A dominant trend in cyberpunk scholarship draws from Fredric Jameson's diagnosis of postmodernism as the logic of late capitalism, using Jameson's spatial pastiche, schizophrenic temporality, and waning of affect, along with Jameson's characterization of Baudrillard's simulacrum to interpret postmodern cultural artifacts. For many cultural critics, the city of cyberpunk is thoroughly postmodern because parallels can be drawn between the cyberpunk city and the postmodern condition. However, very little work has considered the ways in which cyberpunk can defamiliarize the necro-spatial and necro-temporal logic of neoliberalism. This project moves away from more traditional disciplinary aesthetic methods of analyzing power and urban systems, such as interpretation and representation. And, it problematizes the biopolitical present in three different ways. First, by weaving in and out of an analysis of the narratives, discourses, and spatio-temporalities of cyberpunk and neoliberalism, I seek to produce epistemological interferences within these genres/disciplines, and thus, to disrupt the conceptual and lived biopolitical status-quo of late-capitalism. The goal is to open the door for discomfort with and a critical awareness of the necrotic conditions of competition by highlighting the fictive nature of neoliberalism. Second, this study problematizes accelerationism as a viable alternative to leftist politics and suggests in the end that accelerationism is a form of neoliberal resilience. It does this through an analysis of the biohacker that reframes this subject in terms of accelerationism and the logic of intensity. I argue that the biohacker is the accelerationist subject Alex Williams and Nick Srnicek advocate for in their "Accelerationist Manifesto," suggesting that this accelerationist subject is, in the end, a neoliberal subject that fits easily within the conditions of competition. This study argues that the biohacker in its numerous forms reflects an underlying pure neoliberalism at work within accelerationism and its neoliberal governmentalities. I suggest that far from being an alternative to leftist politics, accelerationism may further the goals of neoliberalism in its desire to accelerate to a purified market space. And, finally, this study works towards offering a biopolitics that theorizes death in terms of ordinariness and suggests that biopolitics is still a useful analytic within neoliberalism. In other words, Foucault's biopolitics can do more than theorize a genealogy of biological racism and genocide. Rather than advocate for moving beyond biopolitics, this study argues instead that neoliberal biopolitics can still be understood in terms of Foucault's analytic, and that perhaps, we need to disentangle Foucault's work from Achille Mbembe's "Necropolitics." / Doctor of Philosophy / A dominant trend in cyberpunk scholarship draws from Fredric Jameson’s diagnosis of postmodernism as the logic of late capitalism, using Jameson’s spatial pastiche, schizophrenic temporality, and waning of affect, along with Jameson’s characterization of Baudrillard’s simulacrum to interpret postmodern cultural artifacts. For many cultural critics, the city of cyberpunk is thoroughly postmodern because parallels can be drawn between the cyberpunk city and the postmodern condition. However, very little work has considered the ways in which cyberpunk can defamiliarize the necro-spatial and necro-temporal logic of neoliberalism. This project moves away from more traditional disciplinary aesthetic methods of analyzing power and urban systems, such as interpretation and representation. It problematizes the biopolitical present in three different ways. First, by weaving in and out of an analysis of the narratives, discourses, and spatio-temporalities of cyberpunk and neoliberalism, I seek to produce epistemological interferences within these genres/disciplines, and thus, to disrupt the conceptual and lived biopolitical status-quo of late-capitalism. Second, this study problematizes accelerationism as a viable alternative to leftist politics and suggests in the end that accelerationism is a form of neoliberal resilience. And, finally, this study works towards offering a biopolitics that theorizes death in terms of ordinariness and suggests that biopolitics is still a useful analytic within neoliberalism. Methodologically, the project utilizes an interdisciplinary approach, pulling from political theory, genre studies, discourse analysis, and digital ethnographic research. Professionals and scholars interested in contesting neoliberalism will benefit from this study as it offers ways to problematize neoliberalism’s reality construction.

