Este trabalho explora novas maneiras de se pensar os Meios de Comunicação de Massa, suas relações de poder e sua relevância social. Através da filosofia de Michel Foucault, Gilles Deleuze e muitos outros pensadores que seguiram suas reflexões, adotando conceitos como Biopoder, Biopolíticas, Poder Pastoral, Sociedade Disciplinar e Sociedade de Controle, podemos obter novas perspectivas de como eles, os Meios de Comunicação, se inserem nas relações sociais, como operam, e como estão relacionados com a formação de um novo tipo de sujeito: o sujeito mediático. Estes estudos são um passo importante para se constituir uma abordagem pósestruturalista das ciências da comunicação, mas não se destinam a aproximar as teorias da comunicação da analítica pós-estrutural; o objetivo presente é de oferecer caminhos e ferramentas alternativas para se entender e/ou lidar com as relações produzidas através dos Meios de Comunicação. Infelizmente, todo o conhecimento das Ciências da Comunicação foi produzido sob o prisma estruturalista, e portanto, estabelecer uma nova abordagem neste campo é uma tarefa delicada já que todas as referências disponíveis não são adequadas a esta outra epistemologia. Neste contexto, a presente pesquisa se resume a um estudo introdutório sobre como abordar a comunicação mediática de forma pós-estrutural. / This work explore a new way of thinking about the mass media, its power and social relevance. Throught the philosophy of Michel Foucault, Gilles Deleuze and their followers, using concepts as Biopower, Biopolitics, Pastoral Power, Disciplinary Society and Society of Control, we can get a different perspective about what mass communication means to the society, how it works, and how deep mass media is related to the formation of a new kind of self: the mediatic self. These studies are an important step to reach a post-structuralistic approach of communication sciences, and are not intended to build bridges between communication theories and post-structural analytics, but to offer alternative paths and tools to understand, and to deal with the relationships and effects produced in conjunction with the mass media. Unofortunately, all the knowledge about communication sciences are in the estructuralistic form. Estabilishing a new approach to it is a very delicate task once all the reference avaliable is not exactly suitable. This, in fact, is only an introductory work in this issue.

Föräldrabalkens innehåll baseras på kunskap om hur föräldrar bör vara i föräldraskap utifrån vad som föreställs vara bäst för barn. I föräldrabalken 1949 tilldelades rätten för föräldrar att använda viss nivå av aga i barnuppfostran. Under mitten av 1950-talet kom de första rapporterna om otillåten aga kom i Sverige. Barnavårdsnämnden var tilldelad ansvaret att omhänderta barn som for illa och placera dem inom samhällsvård för att ge dem en skyddande omsorg. Under 2005 sändes dokumentären ”Stulen Barndom” och i den berättar sex medelålders män om sin tid på ett av Sveriges alla barnhem där kroppslig bestraffning användes vid fostran. Regeringen tog ett beslut att tillsätta en utredning om vanvård i social barnavård och den visade att det fanns barn som hade farit illa i den skyddande omsorgen. Intervjuade menade att de som barn hade fått bestraffningar som var långt värre än den vanvård som hade motiverat till själva omhändertagandet från början. Hur bör hemförhållanden ha varit för att inte barn skulle bli omhändertagna? Vad framställdes vara riskfaktorer för barn och dess anpassning i samhället i 1950-talets diskurs? Hur framställdes en godkänd förälder och familj? Vad visade konstruktionen om föräldrars beteenden och familjers sociala miljö under 1950-talet? Diskursanalys som metod gav möjligheten att använda material som statliga offentliga utredningar från 1950-1959. De hanterade ett gemensamt ämne; hur beteenden och social miljö konstruerades och det visade framställningen av frisk-och riskfaktorer för barn. Resultatet visade framställningen av social miljö och beteenden och de har indelats i sexualitet, äktenskap, barnafödande, ekonomi, boende, arbete