Si l’impact des Montréalaises dans la sphère publique sur les plans social et politique est bien connu, leurs actions sur le plan urbain le sont moins. Au tournant du XXe siècle, ces femmes, travaillant au sein de la Fédération nationale Saint-Jean-Baptiste (FNSJB) et du Montreal Local Council of Women (MLCW), usent de leur agentivité afin de justifier leurs interventions sur la matière urbaine. Suivant la théorie des sphères séparées, elles justifient leur place et leur utilité dans la sphère publique en s’appuyant sur leurs qualités maternelles « naturelles », en tant que gardiennes et ménagères du foyer. Les femmes de Montréal utilisent également les idéologies réformiste et nationaliste qu’elles jumèlent au maternalisme. C’est dans ce contexte qu’il se produit un glissement de la maison à la ville, où elles envisagent l’urbain, par sa matière, comme une maison pour les habitant.es de Montréal. Les projets qu’elles mettent en place ou auxquels elles participent en témoignent. Elles ouvrent des hôpitaux et des écoles et veillent à rendre disponible du logement pour la population vulnérable, à travers des foyers, des orphelinats et autres institutions. Elles veulent aussi rendre leur ville belle et propre, notamment en créant un réseau de parcs et de terrains de jeux, en gardant à l’œil les loisirs « immoraux » et en agissant sur la propreté et l’hygiène. Ces projets, qui sont autant de façons d’intervenir dans et sur l’urbain, témoignent de leurs préoccupations idéologiques, mais aussi du type de ville qu’elles veulent faire naître. Bien qu’inévitablement leur identité collective en tant que femmes blanches de l’élite les mène à poser un regard situé sur les autres Montréalaises et ainsi à mettre en place des projets qui peuvent nuire à ces dernières, la ville qu’elles envisagent est plus à l’écoute des besoins de la population. Elles parviennent ainsi à se doter d’un pouvoir sur la matière urbaine, pouvoir à la fois reconnu par la population qui bénéficie de leurs services, par les autres organisations réformistes et masculines, et même par les autorités municipales. En somme, leurs interventions sur la matière transforment non seulement le visage de la ville, mais aussi la manière dont la ville est pensée. / Although the role of Montreal women in enacting social and political change is well known, their impact on the urban landscape has not garnered enough attention. At the turn of the twentieth century, these women, working within the Fédération nationale Saint-Jean-Baptiste (FNSJB) and the Montreal Local Council of Women (MLCW), used their agency to justify interventions in urban matters. Influenced by the separate spheres doctrine, they defend their place and usefulness in the public sphere through their “natural” maternal qualities, as guardians and housekeepers of the home. Montreal women combine this maternalism with reformism and nationalism. In this context, a slip from house to city takes place, where, through materiality, the urban becomes a home for the city’s inhabitants. The projects that they create or participate in demonstrate this. They open schools and hospitals and work to make decent lodgings accessible for the city’s population, through homes, orphanages, and other institutions. They also work to beautify, clean and make their city a better place to live in, most notably through the creation of a network of parks and playgrounds, the surveillance of “immoral” leisure establishments, and by promoting urban cleanliness and hygiene. These projects that impact the built environment not only underline their ideological inclinations, but also the type of city that they envision. Although their collective identity as elite white women influences their view of other Montreal women, leading them to pursue projects that can have negative effects on the latter, the city they envision is one that is more in tune to the needs of the population. They ultimately succeed in securing for themselves power over urban matter, power that is both recognized by the people who benefit from their projects, but also by men in reformist organizations, and even in municipal government. Thus, their interventions on urban matter not only transform the city, but also the way we think of the city.

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Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal.

The well-known outcome of the 1988 federal election – a Conservative Party majority in Parliament and an effective “yes” to the question of whether or not the Free Trade Agreement between Canada and the United States was desired – tends to obscure the importance of the process by which a large non-party based opposition movement sought to cultivate and organize the public’s understanding of the election’s central premise. While the opposition movement failed to have Prime Minister Brian Mulroney removed from power, the discursive process that the movement both created and was the driving force behind, is key to understanding the historical context of the debate over free trade itself. This thesis will illustrate that there existed a discursive process amongst the efforts of the anti-free trade movement from 1985-1988 to cultivate, organize, and mobilize public opposition to Mulroney’s neo-liberal economic policies, through re-framing those objections into a larger and more deeply-rooted Canadian historical narrative. A discourse analysis was conducted using the various public education materials produced by major anti-free trade civil society organizations in Canada. The examination of that discourse revealed three major stages in the overall process: First, organizations relied heavily on classic paradigms of an anti-continentalist narrative to reinforce what was different between the two countries creating an us and them paradigm and building a case for Canadian exceptionalism. Second, there was an intensification of the us and them language into a more defined us versus them, or them against us, dichotomy. Third, the anti-free trade movement sought to effectively translate the previously established civic opposition into pragmatic political action in preparation for a national election campaign. The results show that there was an evolution in the ways members of the civil society opposition framed and evolved their arguments in order to turn their “issues” into more of a “crisis.” By employing (and expanding on) discursive tools used within that public narrative to generate fear of the other to validate illusions of self, and to construct believable threats to the collective, the more “micro” discussion over the growing pervasiveness of neo-liberalism took on a hyper-nationalistic and symbolic routine, one that mirrored the iconic political and electoral debates in 1891 and 1911, both of which had also been based upon the potential for free trade with the United States. Most of all, the evidence points to a popular opposition movement against free trade, which not only significantly pre-dated the official political opposition, but in some respects created its message and focus.