Cette thèse défend l’idée que plusieurs auteurs modernistes ont utilisé des concepts centraux à la croyance religieuse traditionnelle afin de préconiser le changement social. Au lieu de soutenir l'hypothèse de la sécularisation, qui prétend que les modernistes ont rejeté la religion en faveur d'une laïcité non contestée, j'argumente en faveur de ce que j'appelle « la spiritualité moderniste, » qui décrie une continuité intégrale des concepts spirituels dans l'agitation de la période moderniste qui a déstabilisée les institutions qui avait auparavant jeté les bases de la société Occidentale. En me basant sur les écrit de Sigmund Freud, William James et Émile Durkheim concernant les fins poursuivis par la religion, je développe cinq concepts centraux de la croyance religieuse que les modernistes ont cherché à resignifier, à savoir la rédemption, la communauté, la sacralité, le spectre, et la liturgie, et, dans chaque cas, j'ai montré comment ces catégories ont été réinterprétées pour traiter des questions considérées comme essentielles au début du vingtième siècle, à savoir ce que l’on identifie aujourd’hui comme le féminisme, l'écologie, la biopolitique, les crises, et le rôle du poète. Le chapitre I se concentre sur la rédemption par le féminin telle qu’on la trouve dans le recueil de vers de H.D. portant sur la Seconde Guerre mondiale, Trilogy (1944-1946), qui projette un certain espoir grâce à un mélange synchrétique de Christianisme, de mythes anciens, d’astrologie, et de psychologie. Mon deuxième chapitre discute de The Grapes of Wrath (1939) de John Steinbeck, qui élargit le rôle de la communauté en avançant une écologie universelle qui concevoit tous les gens comme étant intimement liés entre eux et avec le monde. Le chapitre III traite de la notion du sacré dans The Light in August (1932) de Willam Faulkner et Nightwood (1936) de Djuna Barnes, qui préconisent une foi privatisée qui accentue l'illégitimité des concepts de sacralité et de pollution en élevant des individus qui sont marginalisés biopolitiquement. Le chapitre IV cherche à comprendre le retour des morts, et je soutiens que le topos a été utilisé par les modernistes comme un symbole de crises sociales; le chapitre enquête d'abord sur “The Jolly Corner” (1908) de Henry James, que j'ai lu comme la séquence rêvée d'un homme faisant face à son propre spectre, Ulysses (1922) de James Joyce, où Stephen Dedalus est hanté de façon répétée par le spectre de sa mère, et Mrs. Dalloway (1925) de Virginia Woolf, qui se concentre sur le motif caché de la Fête des Morts. Ma cinquième section traite de la liturgie, la langue poétique utilisée pour les rites religieux, dans la première poésie de Wallace Stevens, qui conçoit le rôle du poète comme une vocation de l'imagination. / This dissertation argues that many modernist writers used concepts central to traditional religious belief in order to urge social change. Against the secularization hypothesis, which posits that the modernists fully jettisoned religion in favour of an unquestioned secularism, I argue for what I term “modernist spirituality,” which identifies an integral continuance of spiritual concepts within the dire turmoil of the modernist period that destabilized the institutions such as an established organized religion that had previously formed the foundations of Western society. Hence, in each of my dissertation chapters, I have looked outside of organized religion to literature to find that spiritual impulse. Building upon the purposes of religion as defined by Sigmund Freud, William James, and Émile Durkheim, I name five concepts central to religious belief that the modernists sought to resignify, namely redemption, community, sacredness, the spectre, and liturgy, and, in each case, I have shown how these categories were reinterpreted to treat issues considered vital in the early twentieth century that would now be identified under the categories of feminism, ecology, biopolitics, crisis, and the role of the poet. The first function of spiritual belief addresses the intertwining of redemption and humanity’s actions within history, and for this reason, Chapter I focuses on redemption through the feminine as seen in H.D.’s book of World War II verse, Trilogy (1944-1946), which offers hope through a syncretistic blend of Christianity, ancient myths, goddess traditions, astrology, and psychology. My second chapter discusses John Steinbeck's The Grapes of Wrath (1939), which enlarges the role of community by positing a universal ecology of holiness that sees all people as connected with one another and with the land. Chapter III treats the notion of the sacred in William Faulkner’s Light in August (1932) and Djuna Barnes’ Nightwood (1936), both of which urge a privatized faith that emphasizes the illegitimacy of concepts of sacredness and pollution by elevating individuals who are marginalized biopolitically. Chapter IV seeks to comprehend the return of the dead in dreams or in visions, and I argue that the topos was used by modernists as a symbol of social crisis; the chapter first investigates Henry James’ “The Jolly Corner” (1908), which I read as a dream sequence of a man facing his own ghost, James Joyce’s Ulysses (1922), wherein Stephen Dedalus is haunted repeatedly by the ghost of his mother, and Virginia Woolf’s Mrs. Dalloway (1925), which is textually ordered by the hidden motif of the Day of the Dead. My fifth section is an epilogue that treats liturgy, the poetic language used for religious rituals, in the early poetry of Wallace Stevens, who revisions the role of the poet as a vocation of the imagination.