In the first section of the dissertation, strike law in the Netherlands is focused upon. The following issues are inter alia dealt with: the historical background of the strike phenomenon, the right to strike and restrictions on this right, the reluctance of the Dutch legislature to legislate in the field of industrial action, and the directly applicable provisions of the European Social Charter. The second section of the dissertation deals with South African strike law and also starts off with a discussion of the historical background thereof, whereafter the provisions of the 1995 Labour Relations Act are analysed and discussed. The third and last section highlights some of the major differences and points to some similarities between the two legal systems. It concludes that the detailed South African labour legislation does not provide more certainty than the Dutch judge-made law in respect of the law relating to strikes. / Law / LL.M.

Progress towards sustainability requires changes in our individual and collective behaviour. Yet, our fundamental understanding of behaviour in relation to environmental change remains severely limited. In particular, little attention has been given to how individual and collective behaviours respond to, and are shaped by, non-linear environmental change (such as ‘regime shifts’) and its inherent uncertainties. The thesis makes two main contributions to the literature: 1) it provides one of the first accounts of human behaviour and collective action in relation to ecological regime shifts and associated uncertainties; and 2) extends the incipient behavioural common-pool resource literature that acknowledges social-ecological dynamics and ecological complexity. The overarching aim of this thesis is to further advance an empirically grounded understanding of human behaviour in social-ecological systems. In particular, the thesis attempts to unravel critical social-ecological factors and mechanisms for the sustainability of common-pool resources. This is especially relevant for contexts in which livelihoods can be more directly threatened by regime shifts. The following methods are applied: behavioural economic experiments in the lab (with students; Papers I and II) and in the field (with small-scale fishers from four different communities in the Colombian Caribbean; Paper III), and agent-based modelling empirically informed by a subset of the lab experiments (Paper IV). Paper I tests the effect of an endogenously driven regime shift on the emergence of cooperation and sustainable resource use. Paper II tests the effect of different risk levels of such a regime shift. The regime shift in both papers has negative consequences for the productivity of the shared resource. Paper III assesses the effect of different degrees of uncertainty about a climate-induced threshold in stock dynamics on the exploitation patterns; as well as the role of social and ecological local context. Paper IV explores critical individual-level factors and processes affecting the simultaneous emergence of collective action and sustainable resource use. Results cumulatively suggest that existing scientific knowledge indicating the potential for ecological regime shifts should be communicated to affected local communities, including the remaining uncertainties, as this information can encourage collective action for sustainable resource use. Results also highlight the critical role of ecological knowledge, knowledge-sharing, perceived ecological uncertainties, and the role local contexts play for sustainable outcomes. This thesis enriches the literature on social-ecological systems by demonstrating how a behavioural experimental approach can contribute new insights relevant for sustainability. Overall, these insights indicate that, given the opportunity and the willingness of people to come together, share knowledge, exchange ideas, and build trust, potential ecological crises can encourage collective action, and uncertainties can be turned into opportunities for dealing with change in constructive ways. This provides a hopeful outlook in the face of escalating environmental change and inherent uncertainties. / <p>At the time of the doctoral defense, the following paper was unpublished and had a status as follows: Paper 3: Manuscript.</p>

Much of the scholarly literature on Indigenous media relations frames Indigenous peoples as passive players in the mainstream media, and focuses on negative elements such as stereotypes. This thesis challenges this view, finding that Indigenous peoples in Canada actively and strategically engage with mainstream and social media as they forward their social and political agendas. This thesis provides an analysis of the counter-colonial narrative in Canada by offering a new perspective on Indigenous media relations, focusing as a case on the Idle No More movement. Emphasizing three dimensions of communication--the mainstream print media, social media, and individuals involved in Indigenous media relations--I examine the ways in which Indigenous agency and empowerment have the potential to change discourses in the media. As sources of insight I draw on a discourse analysis of mainstream news media, a qualitative analysis of social media and on interviews with those who have significant experience in Indigenous media relations. Interviews with prominent media personalities and individuals involved in media relations (including CBC’s Duncan McCue and Janet Rogers; Four Host Nations CEO Tewanee Joseph, and others) illustrate the novel and impactful ways indigenous peoples in Canada are actively and strategically shaping the mainstream media. These representations create a more complex picture of Indigenous peoples as they counter the stereotyped or victimized media narratives within which Indigenous peoples have historically been placed. / Graduate / 0327 / 0708 / 0391 / tiahiltz@uvic.ca