och barnuppfostran. Det synliggjorde hur föräldrar skulle bli styrda och av vem och för vilket ändamål de skulle styras och med vilka metoder. Det visade att bra äktenskap skulle vara utan konflikter, samlag skulle ske inom äktenskap och i måttlig nivå, barnuppfostran skulle formas efter vad anpassningen i samhället behövde, barnafödande skulle vara inom äktenskap och efter förutsättningar i familjen, ekonomi och arbete skulle vara god och boendet skulle ha gott om utrymme. Följde föräldrar och familjer det som framställdes vara bra för barn minskade risken till ett omhändertagande. Familjen framställdes som en institution i samhället och för samhällets funktioner i dess helhet. Familjen som andra institutioner behövde tillsyn och omvårdnad. Med hjälp av lagstiftning, stödåtgärder, upplysning och interventioner skulle familjens medlemmar påverkas att vara på det sätt som framställdes som bäst för dem. Det behövdes för att kunna uppfylla uppgiften att skapa en bra framtid. Föräldrar och familjer som hade de beteenden som framställdes som bra hade det som behövdes för att framtiden kunde bildas för samhällets utveckling. / The Parental Code content is based on knowledge about how parents should be in parenting based on what is represented to be the best for children. The Parental Code in 1949 was assigned the right of parents to use some level of corporal punishment in child rearing. In the mid-1950s the first reports of unauthorized punishment came in Sweden. The child welfare was assigned the responsibility to care for children who were suffering and place them in public care. In 2005, the documentary "Stolen Childhood" was broadcast and six middle-aged men expressed their time at one of Sweden´s children's home where corporal punishment was used in education. The government took a decision to appoint an inquiry into abuse in social childcare and it showed that there were children who had fared badly in the protective care. The interviewed felt that they had received punishments that were far worse than the neglect that had motivated the actual treatment from the beginning. How should the home environment have been so the children never would be taken away from their parents? What was presented as risk factors for children and their adjustment in society in the 1950s discourse? How was an accepted parenting? What was the construction of parental behaviors and family social environment in the 1950s? Discourse analysis as a method provided the opportunity to use materials of state government investigations from 1950 to 1959. They handled a common subject, how behavior and social environment was constructed and it showed the production of healthy and risk factors for children. The results showed the fabrication of social environment and behavior and they were divided into sexuality, marriage, childbearing, economics, housing, work and child rearing. It showed how parents would be controlled, and by whom, and for what purpose they would be governed, and by what methods. It showed that good marriage would be without conflict, sexual intercourse should take place within marriage and at a moderate level, child-rearing should be shaped by what’s needed in the community, childbirth would be within marriage and in harmony with the conditions in the family, finances and work would be good and the accommodation would have plenty of space. If parents and families followed and lived as the construction showed in good behavior and social environment it would reduce the risk for children of being placed in children´s home. The family was presented as an institution in society and the functioning of society. The family and other institutions needed supervision and care. With the help of law, support, awareness and intervention were family members affected to be in the way that was presented as the best for them. It needed to fulfill the task of creating a good future. Parents and families who had the behaviors that were presented as good was what were needed for the future and for the development of society.