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-25T20:22:33Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Gilbert Isidore Levy.pdf: 463680 bytes, checksum: 20f71bab4412290f4a2ba9639dbd2e37 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008-11-12 / This research encompasses two parts: a matrix and the manifestations of the totalitarian Power. The matrix is analyzed on its cultural, social and political aspects, focusing on the National Socialist German totalitarian experience. The cultural matrix puts into evidence a Conservative Revolucionary movement and the influence of the nihilist culture on national Socialist speech, from the studies of Louis Dupeux and of Léo Strauss. The social matrix is based on the work developed by George Mosse regarding the social impact of the 1st World War on the civilian society, on which he denominates the brutalization of the German society. The political matrix seeks to unveil the essence of the totalitarian Power. It is based on the observations of three important authors: Claude Lefort, who points out that the roots of the totalitarianism are in the ambiguities and imperfections of the democracy itself, with the concept of democratic indetermination. Aléxis de Tocqueville, with the tyranny of the majority, an expression that configures a political situation in which there is no counterweight to limit the excesses of power, nor protection to grant the natural rights of the minority, and, finally, Giorgio Agamben, starting from a study of the dialectical relation between the sovereign Power and the bare life, points to the danger coming from the vitalist political conception, denominated biopolitics by Foucault, when the same seeks the development of the vital potential of a nation. From the three aspects studied, in the political matrix the more conclusive explanations for the emergence of the totalitarianism is found. The democratic indetermination and the life´s politization are two subjects that stand out in this matrix, due to the relevance of the explanations from Lefort and Agamben, as the preponderant factors on the emergence of totalitarian dynamics. In the second part, the purpose is to demonstrate how this dynamic was expressed in Germany, during the National Socialist regime. For that, the following manifestations of the totalitarian power were outlined: völkische identity, Total State, Total Mobilization and Total war, illuminated by the observations from Bernard Bruneteau, to end with a picture of the totalitarian evil / Esta pesquisa compreende duas partes: a matriz e as manifestações do poder totalitário. A matriz é analisada no seu aspecto cultural, social e político, focalizando a experiência totalitária da Alemanha nacional-socialista. A matriz cultural evidencia a Revolução conservadora e a influência da cultura niilista, a partir dos estudos de Louis Dupeux e de Léo Strauss. A matriz social tem como base o trabalho de George Mosse sobre o impacto social da 1ª Guerra Mundial, que denomina a brutalização da sociedade alemã. A matriz política procura desvelar a essência do poder totalitário. Ela se baseia nas observações de três grandes autores: Claude Lefort, que aponta que a raiz do totalitarismo está nas ambigüidades e imperfeições da própria democracia, com o conceito de indeterminação democrática. Aléxis de Tocqueville com a tirania da maioria, expressão que caracteriza uma situação política na qual não existe contrapeso para limitar os excessos do poder, nem proteção para garantir os direitos naturais da minoria; e, finalmente, Giorgio Agamben, que a partir de um estudo da relação dialética entre o poder soberano e a vida nua, aponta o perigo decorrente de uma concepção vitalista da política, denominada por Foucault de biopolítica, quando a mesma almeja o desenvolvimento do potencial vital de uma nação. Dos três aspectos estudados, é na matriz política que se encontram as explicações mais conclusivas para o surgimento do totalitarismo. A indeterminação democrática e a politização da vida são dois temas que destacamos nesta matriz, devido à relevância das explicações de Lefort e de Agamben, como fatores preponderantes no desencadeamento da dinâmica totalitária. Na segunda parte, procura-se demonstrar como essa dinâmica se expressou na Alemanha, durante o regime nacional-socialista. Para tanto, foram pontuadas as seguintes manifestações do poder totalitário: Identidade-völkische, Estado total, Mobilização total e Guerra total, para finalizar com um retrato do mal totalitário