“The Transgressive Stage: The Culture of Public Entertainment in Late Victorian Toronto,” argues that public entertainment was one of the most important sites for the negotiation of identities in late Victorian Toronto. From the vantage point of the twenty-first century, where theatre is strictly highbrow, it is difficult to appreciate the centrality of public entertainment to everyday life in the nineteenth century. Simply put, the Victorian imagination was populated by melodrama and minstrelsy, Shakespeare and circuses. Studying the responses to these entertainments, greatly expands our understanding of Victorian culture. The central argument of this dissertation is that public entertainment spilled over the threshold of the playhouse and circus tent to influence the wider world. In so doing, it radically altered the urban streetscape, interacted with political ideology, promoted trends in consumption, as well as exposed audiences to new intellectual currents about art and beauty. Specifically, this study examines the moral panic surrounding indecent theatrical advertisements; the use by political playwrights of tropes from public entertainment as a vehicle for political satire; the role of the stage in providing an outlet for Toronto’s racial curiosity; the centrality of commercial amusements in defining the boundaries of gender; and, finally, the importance of the theatre—particularly through the Aesthetic Movement—in attempts to control the city’s working class. When Torontonians took in a play, they were also exposing themselves to one of the most significant transnational forces of the nineteenth century. British and American shows, which made up the bulk of what was on offer in the city, brought with them British and American perspectives. The latest plays from London and New York made their way to the city within months, and sometimes weeks, of their first production. These entertainments introduced audiences to the latest thoughts, fashion, slang and trends. They also confronted playgoers with issues that might, on the surface seem foreign and irrelevant. Nevertheless, they quickly adapted to the environment north of the border. Public entertainment in Toronto came to embody a hybridized culture with a promiscuous co-mingling of high and low and of British and American influences.

Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal

Indigenous and settler relations have been negotiated, and continue to be negotiated in various forms across Canada. This thesis begins from the continued assertions of treaty Elders that the historic Treaty relationships are valid in the form that they were mutually agreed upon and accepted at the time of negotiation. From this assertion, this thesis asks how this mutually agreed upon understanding of Treaty can be understood. In particular, the holistic approach to reading historic treaty draws on the oral history and first hand accounts to provide an understanding of the context and content of treaty. The holistic approach is then applied to Treaty 6 in Alberta and Saskatchewan, as well as the contemporary Treaty process in British Columbia. This provides a critical analysis of the continued negotiation of the relationship between Indigenous Peoples and Settlers, both regarding how historic treaties are understood in Canada, and how contemporary treaty relations continue to be negotiated.

“The Transgressive Stage: The Culture of Public Entertainment in Late Victorian Toronto,” argues that public entertainment was one of the most important sites for the negotiation of identities in late Victorian Toronto. From the vantage point of the twenty-first century, where theatre is strictly highbrow, it is difficult to appreciate the centrality of public entertainment to everyday life in the nineteenth century. Simply put, the Victorian imagination was populated by melodrama and minstrelsy, Shakespeare and circuses. Studying the responses to these entertainments, greatly expands our understanding of Victorian culture. The central argument of this dissertation is that public entertainment spilled over the threshold of the playhouse and circus tent to influence the wider world. In so doing, it radically altered the urban streetscape, interacted with political ideology, promoted trends in consumption, as well as exposed audiences to new intellectual currents about art and beauty. Specifically, this study examines the moral panic surrounding indecent theatrical advertisements; the use by political playwrights of tropes from public entertainment as a vehicle for political satire; the role of the stage in providing an outlet for Toronto’s racial curiosity; the centrality of commercial amusements in defining the boundaries of gender; and, finally, the importance of the theatre—particularly through the Aesthetic Movement—in attempts to control the city’s working class. When Torontonians took in a play, they were also exposing themselves to one of the most significant transnational forces of the nineteenth century. British and American shows, which made up the bulk of what was on offer in the city, brought with them British and American perspectives. The latest plays from London and New York made their way to the city within months, and sometimes weeks, of their first production. These entertainments introduced audiences to the latest thoughts, fashion, slang and trends. They also confronted playgoers with issues that might, on the surface seem foreign and irrelevant. Nevertheless, they quickly adapted to the environment north of the border. Public entertainment in Toronto came to embody a hybridized culture with a promiscuous co-mingling of high and low and of British and American influences.