<p>This thesis aims to respond to the need of adjust GMO politics for meeting the demands of the late-modern society and the changed condition that follows from an accelerating complexity. The central objective for this study is to contribute with a narrative understanding of Sweden’s GMO politics with the purpose of examine an alternative possibility for formulating and assessing the politics of biotechnology. This is done by investigate Sweden’s politics of GMO through a narrative approach. I have reconstructed and carried out a Comparative analyzes of these narratives. This was the first of two objectives with this thesis. The other objective was to relate the political practice with the contribution and insights of Paul Ricoeur as a point of departure. My effort has been to build upon his contribution of narrative philosophy and fruitful conceptual resources and to reach an understanding of the advantage of a narrative approach in politics. This advantage lies in that it can provide an understanding of the narrative aspects in our daily lives. This would bring sensitivity and reflexivity to the political context. With this sensitivity and reflexivity it hopefully can separate irresponsible politics from responsible politics. This could be done by incorporate the result from this study. A responsible environmental politics departs from the precautionary principle in decision-making, gaining knowledge from interdisciplinary research and tries to correspond to the narrative structures in people’s daily lives. The narrative approach brings a deeper understanding for that political thought and practice is not reducible to other forms of human action.</p>

Kulturlivet har liksom alla delar av samhället kommit att i allt högre grad legitimeras i ekonomiska termer. Denna utveckling kan beskrivas i termer av en ekonomisering av samhället. Då managementtekniker från New Public Management har dominerat den offentliga förvaltningen sedan 1980-talet har ett samhälle där alla aktiviteter utsätts för konkurrens, kontraktsstyrning och kontroll växt fram. Kulturarbete har i samband med denna samhällsutveckling alltmer börjat organiseras som projekt. I denna studie används idéhistorikern och filosofen Michel Foucaults begreppsvärld för att visa på hur denna ekonomisering och projektifiering kan förstås som en diskurs som formar kulturarbetaren såväl som kulturpolitiken. Med utgångspunkt i att diskurser formar verkligheten undersöks hur projektifieringens diskurs har etablerats på kulturområdet, och hur kulturarbetaren subjektiveras – formar sig – inför denna verklighet. Dessa frågor utforskas genom en analys av kulturpolitiska styrdokument och genom intervjuer med kulturarbetare. Projektifieringens innebörd utforskas genom Foucaults teorier om biopolitik och styrmentalitet som relateras till nyliberalism, New Public Management och ekonomisering. Johanna Oksala och Wendy Browns teorier om nyliberalism, Roland Almqvists och Jan-Erik Lanes beskrivning av New Public Management, samt Johann Packendorffs analys av projektifieringens konsekvenser för individen utgör några av utgångspunkterna för denna diskussion. Studien visar på att projektifieringens diskurs har etablerats på kulturområdet och tre centrala begrepp som formar den har identifierats: flexibilitet, förnyelse och frihet. Analysen visar på att dessa begrepps diskursiva innebörder kan relateras till entreprenörskap, anpassningsbarhet, konkurrens, kreativitet och valfrihet. Vidare visar analysen på att kulturarbetaren subjektiveras av diskursen som ett nyliberalt subjekt: fri att göra val men som därigenom hålls ansvarig för sitt välbefinnande på livets alla områden. Slutligen diskuteras de konsekvenser som en projektifiering av kulturen kan få: ett försvagat offentligt samtal och ett mindre demokratiskt kulturliv. / Like all other parts of society the cultural sector has come to increasingly be legitimized in economic terms. This development can be described in terms of an economization of society. As the management techniques of New Public Management have come to dominate public sector administration since the 1980’s a new type of society has developed where all activities are exposed to competition, contract management and control. In light of this developement, the cultural sector has increasingly begun to organize cultural work in the form of projects. This paper uses the work of philosopher Michel Foucault to illustrate how this economization and projectification can be understood as a discourse which shapes the cultural worker as well as cultural policy. Based on the idea that discourses shape reality this paper examines how the discourse of projectification has been established in the cultural sector, as well as how the cultural worker is constituted as a subject within the discourse. These issues are explored through an analysis of cultural policy documents and through interviews with cultural workers. The implications of the discourse of projectification are studied through Foucault's theory of biopolitics and governmentality in the light of neoliberalism, New Public Management and economization. Johanna Oksala and Wendy Brown's theories of neoliberalism, Roland Almqvist and Jan-Erik Lane's analysis of New Public Management, and Johann Packendorffs analysis of the consequences this projectification has for the individual are starting points for this discussion. The paper shows that the discourse of projectification has been established in the cultural field and three central concepts that form the discourse have been identified: flexibility, innovation and freedom. The analysis shows that discursive meanings of these concepts can be related to concepts of entrepreneurship, adaptability, competition, creativity and freedom of choice. Furthermore the analysis in this paper shows that the cultural worker is subjectivated by the discourse as a neoliberal subject: a subject with an unquestionable ability to make free choices, which means that the individual is responsible for their own wellbeing in all areas of life. Finally, the paper discuss the possible consequences of this projectification of culture: a weakened public dialogue and a less democratic cultural life.