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T14:57:23Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Gilbert Isidore Levy.pdf: 463680 bytes, checksum: 20f71bab4412290f4a2ba9639dbd2e37 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008-11-12 / This research encompasses two parts: a matrix and the manifestations of the totalitarian Power. The matrix is analyzed on its cultural, social and political aspects, focusing on the National Socialist German totalitarian experience. The cultural matrix puts into evidence a Conservative Revolucionary movement and the influence of the nihilist culture on national Socialist speech, from the studies of Louis Dupeux and of Léo Strauss. The social matrix is based on the work developed by George Mosse regarding the social impact of the 1st World War on the civilian society, on which he denominates the brutalization of the German society. The political matrix seeks to unveil the essence of the totalitarian Power. It is based on the observations of three important authors: Claude Lefort, who points out that the roots of the totalitarianism are in the ambiguities and imperfections of the democracy itself, with the concept of democratic indetermination. Aléxis de Tocqueville, with the tyranny of the majority, an expression that configures a political situation in which there is no counterweight to limit the excesses of power, nor protection to grant the natural rights of the minority, and, finally, Giorgio Agamben, starting from a study of the dialectical relation between the sovereign Power and the bare life, points to the danger coming from the vitalist political conception, denominated biopolitics by Foucault, when the same seeks the development of the vital potential of a nation. From the three aspects studied, in the political matrix the more conclusive explanations for the emergence of the totalitarianism is found. The democratic indetermination and the life´s politization are two subjects that stand out in this matrix, due to the relevance of the explanations from Lefort and Agamben, as the preponderant factors on the emergence of totalitarian dynamics. In the second part, the purpose is to demonstrate how this dynamic was expressed in Germany, during the National Socialist regime. For that, the following manifestations of the totalitarian power were outlined: völkische identity, Total State, Total Mobilization and Total war, illuminated by the observations from Bernard Bruneteau, to end with a picture of the totalitarian evil / Esta pesquisa compreende duas partes: a matriz e as manifestações do poder totalitário. A matriz é analisada no seu aspecto cultural, social e político, focalizando a experiência totalitária da Alemanha nacional-socialista. A matriz cultural evidencia a Revolução conservadora e a influência da cultura niilista, a partir dos estudos de Louis Dupeux e de Léo Strauss. A matriz social tem como base o trabalho de George Mosse sobre o impacto social da 1ª Guerra Mundial, que denomina a brutalização da sociedade alemã. A matriz política procura desvelar a essência do poder totalitário. Ela se baseia nas observações de três grandes autores: Claude Lefort, que aponta que a raiz do totalitarismo está nas ambigüidades e imperfeições da própria democracia, com o conceito de indeterminação democrática. Aléxis de Tocqueville com a tirania da maioria, expressão que caracteriza uma situação política na qual não existe contrapeso para limitar os excessos do poder, nem proteção para garantir os direitos naturais da minoria; e, finalmente, Giorgio Agamben, que a partir de um estudo da relação dialética entre o poder soberano e a vida nua, aponta o perigo decorrente de uma concepção vitalista da política, denominada por Foucault de biopolítica, quando a mesma almeja o desenvolvimento do potencial vital de uma nação. Dos três aspectos estudados, é na matriz política que se encontram as explicações mais conclusivas para o surgimento do totalitarismo. A indeterminação democrática e a politização da vida são dois temas que destacamos nesta matriz, devido à relevância das explicações de Lefort e de Agamben, como fatores preponderantes no desencadeamento da dinâmica totalitária. Na segunda parte, procura-se demonstrar como essa dinâmica se expressou na Alemanha, durante o regime nacional-socialista. Para tanto, foram pontuadas as seguintes manifestações do poder totalitário: Identidade-völkische, Estado total, Mobilização total e Guerra total, para finalizar com um retrato do mal totalitário

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T18:10:07Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Marcia Ribeiro Landsmann.pdf: 3673404 bytes, checksum: 5cfae40fc8597c4ecbf0eb954dcd35d8 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-09-02 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This research investigates the types of communication contracts established in magazines specialized in health and well-being, considering the enunciator - enunciatee relationship based on the thematic agenda of the narratives of the journalistic discourse. The corpus of works consists of articles from magazines that are references in these themes, whose circulation, according to the IVC (Circulation Verification Institute), ranked at the top during the period of July 2008 to June 2009, namely: Bons Fluídos, Saúde! é Vital, Vida Natural & Equilíbrio, Vida Simples and Viva Saúde. The discourse analysis was based on Fairclough s discourse theory, and the study was guided by the theory of communication contracts of Charaudeau. Sfez, Bauman, Foucault, Boaventura Santos, Sennet, Lipovetsky, Petrini, Pelbart and Prado to examine the contracts of communication and regimes of visibility that govern the agendas writers propose to their readers to encourage them in their search for well-being, health and lifestyle values. The focus on utopian ideals of the