The well-known outcome of the 1988 federal election – a Conservative Party majority in Parliament and an effective “yes” to the question of whether or not the Free Trade Agreement between Canada and the United States was desired – tends to obscure the importance of the process by which a large non-party based opposition movement sought to cultivate and organize the public’s understanding of the election’s central premise. While the opposition movement failed to have Prime Minister Brian Mulroney removed from power, the discursive process that the movement both created and was the driving force behind, is key to understanding the historical context of the debate over free trade itself. This thesis will illustrate that there existed a discursive process amongst the efforts of the anti-free trade movement from 1985-1988 to cultivate, organize, and mobilize public opposition to Mulroney’s neo-liberal economic policies, through re-framing those objections into a larger and more deeply-rooted Canadian historical narrative. A discourse analysis was conducted using the various public education materials produced by major anti-free trade civil society organizations in Canada. The examination of that discourse revealed three major stages in the overall process: First, organizations relied heavily on classic paradigms of an anti-continentalist narrative to reinforce what was different between the two countries creating an us and them paradigm and building a case for Canadian exceptionalism. Second, there was an intensification of the us and them language into a more defined us versus them, or them against us, dichotomy. Third, the anti-free trade movement sought to effectively translate the previously established civic opposition into pragmatic political action in preparation for a national election campaign. The results show that there was an evolution in the ways members of the civil society opposition framed and evolved their arguments in order to turn their “issues” into more of a “crisis.” By employing (and expanding on) discursive tools used within that public narrative to generate fear of the other to validate illusions of self, and to construct believable threats to the collective, the more “micro” discussion over the growing pervasiveness of neo-liberalism took on a hyper-nationalistic and symbolic routine, one that mirrored the iconic political and electoral debates in 1891 and 1911, both of which had also been based upon the potential for free trade with the United States. Most of all, the evidence points to a popular opposition movement against free trade, which not only significantly pre-dated the official political opposition, but in some respects created its message and focus.

Alice Munro, ganhadora do prêmio Nobel em 2013, é escritora exclusivamente de contos, e suas narrativas percorrem um imaginário de espaços desnaturalizados que questionam a ordem estabelecida sob um aparente equilíbrio. Esta tese analisa alguns contos das obras: Ódio, amizade, namoro, amor, casamento; Fugitiva; Felicidade demais; O amor de uma boa mulher e Vida querida, para estabelecer um diálogo entre as questões de leitura e o efeito estético produzido, seguindo a corrente de Wolfgang Iser. A busca de uma leitura da écriture féminine se faz necessária na construção de uma alteridade radical, o que permite repensar as questões de gênero e espaço. O texto, como fronteira e paisagem literária, nos permite pensar de que forma a leitura se transforma em espaço necessário para a compreensão do Outro. O percurso no imaginário de Alice Munro tem como ponto de partida o espaço, passando pelo lugar, delineando um corpo até chegar ao rosto, espaço último de alteridade. Desenvolvemos uma categoria denominada em nossa pesquisa como lítero-corpóreo, espaço fronteiriço entre uma materialidade corpórea, e a leitura que transforma as realidades vividas. As correntes literárias de espaço que utilizamos são diálogos entre literatura, geografia e filosofia: Luis Alberto Brandão, Doreen Massey e Gaston Bachelard são alguns dos teóricos que embasam a pesquisa. / Submitted by Ana Guimarães Pereira (agpereir@ucs.br) on 2017-09-01T12:19:41Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Tese Ana Júlia Poletto.pdf: 1865019 bytes, checksum: bbf5aab52f5237cca265b704fd64c677 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-09-01T12:19:41Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Tese Ana Júlia Poletto.pdf: 1865019 bytes, checksum: bbf5aab52f5237cca265b704fd64c677 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-09-01 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior, CAPES. / Alice Munro, lauréat du prix Nobel en 2013, est écrivain exclusivement de contes, et ses récits présentent un imaginaire d’espaces dénaturés qui remettent en question l'ordre établi dans un équilibre apparent. Cette thèse se propose d'analyser quelques contes des œuvres : Un peu, beaucoup, pas du tout ; Fugitives; Trop de bonheur; L'Amour d'une honnête femme ; et Rien que la viepour établir un dialogue entre les questions de lecture et l'effet esthétique produit, selon la théorie isérienne. La recherche d'une lecture de l'écriture féminine est nécessaire pour construire une altérité radicale, ce qui permet de repenser le genre et l'espace. Le texte, tel que la frontière et le paysage littéraire, nous permet de réfléchir sur la façon dont la lecture devient l'espace nécessaire à la compréhension de l’Autre. Le parcours dans l’imaginaire de Alice Munro a comme point de départ l’espace, a suivre le lieu, les corps jusqu’à arriver au visage, l’espace dernier de l’altérité. Nous avons développé une categorie que nous appelons ‘litero-corporel’, l’espace de frontière dans une matérialité corporel et la lecture pour transformer la réalité. Nous avons faire un dialogue entre la littérature, la géographie et la philosophie: Luis Alberto Brandão, Doreen Massey et Gaston Bachelard sont certains des penseurs que nous utilisons dans notre thèse.