This thesis examines, empirically, the securitization of aid delivery at the Dadaab refugee camps in Kenya. Through a series of semi-structured interviews with aid workers, it documents their security concerns, organizatinonal responses to security risks, and discusses the impacts of these concerns and responses on the delivery of aid to the camps. Armed with a biopolitical conceptualization of sovereignty, articulated in the human security paradigm, the humanitarian aid industry has increasingly reached beyond national borders to touch ‘bare life.’ By now, it is widely recognized that humanitarian principles such as neutrality have often failed to protect aid workers from violent attack as they increasingly venture into the world inhabited by “surplus populations.” Drawing on existing research, this study demonstrates how humanitarian aid delivery in high-risk environments, like refugee camps, is essential to the broader task of using aid to securitize and contain high-risk populations and political instability. Paradoxically, without the securitization of aid at the operational level, humanitarian workers are left exposed to the same enduring elements of insecurity that persistently threaten the lives of those they endeavor to help.

La tesi consta de tres grans capítols i unes prospeccions finals. El primer capítol esbrina el moment fundacional de la possibilitat de pensar que podem intervenir sobre l'ésser de l'home. El segon indaga les causes i conseqüències del fet que aquesta possibilitat es materialitzi en un programa polític. El tercer capítol reflexiona sobre les repercussions de la crisi de la modernitat sobre el fet educatiu. I les prospeccions finals reflexionen sobre els perills i les possibilitats que la biotecnologia substitueixi l'educació. / The thesis consists of three main chapters and some final prospectings. The first chapter enquires the foundational moment of the possibility to think that we are able to intervene among the being of the man. The second chapter looks into the causes and consequences of materializing this possibility in a political programme. The third chapter reflects on the repercussions of the modernity crisis among the educative fact. And the final prospectings reflects on the dangers and the possibilities of the biotechnology replacing the education.

La matérialité biologique du corps humain est devenue l'objet d'interventions inédites au moyen de nouvelles technologies biomédicales, comme la procréation médicalement assistée, les tests génétiques, la contraception hormonale. Cette thèse part des difficultés inhérentes à une approche antinaturaliste pour aborder la dimension biologique des corps sexués. “On ne naît pas femme, on le devient” : mais qu'en est-il des corps ? Les technologies biomédicales investissent la chair selon des modalités qui échappent aux grilles d'analyses matérialiste et butlérienne. Faut-il y voir une réfutation du constructivisme, la revanche d'un socle biologique – hormonal, génétique, moléculaire – primant sur les effets anatomiques de la socialisation, comme le suggèrent les partisan·e·s d'un material turn féministe ? À partir d'une analyse de l'évolution de la notion de nature, définie comme "vie elle-même" depuis la révolution moléculaire de la biologie, cette thèse propose une autre interprétation, en définissant les technologies biomédicales comme des technologies de pouvoir relevant d’une biopolitique moléculaire de genre. Sans infirmer la perspective constructiviste, ces médiations sociales originales (adossées au nouveau paradigme épistémique) permettent de comprendre comment les frontières et limites du genre sont déplacées, tout en produisant des identités, des expériences et des subjectivités genrées inédites. En dégageant les coordonnées d'un véritable dispositif biomédical, notre étude comparative entre techniques disciplinaires et biopolitique moléculaire de genre plaide pour une critique antinaturaliste renouvelée, s’articulant à une