perfect body, abiding health and eternal youth builds contracts of communication that bring into the limelight thosewho seek perfect health for themselves, and extends it, in some cases, to family and community / Esta pesquisa investiga os tipos de contratos de comunicação construídos nas revistas especializadas em saúde e bem-estar, considerando a relação entre enunciador e enunciatário, a partir do agendamento temático das narrativas do discurso jornalístico. O corpus de trabalho são reportagens das revistas que são referência em tais temas e têm tiragens entre as maiores do IVC: Bons Fluídos, Saúde! é Vital, Vida Natural & Equilíbrio, Vida Simples e Viva Saúde, no período que compreende julho de 2008 a junho de 2009. A análise discursiva se baseou na teoria do discurso de Fairclough e na teoria sobre contratos de comunicação de Charaudeau. Sfez, Bauman, Foucault, Boaventura Santos, Sennet, Lipovetsky, Petrini, Pelbart e Prado nortearam esse trabalho com o objetivo de examinar os contratos de comunicação e os regimes de visibilidade que presidem os agenciamentos propostos pelos enunciadores aos leitores, para que busquem os valores de bem-estar, saúde e estilo de vida. O foco em ideais utópicos de corpo perfeito, saúde inabalável e juventude eterna constroem contratos de comunicação que projetam enunciatários que buscam a saúde perfeita para si estendendo-a, em alguns casos, à família e à comunidade

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:23:11Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Vanessa Cristina de Souza.pdf: 914894 bytes, checksum: 6b9ebe4140c50c65ad499f759f3eba22 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-09-10 / In order to understand the formation of the justice system and its relationship to democracy as a fundamental condition for the realization of human rights, this work aims to deepen the debate on Criminal Justice through the analysis of existing formal and informal mechanisms of social control institutes of law, from the study of historical changes related to the formation and consolidation of democratic institutions, to analyze the criminal law of postmodernity and excessive use of authoritarian repressive instruments of law in democratic States as a way to curb crime that considered an enemy of society, with the construction of the debate on the punitive power of the State and its current monopoly of violence, addressing the extent to which this is legitimized and justified in Democratic States Law / Com o objetivo de compreender a formação do Sistema de justiça e sua relação com a democracia como condição fundamental para a efetivação dos direitos humanos, este trabalho visa a aprofundar o debate sobre Justiça Criminal por meio da análise dos mecanismos formais e informais de controle social existentes nos institutos do direito, a partir do estudo das mudanças históricas relacionadas com a formação e consolidação das instituições democráticas, para se analisar o direito penal da pós-modernidade e o uso desmedido de instrumentos repressivos autoritários em Estados Democráticos de Direito como forma de conter a criminalidade daquele considerado inimigo da sociedade, com a construção do debate sobre o poder punitivo do Estado e o seu atual monopólio da violência, abordando até que ponto esta se legitima e se justifica em Estados Democráticos de Direito

Esta dissertação apresenta e discute resultados de pesquisa desenvolvida como pré-requisito parcial para obtenção do grau de mestre em Bioética, Ética Aplicada e Saúde Coletiva junto ao Programa de Pós-graduação em Bioética, Ética Aplicada e Saúde Coletiva da Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro, em regime de associação com a Universidade Federal do Rio de Janeiro, a Fundação Oswaldo Cruz e a Universidade Federal Fluminense. A pesquisa de metodologia qualitativa analisou material empírico composto por amostra de registros da Ouvidoria da Previdência Social contendo reclamações sobre o atendimento médico-pericial. A Previdência integra o campo da seguridade social e tem a vida e suas intercorrências na população de segurados como seu objeto de cuidados e controles. O benefício auxílio-doença é o mais frequentemente concedido entre todos os benefícios da Previdência sendo devido somente a seus segurados em dupla condição de vulnerabilidade, doentes e incapazes para o trabalho. A verificação da condição de incapacidade para o trabalho é realizada pelos médicos peritos da Previdência Social como pré-requisito para acesso ao benefício e funciona como mecanismo de controle de custos. Os resultados do estudo evidenciam que a tarefa de controle de acesso, realizada na interface com o segurado, exige um deslocamento da atividade médica da função assistencial para a pericial em decorrência da natureza da tarefa médico-pericial, onde o lugar do controle é o da exceção beneficente. Tal atribuição condiciona um risco da atividade médico-pericial que entendemos ser de ordem moral. As reclamações sobre o atendimento médico na perícia previdenciária foram compreendidas como índices de disfunções nesta interface, assim como os registros de violência em torno desta atividade. Resultantes da prática de limites de acesso ao benefício, na forma em que estes limites estão colocados. A análise desta interface coloca em relevo o paradoxo da proteção securitária