporary slave labor, which would consolidate bare life in contemporary society. As for the methodology, the postulates of the interpretative and qualitative paradigm in scientific research (DENZIN; LINCOLN, 2006), allied to bibliographic procedure, according to a documental research modality (REGINATO, 2017), theory of the acts of speech of Austin (1990 [1962]). Once the theoreticalmethodological path described above has been undertaken, it was found that the biopolitical regime of the CSL, initially constructed as a discursive strategy that creates subjects in a situation of vulnerability is carried out under contexts of: a) restriction of the victim's freedom; b) reiteration of sctructural inequality and c) hierarchy of human life. / A presente pesquisa, utilizando-se do aporte teórico da biopolítica do filósofo Giorgio Agamben, tem por objetivo analisar as disputas em torno do conceito de Trabalho Escravo Contemporâneo (TEC) no Brasil, a partir dos projetos de lei em trâmite no Congresso Nacional que buscam modificar o conceito, da Portaria do Ministério do Trabalho nº 1129/2017 e de julgados do Supremo Tribunal Federal sobre o tema. Examina-se o regime biopolítico no Estado Democrático de Direito contemporâneo fundamentado nas discussões conceituais agambenianas expostas no Projeto Homo Sacer e a discussão sobre o papel ambivalente dos direitos humanos e o caráter ambíguo dos seus discursos, especialmente diante da sua debilidade de proteção nas situações-limite. Reflete-se sobre a condição de TEC enquanto vida nua produzida pelo Estado de Direito, que mostra o paradoxo da soberania e da vida nua no qual está explicitado o homo sacer e a umbilical relação entre estado de exceção e estado de direito. Analisa-se o desenvolvimento histórico-jurídico dos documentos internacionais e nacionais na tentativa de desvelar as estratégias do exercício biopolítico de controle da vida do indivíduo. Neste sentido, o estudo tem como hipótese que o exame das disputas em torno do conceito de TEC, a partir do estudo do corpus acima referido, evidencia que a atuação estatal, em vez de contribuir para a erradicação do TEC, se constitui em fórmula biopolítica de controle e manutenção do fenômeno. Portanto, a conservação da estrutura da sociedade brasileira seria baseada em um controle biopolítico de exclusão-inclusão do sujeito vivente, no caso o trabalhador escravo contemporâneo, o que consolidaria a vida nua na sociedade contemporânea. Quanto à metodologia, assumiu-se os postulados dos paradigmas interpretativista e qualitativo em pesquisa científica (DENZIN; LINCOLN, 2006), aliado a procedimento de caráter bibliográfico, segundo uma modalidade de pesquisa documental (REGINATO, 2017), e da teoria dos atos de fala de Austin (1990 [1962]). Uma vez tendo sido empreendido o percurso teórico-metodológico acima descrito, constatou-se que o regime biopolítico do TEC, construído inicialmente enquanto estratégia discursiva que cria sujeitos mantidos em situação de vulnerabilidade, se realiza sob contextos de: a) cerceamento de liberdade da vítima; b) reiteração da desigualdade estrutural e c) hierarquização da vida humana. / São Cristóvão, SE

Submitted by Renata Lopes (renatasil82@gmail.com) on 2016-09-21T19:27:28Z No. of bitstreams: 1 silvioaugustodecarvalho.pdf: 1457909 bytes, checksum: b5aef33d4322db69c37620d835b5ba91 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Diamantino Mayra (mayra.diamantino@ufjf.edu.br) on 2016-09-26T20:28:00Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 silvioaugustodecarvalho.pdf: 1457909 bytes, checksum: b5aef33d4322db69c37620d835b5ba91 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-09-26T20:28:00Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 silvioaugustodecarvalho.pdf: 1457909 bytes, checksum: b5aef33d4322db69c37620d835b5ba91 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-04-30 / O objetivo desta dissertação é o de analisar o modo como os meios de comunicação de massa, especificamente o New York Times (NYT) e o Wall Street Journal (WSJ), construíram