Denna studie syftar till att studera hur jämställdhet fylls med innehåll i regeringens nationella strategi för regional hållbar tillväxt och attraktionskraft perioden 2015–2020 och handlingsplaner från tre valda regioner som alla ingår i projektet ”regional jämställd tillväxt”, samt vilka effekter det får för möjligheten att politisera kön. Detta görs utifrån Carol Bacchis metodologi för policyanalys som heter ”What’s is the problem represented to be?” Även den tidigare Alliansregeringen har drivit liknande projekt, men studien avgränsas till den nuvarande regeringens strategi. Utifrån Bacchis sex steg för policyanalys, som bygger på filosofen Michel Foucaults teori om styrning och makt som kallas för ”governmentality”, konstrueras tre forskningsfrågor som alla har en angränsande följdfråga: Hur representeras problemet av regeringen och regionerna och på vilka premisser dessa representationer bygger på? Hur legitimeras problemrepresentationerna och vad som lämnas oproblematiserat? Vilka effekter kan problemrepresentationerna innebära för jämställdhetsdiskursen, individernas liv och hur de ser på sig själv och andra, samt hur problemrepresentationen produceras, sprids, försvaras och hur den kan ersättas? För att kunna reflektera kring detta sista steg tillförs ytterligare teori i form av Chantal Mouffes och Ernesto Laclaus ”diskursteori”. Studien visar på att problemet är brist på kunskap bland de regionala aktörerna och kvinnors bristande kapacitet att verka på marknaden. Jämställdhet problematiseras inte utifrån ett rättviseperspektiv, utan ses som ett medel för ökad regional tillväxt. En problemrepresentation som legitimeras av en problematisk demografisk utveckling och globaliseringen. För att ta till vara på all tillväxtpotential framställs människor som kreativa, vars entreprenörskap ska främjas. En problemrepresentation som sprids genom stora internationella institutioner och framställs som moraliskt rätt. Problemrepresentationen kan ersättas genom att konstruera ett politiskt klimat där motståndares åsikter ses som legitima och därmed möjliggöra politisering av kön och även fler sätt för människor att identifiera sig på. / The purpose of this thesis is to study how gender equality is filled with meaning in the governments national strategy for a regional sustainable economic growth and attractiveness during 2015-2020 and in the strategies from three selected regions, that are all included in the project “regional economic growth with a gender equality perspective”, as well as it has on the ability to politicize gender. This is done with help of Carol Bacchis methodology for analyzing policy called ”What’s the problem represented to be?”. The former government Alliance for Sweden have been working with a similar project, but this thesis is delimited to the strategy of the current government. With starting point in Bacchis six steps for analyzing policy, based on the philosopher Michel Foucaults theory about governing and power called “governmentality”, there are three research questions constructed, and each one is associated with a follow up question: What is the problem represented to be by the government and by the regions and on what premises are they build upon? How has this problem representation been legitimized and what is not problematized? What effects can this problem representation generate for the gender equality discourse, the way the subjects think about themselves and others, their lives and how are this problem representation being produced, disseminated and defended and how can it be replaced? Too be able to reflect on this last step, Chantal Mouffes and Ernesto Laclaus “discourse theory” is applied. This thesis shows that the problem is represented as a lack of knowledge about gender equality among the regional actors, and women’s capacity to act on the market. Gender equality is not being problematized as a matter of justice, rather as a mean for an increased regional growth. The problem representation is legitimized by referring to a problematic demographic development and globalization. To take advantage of the potentials for economic growth, humans are being portrayed as creative, and their entrepreneurship needs to be promoted. This representation of the problem is spread through major international institutions and is being portrayed as morally correct. This problem representation can be replaced by create a political climate where other opponents opinions are seen as legitimate, which makes it possible to politicize gender and also for humans to identify in more ways.

Chantal Mouffe förklarar exkludering och demonisering av politiska partier som en kontraproduktiv strategi. När etablerade partier samlas kring en konsensus i mitten reduceras medborgarnas valmöjligheter och undergräver demokratin, menar Mouffe. Detta är exempel på politiska fenomen som enligt Mouffe leder till att högerpopulistiska partier gynnas, något som skett i flera Europeiska länder. Högerpopulistiska partier och rörelser växer på många håll i Europa och Mouffe menar att uppsvinget för högerpopulismen och den populistiska retoriken till stor del beror på de etablerade partiernas tillkortakommanden. Syftet med uppsatsen är att utifrån Mouffes teori, och med Sverige som exempel, förklara hur en svag regering och ett starkt högerpopulistiskt parti hänger ihop med oförmågan att tänka politiskt och reflektera över hur en vänstervriden populistisk motståndskraft skulle kunna se ut.