que funciona retirando da proteção partes de sua população e caracteriza a relação médico-paciente na perícia médica da Previdência Social como moralmente conflituosa. A pesquisa na linha de uma bioética crítica, que enfatiza as políticas públicas que afetam a vida, entendeu Previdência Social como biopolítica e a atividade médico-pericial como expressão de biopoder, nos termos da filosofia política de Michel Foucault. Cabe à sociedade refletir seriamente sobre essas práticas de controle e definir o alcance e a forma da proteção securitária tendo em vista que esta proteção tensiona necessidades individuais e coletivas. Cabe a todos e a cada um ter em mente a dimensão ética da política previdenciária. / This dissertation presents and discusses research results developed as prerequisite for obtaining the masters degree in Bioethics, applied Ethics and Public Health by the graduate program in Bioethics, applied Ethics and Public Health at the University of the State of Rio de Janeiro, in association with Federal University of Rio de Janeiro, Oswaldo Cruz Foundation and the Fluminense Federal University. The qualitative methodology research analyzed empirical material composed sample records of the Ombudsman of Brazilian`s Social Security System containing complaints about the medical examinations. The Social Security System has life and its complications in the population of insured persons as object of care and controls. The sick leave benefits is the most often granted between all social security benefits being due only to its policyholders in double condition of vulnerability, disease and work disability. The verification of incapacity to work is carried out by medical experts of Social Security as prerequisite for access to benefit and serves as a cost-control mechanism. The results of the study show that the task of access control, held at the interface with insured, requires an offset of medical care function as a result of the nature of medical-legal examinations, where place of the control is the beneficent exception. Such attributions determine a specific risk to the medical-legal examinations that we understand to be of moral order. The complaints about the medical work in Social Security were understood as dysfunctions index on this interface, as well as the records of violence around this activity. As results of the limits to access the benefits, in the form in which of these limits are placed. The analysis of this interface puts into sharp relief the paradox of social security protection that works by removing parts of its population under protection and characterizes the medicalpatient relationship in Medical Social Security expertise as morally conflictive. The research, in accordance with a critical bioethics approach, that emphasizes the public policies that affect the life, understands Social Security as Biopolitics and medical expertise as an expression of Biopower according political philosophy of Michel Foucault. Its up to society reflect seriously on these control practice and define the scope and form of social security protection considering that this protection produces tension between individual and collective needs. Its up to each and every one to keep in mind the ethical dimension of the social security policy.

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Instituto de Saúde Coletiva / A judicialização da política de medicamentos oncológicos de alto custo, fruto da complexidade da vida e das relações humanas, suscita questões de ordem econômica, social e política, que efluem de uma cadeia de eventos que envolvem o cidadão, o sistema de saúde e o sistema de justiça, no contexto da microjustiça de medicamentos oncológicos de alto custo, que, por sua vez, perpassa todas as etapas sucessórias de um contencioso, ou seja, desde o início do conflito, o manejo, até o seu desfecho, mobilizando diversos protagonistas que agem e deliberam, em uma dinâmica consecutiva de decisões que impactam diretamente e determinam o cuidado produzido com o cidadão-vulnerado. Neste sentido, tornou-se relevante a operacionalização de uma pesquisa que procurasse desvelar, compreender e contrastar as distintas percepções, sentidos, argumentos e modos de agir, dos diversos protagonistas envolvidos nesses litígios, bem como as suas intencionalidades e contribuições para a defesa da vida e para a promoção de um cuidado resolutivo em saúde. O objetivo geral deste estudo foi investigar a ideia de cuidado estabelecido com o cidadão-vulnerado, na perspectiva dos representantes do Judiciário e do Executivo, à luz da biopolítica, para compreender a dinâmica entre a política da vida e a política sobre a vida, e, entre a biopotência e o biopoder, que se expressam na microjustiça de medicamentos. Os participantes dessa pesquisa são profissionais, do sistema de justiça ou do sistema de saúde, envolvidos, direta ou indiretamente, nos cinco processos-casos selecionados entre os anos 2012 e 2014, julgados em segunda instância pelo Tribunal de Justiça do Rio de Janeiro, cujo pleito era medicamentos oncológicos de alto custo. A operacionalização desta investigação contou com três etapas distintas e sucessivas: a exploração inicial dos argumentos processuais, categorizando as partes de acordo com a afinidade argumentativa, através da dialética, para a elaboração e personalização