critique de la technique qui permette d'inventer collectivement des moyens pour se réapproprier démocratiquement les technologies biomédicales. / The biological materiality of the human body has become an object of unprecedented interventions through “new biomedical technologies” as medically assisted procreation, genetic tests, or hormonal contraception. This thesis interrogates the difficulties inherent to anti-naturalist approaches in order to address the biological dimension of sexed bodies. “One is not born a woman, one becomes one”, but is this also true for the body? The analytical frames of materialist or deconstructivist feminism cannot cease the modalities through which biomedical technologies invest the flesh. Do biomedical technologies make constructivist approaches obsolete through the revenge of a biological – hormonal, genetic, molecular – ground that tops the anatomical effects of socialization? Partisans of a feminist “material turn” seem to think so. After analyzing how the molecular biology revolution changes the very concept of nature in defining it as “life itself”, I offer an alternative interpretation by defining biomedical technologies as technologies of power that stem from a molecular biopolitics of gender. Instead of overturning constructivist perspectives, these new social mediations (residing on a new epistemic paradigm) help understanding a shift in what has been seen as the limits of gender. This shift creates unprecedented identities, experiences and subjectivities of gender. In exposing the coordinates of the biomedical apparatus, this comparative study between disciplinary techniques and molecular biopolitics of gender pleads for a renewed anti-naturalist critique that takes the form of a critique of technology in order to allow for a collective appropriation of biomedical technologies.

My thesis examines visual and written culture of the interwar Soviet Union dealing with the body as an object of public observation, appreciation, and critique. It explores how the need to construct new Soviet subjectivities was realised through the figure of the body. I explore the representation of ‘physical culture’ (fizkul’tura), with reference to newspapers, specialist fizkul’tura and medical journals, and Party debates. This textual discourse is considered alongside visual primary sources – documentary and non-fiction film and photography, painting and sculpture, and feature films. In my analysis of these visual primary sources I identify three ‘categories of looking’ – surveillance, aesthetics, and spectatorship – that I claim structure representations of the embodied Soviet subject. My introduction incorporates a brief history of early Soviet social psychological conceptualisations of the body, outlining the coercive renovative project of Soviet subjectification and introducing the notion of surveillance. My first and second chapters explore bodily aesthetics. The first focuses on non-fiction media from the mid- to late-1920s that capture the sporting body in action; this chapter introduces the notion of spectatorship and begins to unpack the ideological function of how bodies are observed. The second further explores questions of bodily aesthetics, now in relation to fizkul’tura painting and Abram Room’s 1936 film, Strogii iunosha. My third chapter looks at fizkul’tura feature films from the mid- 1930s to explore how bodies were related to social questions of gender and sexuality, including marriage and pregnancy. My final chapter focuses on cinematic representations of football from the late 1930s and the relationship between bodies on display and onlooking crowds. These two chapters together indicate how the dynamic between the body and its spectator (whether individual or in a group) was reimagined in the late interwar years; the body’s aesthetic appeal is now of little importance compared to its ability to constitute a public subjectivity through the manipulation of emotion, trauma, and pathos.