This essay has two aims. The first is to provide a better understanding of how youths in urban Mwanza envision a deepening of the democratic system in regard to the deliberative democracy theory by Jürgen Habermas and the agonistic pluralism by Chantal Mouffe. The second aim is to connect the empirical material – the democratic deepening visions of youths in urban Mwanza – to a theoretical discussion, transforming the democratic models into democratization chains. The theoretical contribution in this essay is to apply these theoretical models to an emerging democracy such as Tanzania, and to to transform the agonistic pluralism and deliberative models into democratization chains. The empirical material in this essay has further been gathered through semi-structured interviews with 19 youths in urban Mwanza. The results presented in the first analytical chapter shows that youths in urban Mwanza leans towards a vision of a deliberative model of democracy rather then an agonistic pluralism, but that a social class dimension could be seen as affecting the lean. Particularly less-educated females raised concerns that a deliberative approach would segment an unsatisfying political status quo. The theoretical discussion showed that the implications visions of a deepened democracy from youths in urban Mwanza theoretically could have on the democratization process changes if the theories are seen as models or chains.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Washington, 1995. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves [478]-494).

‘The Swedish model’ is a term which has a long history in the Swedish political debate. In recent years, the term has often been contested in terms of what it actually means; it has even been accused of being inherently meaningless. The purpose of this thesis is thus to examine how meaning is constructed in relation to the Swedish model through examining statements by the party leaders of the two biggest Swedish parties, the Social Democrats and the Moderates, during 2009, 2014 and 2018. Through applying aspects of the theoretical framework laid out by Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe to articulations of the Swedish model in party leader debates in the Swedish parliament, chains of equivalence and discourses centered around nodal points are constructed. A distinction can be drawn between several discourses, the threats to the model that they emphasize, and their construction of liberty and safety in relation to the Swedish model.

Taking as motivation Chantal Mouffe’s critique of Habermasian deliberative democracy, this thesis sets out to evaluate her conception of democracy — agonistic pluralism — in relation the deliberative approach of Rainer Forst. The evaluation was performed with the aid of a specific conceptualization of legitimacy as to its function, source, and connection to democracy. The evaluation found that the Forstian model of democracy was more aligned to the thesis’ concept of legitimacy. However, the evaluation also found that aspects of Mouffe’s democratic theory was not at such odds with the deliberative approach as it would have you believe.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-12T23:13:41Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 arquivo3384_1.pdf: 867123 bytes, checksum: fe89fdad5938f4de78df413d813c856a (MD5) license.txt: 1748 bytes, checksum: 8a4605be74aa9ea9d79846c1fba20a33 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / Neste trabalho buscamos investigar continuidades e descontinuidades da tradição marxista no pós-marxismo de Ernesto Laclau e Chantal Mouffe. Tomamos como ponto de partida a identificação de conceitos e formas discursivas oriundos do marxismo que são prolongados na transição para o enfoque pós-marxista. Para tanto, discutimos, primeiramente, a complexidade intrínseca à idéia de tradição marxista em diferentes momentos de sua história. Essa discussão permitiu apreender os debates e preocupações desenvolvidos no interior da tradição marxista que foram herdados pelo pós-marxismo, como a tentativa de combater o economicismo e afirmar a centralidade da política. O pós-marxismo também herda os dilemas políticos decorrentes da crise do marxismo e tenta repensar uma estratégia socialista na nova conjuntura do último quartel do século XX. Num segundo momento, abordamos as respostas à crise do marxismo que contribuíram para a constituição de um terreno pós-marxista e assinalamos como o grupo Socialismo ou Barbárie, a retomada do pensamento de Gramsci, as idéias de Derrida e a psicanálise exerceram forte influência sobre o enfoque de Laclau e Mouffe. Como desdobramento dessa análise, analisamos o desenvolvimento intelectual de Laclau e Mouffe e ressaltamos que há um contínuo diálogo crítico com a tradição marxista e um esforço no sentido de superar todo pressuposto essencialista inerente ao pensamento marxista. Por fim, investigamos de que maneira categorias oriundas do marxismo, como o materialismo, o antagonismo e a noção de hegemonia, como meio de repensar a estratégia socialista, são reelaboradas por Laclau e Mouffe, em que se definem como pós-marxistas. Nesta análise consideramos que, apesar dos autores tomarem tais categorias como ponto de partida, há uma ruptura com o pensamento de Marx na reformulação dessas categorias