do roteiro de entrevista; o trabalho de campo, com a aplicação do roteiro para entrevista semiestruturada junto aos participantes; e, a apresentação dos resultados, análise e discussão, que integra, metodologicamente, a dialética, a análise da retórica, o fluxograma descritor e a abordagem qualitativa em profundidade. De acordo com os resultados, observa-se a adoção de distintos parâmetros éticos, contrários ou complementares, tais como os parâmetros de uma ética biomédica, centrada na medicalização; uma ética de mercado, centrada na mercantilização da doença ou da vida; uma ética utilitarista, centrada na maximização do bem-estar comum; ou, propriamente, uma ética de cuidado, centrada na defesa da vida e do direito à saúde; os quais fundamentam a argumentação e orientam o agir deliberativo dos protagonistas envolvidos, podendo promover a potência da vida pelo exercício de uma política em defesa da vida, quando o cuidado produzido é reconhecidamente resolutivo, expressando um compromisso ético com a vida qualificada; ou, podendo promover a potência de morte pelo exercício de uma política sobre a vida, quando, em defesa de interesses avessos a um cuidado singular, os atos resultam em uma assistência insatisfatória e ineficiente ou, na pior das hipóteses, resultam em desassistência, acelerando ou contribuindo para a finitude da vida. Deste modo, conclui-se que todo cuidado é ético, pois toda a ação dos envolvidos, comprometidos com o cuidado, é orientada por parâmetros éticos, mas nem todo cuidado é reconhecido como ético, pois pode resultar na satisfação de interesses divergentes aos propostos nos pactos de cuidados estabelecidos entre os profissionais e o cidadão. / The judicialization of politics of high cost oncological drugs, result of the complexity of life and human relations, raises issues of an economic, social and political order, which emanate from a chain of events involving the citizen, the health system and the justice system, in the context of the microjustice of high cost oncological drugs, which, in turn, runs through all successive stages of a litigation, that is, from the beginning of the conflict, handling, until its denouement, mobilizing several protagonists who act and deliberate, in a consecutive dynamics of decisions that directly impact and determine the care produced with the vulnerable citizen. In this sense, it became relevant to operationalize a research that seeks to unveil, understand and contrast the different perceptions, meanings, arguments and ways of acting, the various protagonists involved in these health litigations, as well as their intentions and contributions for the defense of life and for the promotion of resolutive health care. The general objective of this study was to investigate the idea of care established with the vulnerable citizen, from the perspective of the representatives of the Judiciary and the Executive, in the light of biopolitics, to understand the dynamics between politics of life and politics about life, and, between biopotency and biopower, which are expressed in the microjustice of drugs (medicines). The participants in this research are professionals, the justice system or the health system, involved, directly or indirectly, in the five lawsuits-cases selected between the years 2012 and 2014, judged in the second instance by the Court of Justice of Rio de Janeiro, whose demand was high cost oncology drugs. The operation of this investigation had three distinct and successive stages: the initial exploration of arguments of lawsuits, categorizing the parts according to argumentative affinity, through the dialectic, for the elaboration and personalization of the interview script; the fieldwork, with the application of the script for semi-structured interview with the participants; and, the presentation of results, analysis and discussion, which integrates, methodologically, the dialectic, rhetorical analysis, descriptive flowchart and qualitative approach in depth. According to the results, it is observed the adoption of different ethical parameters, contraries or complementary, such as the parameters of a biomedical ethics, centered in the medicalization; an ethics of market, centered on the commodification of disease or life; a utilitarian ethics, centered on the maximization of the common welfare; or, properly, an ethics of care, centered on the defense of life and the right to health; which ground the argument and guide the deliberative action of the protagonists involved, being able to promote the power of life by the exercise of a policy in defense of life, when the care produced is recognized as resolutive, expressing an ethical commitment to a qualified life; or, by promoting the power of death through the exercise of a politics about life, when, in defense of interests that are averse to singular care, the acts result in unsatisfactory and inefficient care or, at worst, result in lack of assistance, accelerating or contributing to the finitude of life. That way, it is concluded that all care is ethical, since all the action of those involved, committed to care, is guided by ethical parameters, but not all care is recognized as ethical, as it can result in the satisfaction of interests divergent from those proposed in the pacts of care established between professionals and the citizen.