suas representações sobre a invasão israelense da Faixa de Gaza entre dezembro de 2008 e janeiro de 2009. Pretendemos mostrar como os jornais, na sua versão on-line, não são apenas espaços sociais de conflito, mas armas de legitimação de guerras e invasões, na medida em que tendem a construir visões de mundo legitimadoras da ordem vigente. Neste sentido, tais visões são perpassadas pela redução da figura do oponente cujo valor é, por isso, nivelado a seu âmbito biológico. O outro passa a ser visto em termos biopolíticos, isto é, raciais, o que possibilita manobras e controles sobre sua imagem e, portanto, sobre as estratégias bélicas. Ao contribuir para consolidar e naturalizar a visão de mundo dos dominantes, os meios de comunicação de massa atuam sobre a dissolução da Memória Política, determinando os limites do pensamento dentro dos quais o último conflito se deu. A questão da independência da Palestina estaria – dentro de nossa hipótese -, portanto, atrelada à agenda sionista, movimento que se consolidou na busca de uma sociedade judaica racialmente pura. Para isto, usamos conceitos de Michel Foucault, Pierre Bourdieu e Immanuel Wallerstein, na medida em que a microfísica do poder não pode ser vista fora do sistema capitalista moderno, calcado em uma hierarquia de países no plano internacional. / This paper’s goal is to analyze the way through which american mass media, especially The New York Times (NYT) and The Wall Street Journal (WSJ), created their representations about the last Israeli invasion in Gaza Strip, between December (2008) and january (2009). We intend to show how the newspapers (on line version) not only are social spaces of conflict, but also tools used to give legitimacy to the status quo. Taking that into account, those visions try to reduce the figure of the opponent whose meaning is, because of this process, reduced to his or her biological dimension. The other is seeing through a biopolitical view, we mean, in racial terms, which helps to control his or her image and, in turn, take control over war’s strategic that focus on them. Bearing in mind that the newspapers contribute to consolidate and naturalize the powerful’s world vision, they work to dissolve the Political Memory, determining the epistemological limits of the discussion about the last conflict. The question of Palestine would remain, therefore, - according to our hipotesis controlled to the zionist’s agenda, movement that consolidated itself defending a pure jewish society. We, basically, used Michel Foucault, Pierre Bourdieu and Immanuel Wallerstein’s concepts as the traditional concept of power can not be seen out of the modern capitalist system, based in a hierarchy of countries in the international arena.

The thesis tries to process a topic of bodybuilding phenomenon in the wider context of the ideal body formation in modern age. Bodybuilding is understood as a specific socio-cultural phenomenon closely tied to a modern society and its historical development. Beyond the bodybuilding the work also deals with an analysis of the contemporary social body theory with focus on the domestic discourse and subsequently also with an analysis of discursive formation modern physicality from the Enlightenment till the 20th century. The main focus is put on the understanding of changes characteristic for the modern society in context of the modernisation project continuity. The objective is to describe a history of bodybuilding within the outlined process of modernization, as well as to compare various alternative conception of the ideal of physicality in the "Fordism Modernity", where a special attention is focused on the analysis of bio political discourse in Communist dictatorship. The remaining part processes a historical development of the bodybuilding movement in Czechoslovakia, where the main emphasis is put on placing the Czechoslovakia bodybuilding into the postulated concept, including individual historical events. Key words: Social history; Bodybuilding; Social Theory; History of the Body; Subculture;...