Esta pesquisa trata, em um plano geral, do problema das relações discursivas e práticas da ciência e das ações políticas relativas à produção e difusão das novas biotecnologias nas sociedades contemporâneas. Procura-se compreender como a natureza, através das biotecnologias, não está livre dos embates políticos e situa-se no centro das principais polêmicas contemporâneas, como observado nas controvérsias a respeito dos transgênicos. Discute-se, através de entrevistas com cientistas da área da biotecnologia molecular nos estados do Paraná, Rio Grande do Sul e Santa Catarina e da análise documental especializada (nacional e internacional), como peritos compreendem a relação entre ciência e sociedade e como se estrutura a argumentação científica na avaliação das conseqüências sociais e ambientais das novas biotecnologias. Parte desta discussão é fundamentada nos estudos sociais em ciência e tecnologia (CTS) a fim de entender como um fato e artefato tecnocientífico é fruto do ordenamento de uma heterogeneidade de entidades sociais e naturais. A partir das análises documentais e das entrevistas verificou-se que a pauta de temas biotecnológicos mais abertos, de repercussão pública, como o dos alimentos geneticamente modificados, a dinâmica discursiva do "argumento verdadeiro" tende a criar posições irreconciliáveis e polarizadas entre os atores sociais interessados na temática biotecnológica. Apesar da ciência ainda ser legitimada pelo discurso de sua neutralidade, referendado pelo pretenso desinteresse do cientista em seu laboratório, na fala dos cientistas entrevistados identifica-se um leque de prioridades estruturais que contradizem esta neutralidade, tendo na noção de desenvolvimento socioeconômico um importante recurso de legitimação das pesquisas em biotecnologia. De um ponto de vista teórico, a pesquisa retoma o par conceitual biopoder/biopolítica para analisar como a verdade científica estrutura seu efeito discursivo de neutralidade, através de uma política geral sobre a vida, com o gene ocupando um papel discursivo central. Através das interações entre humanos e artefatos tecnológicos a retórica da verdade científica estende-se para além do campo científico e torna-se argumento de legitimação de decisões sociotécnicas de grande impacto social, como é o caso dos organismos geneticamente modificados. No rastro da difusão de conhecimentos e artefatos biotecnológicos são criadas competências e incorporadas expectativas biopolíticas na formação de identidades de acordo com padrões de saúde, estes informados pela ciência. / This research deals, on a general plane, with the problem of discourse relations and practices of science and political actions regarding the production and diffusion of new biotechnologies in contemporary societies. An understanding is sought about how nature, by means of biotechnologies, is not free from political debate, but is situated in the center of the most important contemporary polemics, as observed in the controversies over transgenics. By means of interviews with scientists in the area of molecular biotechnology in the States of Paraná, Rio Grande do Sul, and Santa Catarina, and by specialized documental analysis (domestic and international), we discuss how experts understand the relation between science and society, and how scientific argumentation is structured in the evaluation of social and environmental consequences from new biotechnologies. Part of this discussion is based on the social studies about science and technology (CTS) in order to understand how a technoscientific fact and artifact stems from the ordination of heterogeneous social and natural entities. Based on the documentary analyses and interviews, it was seen that in the agenda of more open, publicly debated biotechnological themes, such as genetically modified foods, the discourse dynamics of the "true argument" tends to create irreconcilable and polarized positions between the social players interested on the biotechnological discussion. Although science is still legitimated by the discourse of its neutrality, referenced by the pretense lack of interest of the scientist in his/her laboratory, an array of structural priorities can be identified in the speech of the interviewed scientists, which contradicts such neutrality, and finds an important resource in the notion of socioeconomic development to legitimate researches in biotechnology. From a theoretical point of view, research resumes the conceptual biopower/biopolitics pair to analyze how scientific truth structures its discursive effect of neutrality, by means of a general policy about life, with genes playing a central discursive role. By means of interactions between humans and technological artifacts, the rhetoric of scientific truth extends beyond the scientific field and becomes the legitimation argument of sociotechnical decisions of great social impact, as in the case of genetically modified organisms. Together with the dissemination of knowledge and biotechnological artifacts, competencies are created and biopolitical expectations are incorporated in the formation of identities that comply with health standards, which are informed by science.