En la tesis doctoral La biopolítica en la España franquista, el autor ha analizado la configuración, desarrollos, objetivos y particularidades de la biopolítica desarrollada en España durante el régimen del General Franco, desde su instauración en 1939 hasta su final en 1975. Dicha exploración se ha basado en el análisis de toda una serie de dispositivos biopolíticos -disciplinarios y reguladores-, encargados fundamentalmente de hacer aumentar las fuerzas de la nación y de disminuir la capacidad contestataria de los individuos. Todo ello ha mostrado al tiempo las características de aquello que podríamos llamar la gubernamentalidad franquista, articulada en base a unas formas determinadas de conducción de conductas capaces de elaborar a su vez ciertos modelos de subjetividad que habrían conformado, no sin resistencias, al sujeto idiosincrásico de la España franquista: a saber, el homo patiens. / In my Ph.D The Biopolitics in the Spanish Francoism, I analyzed the configuration, developements and specific objectives of the biopolitics developed in Spain during the Franco Regime, since its inception in 1939 until its end in 1975. This exploration is based in the analysis of some biopolitics dispositives -disciplinary and regulatory-, that is primarly responsable to increase the strength of the nation and to decrease the non-conformist ability of individuals. The conclusion of this research also shows the features of the Francoism's guvernmentality, that are articulated on the basics of certain shapes of driving behavior that is able at the same time to create certain models of subjectivity with its resistentes, and to build a characteristic subjectivity of Franco's Spain: the homo patiens.

本論文的研究主題是探討當代義大利哲學家阿岡本（Giorgio Agamben）關於法律與生命之關係的思想，而其中的關鍵概念則為「例外狀態」（state of exception）。延續著由傅柯（Michel Foucault）所鋪展的生命政治（biopolitics）分析，當代政治確實面對著如下困徑（aporia）：其所欲展演人類幸福與自由之處─神聖的生命本身─同時正是政治權力所試圖全面掌控的對象。政治如此，作為其運作綱要的法律亦然。這可由大法官釋字603號關於換身份證需按指紋的爭議透露出來：為了保障「身家性命」的基本人權，國家要求介入該權利的核心領域，將每個人的生物性特徵─指紋─強制建檔以進行更全面的人口治理。 這個法與生命的弔詭關係，在阿岡本的思想中，乃是透過一個特殊的法權裝置─例外狀態─而產生。相對於一般所認為的，法與生命的關係在於以法律規範生命，或由生命創造法律，阿岡本認為法與生命的關係首先在於法與生命的區分（distinction）本身，而例外狀態便是建立這個區分的裝置。所謂的例外狀態，就是透過懸置法律（憲法），用不受法律限制的措施進行治理的狀態。例外狀態彷彿是一個無法狀態（anomie），而生命彷彿被棄置於法律之外成為赤裸的生命（bare life）。然而，根據史密特（Carl Schmitt）的名言：「主權者就是決斷例外狀態之人」，例外狀態並非與法律無關，相反地，其作用在於創造或回復一個讓法律能夠適用於生命的正常情境。因此，正是透過將生命排除於法律之外，例外狀態試圖建構一個能將生命包含進來的法秩序。這個透過排除而包含的關係，就是阿岡本所定義的例外關係，也就是法律與生命的根本關係。而阿岡本認為現代生命政治的特性，便在於例外狀態已非例外，而逐漸成為常態，也因此法與生命的關係本身也日益成為對抗爭議的焦點所在。 因此，本文的工作便在於探討阿岡本的思想中，法與生命間如何透過例外狀態而建立關係，其形式、力道、所構作之生命形象與可能的出路。本文的作法主要在於理論的耙梳與思辨；然而，例外狀態並非僅是一個抽象概念。放在台灣的歷史脈絡中，伴隨著現代化的殖民統治、戒嚴統治，甚至直到今天的「事實上國家」，無一不是例外狀態的常態體現。911之後由美國所主導的全球化反恐活動亦是此結構的更新部署。甚而，在日常實踐上，例外的潛在揭示著每一個「依法行政」、「依法裁判」背後所無可避免的決斷，以及賦予此決斷以法的效力（force of law）的國家暴力。阿岡本《例外狀態》一書的第一句話因此問道：「你們法律人為何對那與你切身相關之事保持沈默？」