In popular culture, the integration of mankind and technology is often a tale of experiments gone wrong. For a biohacker, however, “going wrong” is an integral part of the project to update the human body. This study takes aim at the subculture of biohacking through the lens of technology and gender. More specifically, the intersection of gender and class in masculinist and queer constructions of identity. Additionally the study examines the entanglement of risk, gender and the body in grinder practice. Transcripts from the internet forum biohack.me were downloaded and relevant parts were selected. Through discourse analysis, articulations were read in relation to gender, class and the corporeal. The reader is provided with an outline of a “grinder subject”. This is identified as the a product of an cyber culture built on an ideology of DIY and freedom of information. It presumes an essence of humanity, uninformed by gender and body politics, just waiting to be hacked. Masculinist constructions of such a discourse includes an underdog “man-of-action hero” as a rebellion against established elites, and a technological martyrdom. The study informs the reader on an ongoing identification process regarding the integration of body and technology, beyond traditional spaces such as the research hospital. The study confirms well-established feminist views on discourses about the body and technology as implicitly gender marked as masculine. Additionally, a reluctance to discuss politics of the body as well as a indifferent or negative view of queer voices in such a situation. A rebellion against institutionalised bio-power might theoretically blend well with a corporeal feminist critique on gender, but is instead trumped by fear of ridicule and ambitions of mainstream acceptance. However, the study observes a a glimmer of traditionally marginalised and queer folk speaking up about their experiences within a context of grinding. This also questions the notion that discussions of the body and technology assert a binary gender system. A feminist theoretical view on grinder practices requires a analysis of the body open to scrutiny, modification and harm. In discussing “aftercare”, a collective/individual management of risk emerges as a gendered cyborg concept, and the body as an essential agent in the grinder project. This is articulated through encouragement and concern when presented with failed grinder projects.This further supports the entangling of the body and the biohacker subject as a corporeal and gendered agent.

This dissertation examines the effect of environmental discourse and disaster risk reduction mapping in the favela Santa Marta, an urban informal settlement in the municipality of Rio de Janeiro, Brazil. With the world’s largest urban forest within the metro area, Rio de Janeiro is unusual for a metropolis of more than ten million people in the rapidly urbanizing country of Brazil. The government of Rio de Janeiro has attempted to control favela settlements since the early 20th century, but beginning in the 1990s the prefecture began delimiting favela settlements with environmentally protected areas called ecolimits. According to the state’s calculations, in the 2000s favelas began to rapidly expand into the urban forest, which is protected by the ecolimits and national parks. In 2009, the state built a wall around Santa Marta, justified by concerns about expansion into the adjacent forest. The state then labeled Santa Marta the model favela after infrastructure improvements there and the installation of the first Pacification Police Unit, a new form of community policing begun in 2008 for favelas. The focus of my study is the particular ways that the government has framed its resettlement efforts in Santa Marta and how favela residents responded. I employ the concept of biopolitics assemblage to critically investigate the state’s and international institutions’ discursive and material practices of disaster risk management in Santa Marta. I collected data using a mixed methods approach during 15 months of fieldwork. Through archival research, I document the history of favela control tactics and trace the roots of disaster risk management in Rio de Janeiro to a World Bank financed disaster response project initiated in 1988. Using ethnographic methods, I documented residents’ responses to and understandings of the government’s resettlement project for Santa Marta. My results indicate that the state has discursively shifted the problem of favelas from a social question to an environmental one, while residents continue to frame favela conditions as a social justice issue and challenge the state’s assessment of environmental risk.