LIMA , Adriana Pessoa. Psicologia e Sistema Único da Assistência Social - SUAS: estudo sobre a inserção dos(as) psicólogos(as) nos Centros de Referência da Assistência Social - CRAS's. 2011. 145 f. Dissertação (Mestrado em Psicologia) – Universidade Federal do Ceará, Departamento de Psicologia, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Psicologia, Fortaleza-CE, 2011. / Submitted by moises gomes (celtinha_malvado@hotmail.com) on 2011-11-29T19:54:49Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2011_dis_APLima.PDF: 25099336 bytes, checksum: 31e131b63596bef2131acedd0fd7dcd4 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Maria Josineide Góis(josineide@ufc.br) on 2011-11-30T16:43:24Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 2011_dis_APLima.PDF: 25099336 bytes, checksum: 31e131b63596bef2131acedd0fd7dcd4 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2011-11-30T16:43:24Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2011_dis_APLima.PDF: 25099336 bytes, checksum: 31e131b63596bef2131acedd0fd7dcd4 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011 / The actions taken by the government in the management of cancer in the world has constituted this disease as a risk by placing all the people on the border between health and disease in order to promote the filiation to certain modes of existence of being healthy. But official discourses aiming populations haven’t always made use of the actual discursive strategy which articulates different social actors in search of health by means of risk device. In this work, we try to understand the conditions that made it possible for the risk discourse to become a global strategy to fight the disease and be inscribed in the practices of biopolitics in contemporary West. Based on the Foucaultian, theoretical and methodological frames, this research aims to analyze the constitution of the discourse of cancer as a risk in order to discuss the historical and cultural and discursive construction and its different uses and effects when organizing, regulating and governing social life. We also aim to understand the relationship between the policy of cancer prevention in Brazil and global health policies, to the extent that the contemporary management of health is linked to a sanitary transnational project that builds a government agenda to be adopted throughout nations. Finally, to contextualize the discourses that promote and sustain cancer as a risk for everyone, we sought to analyzed the Brazilian version of the document released by the WCRF / AICR in 2009 entitled "Policies and Actions for the Prevention of Cancer in Brazil: food, nutrition and physical activity" in order to understand the power procedures that enable the control the lifestyles of the population in terms of strategies and tactics. This study highlights the development of a health agenda that aligns political interests and individual aspirations in terms of health and longevity, so that the discourse of cancer instituted works for the exercise of political power. It is therefore a technology of attention / care for life, with the effect of promoting a hygienic society. / As ações implementadas pelo governo na gestão do câncer vem constituindo esta doença como risco, posicionando todas as pessoas na fronteira entre a saúde e a doença, de forma a estimular a adesão a determinados modos de existência de ser saudável. Mas nem sempre os discursos oficiais dirigidos à população fizeram uso da estratégia discursiva atual, que articula diversos atores sociais na busca da saúde, por meio do dispositivo do risco. Neste trabalho, procuramos compreender as condições que possibilitaram esse discurso se constituir numa estratégia global de combate à doença, passando a ser inscrita nas práticas biopolíticas do Ocidente na contemporaneidade. Com base no referencial teórico-metodológico foucaultiano, essa pesquisa tem o objetivo de analisar a constituição do discurso de câncer como risco, visando discutir as particularidades históricas e culturais dessa construção discursiva e seus diferentes usos e efeitos ao organizar, regular e governar a vida social. Também buscamos entender a relação entre a política de prevenção de câncer no Brasil e as políticas globais de saúde, na medida em que a gestão contemporânea da saúde se articula com um projeto transnacional de ressignificação sanitária que constrói uma agenda governamental a ser adotada pelos países. E por fim, para contextualizar os discursos que promovem e sustentam o câncer como risco, analisamos a versão brasileira do documento lançado pelo WCRF/AICR em 2009 denominado “Políticas e Ações para Prevenção do Câncer no Brasil: alimentação, nutrição e atividade física”, de forma a entender os procedimentos do poder que possibilitam o controle dos estilos de vida da população em termos de estratégias e táticas. Esse estudo nos aponta para a elaboração de uma agenda de saúde que alinha os interesses políticos às aspirações individuais em termos de saúde e longevidade, de forma que o discurso de câncer instituído funciona para o exercício do poder político. Constitui, portanto, uma tecnologia de atenção/cuidado com a vida, tendo o efeito de fomentar uma sociedade higiênica.