Les littératures de pays anciennement colonisés, ou "postcoloniales", développement un mode d'expression original, qui outrepasse des limites. En s'appuyant sur les analyses de Patrick Sultan, on constate que la transgression est présente partout dans ces oeuvres : transgressions politiques, discursives, sociales, linguistiques et littéraires. Les auteurs postcoloniaux se définissent dans un rapport de tension avec l'ordre établi : pour exister, ils choisissent de rejeter l'héritage colonial. Pourtant, paradoxalement, le français demeure la norme, la langue d'expression. Ainsi, Déwé Görödé et Chantal Spitz, deux auteures respectivement kanak et polynésienne, subvertissent dans leurs oeuvres les normes, les codes et les formes liées à la culture française, accédant ainsi à une liberté nouvelle. Elles expriment leurs souffrances, dans une position anti-coloniale, où elles résistent à l'inclusion dans l'Etat-nation. Ceci se traduit dans l'écriture, où le refus des normes est omniprésent : transgressions des genres, déconstruction des codes grammaticaux, recours à des formes linguistiques jugées "familières" ou "populaires", expression de la révolte et de la violence...Elles assument cette nouvelle parole, et ce nouveau style d'écriture, qui est le leur. De plus, elles choisissent des personnages subversifs. Cette forme de littérature transgressive, qui porte les stigmates du colonialisme, est porteuse d'une joie paradoxale : le sérieux du propos politique peut côtoyer des passages plus légers, où les deux auteures s'amusent avec les mots, inventent des tournures de phrases, des néologismes, des calembours...L'écriture, très puissante, dévoile ainsi une grande fantaisie verbale. Si les femmes sont montrées comme victimes de la violence des hommes, dont elles restent souvent esclaves, elles expriment aussi une philosophie joyeuse, une philosophie du présent, un "gai savoir" au sens nietzschéen. / The literatures of formely colonised countries, also known as (postcolonial studies", have developed an original mode of expression, overstepping some limits. The notion of transgresseion refers to the breaking of rules, codes, while implying at the same time the existence of a norm to conformto. Bearing on Patrick Sultan's analyses, we have come to the conclusion that the notion of transgression can be found everywhere in postcolonial literary works, be it political, discursive, social, linguistic or literary. Postcolonial authors define themselves by their strained relationship with the established order. In other words, their choice of standing against colonial heritage is the aim and condition of their very exixtence. Still, the French language paradoxically remains the norm, the language of expression. Against this backdrop, Déwé Görödé and Chantal Spitz, a kanak and Polynésian author respectively, use their work to subvert the norms, the codes and the forms related to the French Culture, thereby gaining a new form of freedom. This finds expression in their writing, where the rejection of norms i all pervasive and underlies a transgression of genres, a deconstruction of grammar codes, the author's resorting to linguistic forms perceived as "colloquial or popular", the expression of revolt and violence. Moreover, the authors choose subversive characters. A careful study of these women's works has allowed me to show that this transgressive literary form, which bears the marks of colonialism, carries a parodixal joy : the gravity of the political discourse may well be interspersed with lighter passage, where the two authors play with words, and create their own turns of phrase, neologisms and puns. Therefore, their extremely powerful writing reveals remarkable verbal playfullness with words.

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<p>In this essay I try to find out how the local political climate in the Swedish Municipal Örebro looks like through the eyes of Michel Foucault. I’ve been focusing on the concept power, knowledge and politic. I’ve been applying the discourse theory on the study and the founder of that theory is Chantal Mouffe and Ernesto Laclau, the discoursetheory is a refinement of Foucaults thoughts about discourse. The object of study is the Mayor of Örebro, Staffan Werme and the position connected to that post. I’ve used the method “shadowing”, and I’ve been following the Mayor in every physical room that he appears in for nearly two weeks. The aim is too see which subject-position that the Mayor ascribes to in those different rooms, and also how the concept of power is used.</p>