Uppsatsens syfte är att undersöka förändringar och motiveringar inom aborträtten i Sverige från 1938 års abortlag till nutid samt undersöka på vilka sätt makt manifesterats inom dessa. Forskningsfrågan är att ta reda på hur förändringen och utformandet av makt över kvinnors kroppar ser ut i relation till aborträtten i Sverige. Detta undersöks genom en diskursanalys med teorier om biopolitik, biomedicin, feminism och en rättsociologisk diskussion om reproduktiv frihet. Studien avgränsar sig till abortfrågan inom Sverige utifrån Statliga offentliga Utredningar som primärkällor som behandlar aborträtten från Sveriges första abortlag 1938 till Sveriges nutid. Uppsatsens slutdiskussion klargör för vilka former av makt som manifesterats över kvinnors kroppar genom aborträtten. Uppsatsens slutsats visar därefter på en ständig reglering av kvinnors kroppar utifrån olika former av makt samt en väsentlig förändring i aborträtten av en makt som såg aborträtten som en befolkningsfråga till en makt som fokuserade alltmer på kvinnans självbestämmande. / The purpose of this essay is to examine changes and justifications within the abortion law in Sweden from the abortion law in 1938 to our present day as well as to investigate how different forms power has been manifested within these. The research question is to find out the change and forms of power over women’s bodies in relation to abortion rights in Sweden. The method used is a discourse analysis with theories of biopolitics, biomedicine, feminism and a legal sociological perspective regarding reproductive freedom. The delimitations are to focus on Sweden based on State Public Investigations as primary sources. The essay clarifies various forms of power that are manifested over women’s bodies. The conclusion of the essay demonstrates the constant regulation of women’s bodies as well as a significant change from abortion as a population issue to an increased focus on women’s self-determination.

Dans Naissance de la clinique, Michel Foucault mit en évidence l’émergence au XIXe siècle d’un regard médical qui, en faisant taire la théorie au lit du malade, tâche de parler la langue étrangère de la maladie dans la profondeur des tissus. En opposition aux nosographies essentialistes du XVIIIe siècle, une forme de nominalisme médical apparaît progressivement à travers le développement de l’anatomo-pathologie. Cette médecine clinique est parcourue par un concept souvent oublié qui se trame, pourtant, dans l’ombre de son savoir et préfigure son dépassement. Il s’agit du concept de « probabilité ». Bien que celui-ci s’inscrit dans la clinique, l’application du calcul de probabilités ne parvient pas à s’y intégrer. Le XIXe siècle sera le théâtre d’un véritable conflit sur la conjecture qui oppose « les numéristes » et les cliniciens d’obédience hippocratique. L’orthodoxie de l’Ecole de Paris se trouve confrontée à l’émergence de la méthode numérique. La dispute théorique qui en résulte problématise l’application du calcul de probabilités en la médecine : du probable peut-on connaître autre chose que du probable ? Durant tout le XIXe siècle, on s’accorde à rejeter épistémologiquement cette méthode. Elle ne cadre pas avec la positivité des sciences médicales. Ce sera l’hygiène publique qui en fera usage pour pallier à l’inanité clinique dans le traitement des épidémies, des endémies et des épizooties. Cette rencontre conflictuelle de l’individuel et du collectif dans le médical fera naître une nouvelle forme de nosologie au XXe siècle. Il s’agit d’en comprendre l’émergence. / In The Birth of The Clinic, Michel Foucault highlights the emergence of a medical gaze in the 19th-century that – by vanishing the theory at the patient's bedside – tries to speak the foreign language of the disease in the depth of organic tissues. With the development of anatomo-pathology, a form of medical nominalism progressively appears in opposition to the essentialist nosography of the 18th-century. This clinical medicine is shot-through by a concept often forgotten that is framed, however in the shadow of clinical medical knowledge and that prefigures its disappearance. This is the concept of "probability". Even though this concept is part of clinical medicine, the application of probability calculation fails to be part of medical knowledge. The 19th-century was the scene of a conflict over numerical conjecture that opposes "Numerists" and Hippocratic’s Clinician. The Ecole de Paris’s orthodoxy was then confronted with the emergence of the numerical method. The theoretical dispute that results from the application of the calculation of probabilities in medicine gives rise to this question: from what is only probable, can we know anything else than what is probable? Throughout the 19th-century, the numerical method is rejected on epistemological grounds. It is held not to fit with the positivity of medical science. In the treatment of epidemics, endemic diseases, and epizootics, public health services make use of it still. This confrontation between the individual and the collective in medicine gives rise to a new form of nosology in the 20th-century.