À l’ère de la mondialisation institutionnelle des sociétés modernes, alors que la confluence d’une myriade d’influences à la fois micro et macro-contextuelles complexifient le panorama sociopolitique international, l’intégration de l’idéal participatif par les processus de démocratisation de la santé publique acquiert l’apparence d’une stratégie organisationnelle promouvant la cohésion des multiples initiatives qui se tissent simultanément aux échelles locale et globale. L’actualisation constante des savoirs contemporains par les divers secteurs sociétaux ainsi que la perception sociale de différents risques conduisent à la prise de conscience des limites de la compétence technique des systèmes experts associés au domaine de la santé et des services sociaux. La santé publique, une des responsables légitimes de la gestion des risques modernes à l’échelle internationale, fait la promotion de la création d’espaces participatifs permettant l’interaction mutuelle d’acteurs intersectoriels et de savoirs multiples constamment modifiables. Il s’agit là d’une stratégie de relocalisation institutionnelle de l’action collective afin de rétablir la confiance envers la fiabilité des représentants de la santé publique internationale, qui ne répondent que partiellement aux besoins actuels de la sécurité populationnelle. Dans ce contexte, les conseils locaux de santé (CLS), mis en place à l’échelle internationale dans le cadre des politiques régionales de décentralisation des soins de santé primaires (SSP), représentent ainsi des espaces participatifs intéressants qui renferment dans leur fonctionnement tout un univers de forces de tension paradoxales. Ils nous permettent d’examiner la relation de caractère réciproque existant entre, d’une part, une approche plus empirique par l’analyse en profondeur des pratiques participatives (PP) plus spécifiques et, d’autre part, une compréhension conceptuelle de la mondialisation institutionnelle qui définit les tendances expansionnistes très générales des sociétés contemporaines. À l’aide du modèle de la transition organisationnelle (MTO), nous considérons que les PP intégrées à la gouverne des CLS sont potentiellement porteuses de changement organisationnel, dans le sens où elles sont la condition et la conséquence de nombreuses traductions stratégiques et systémiques essentiellement transformatrices. Or, pour qu’une telle transformation puisse s’accomplir, il est nécessaire de développer les compétences participatives pertinentes, ce qui confère au phénomène participatif la connotation d’apprentissage organisationnel de nouvelles formes d’action et d’intervention collectives. Notre modèle conceptuel semble fournir un ensemble de considérations épistémosociales fort intéressantes et très prometteuses permettant d’examiner en profondeur les dimensions nécessaires d’un renouvellement organisationnel de la participation dans le champ complexe de la santé publique internationale. Il permet de concevoir les interventions complexes comme des réseaux épistémiques de pratiques participatives (RÉPP) rassemblant des acteurs très diversifiés qui s’organisent autour d’un processus de conceptualisation transculturelle de connaissances ainsi que d’opérationnalisation intersectorielle des actions, et ce, par un ensemble de mécanismes d’instrumentalisation organisationnelle de l’apprentissage. De cette façon, le MTO ainsi que la notion de RÉPP permettent de mieux comprendre la création de passages incessants entre l’intégration locale des PP dans la gouverne des interventions complexes de la santé et des services sociaux – tels que les CLS –, et les processus plus larges de réorganisation démocratique de la santé publique dans le contexte global de la mondialisation institutionnelle. Cela pourrait certainement nous aider à construire collectivement l’expression réflexive et manifeste des valeurs démocratiques proposées dans la Déclaration d’Alma-Ata, publiée en 1978, lors de la première Conférence internationale sur les SSP. / In an age of the institutional globalization of modern societies, the confluence of a myriad of micro- and macro-contextual factors complicates the international socio-political arena. In this context, the integration of participatory values through the democratization processes of Public Health takes on the appearance of an organizational strategy promoting cohesion among a multitude of local and global initiatives. The constant renewal of intersectoral knowledge and the social perception of risk suggest an increased social awareness regarding the limits of technical competence of social and healthcare Systems. As a legitimate international actor in the management of modern health risks, Public Health creates participatory spaces that enable interaction of intersectoral actors and constantly changing and dynamic knowledge. It is indeed a strategy of the institutional “relocalisation” of collective action, aiming to restore trust in the level of reliability of international Public Health representatives who only partially meet the current needs of population security. In this context, Local Health Councils (LHC), implemented internationally as part of decentralized Primary Health Care (PHC) regional policies, represent participative spaces that involve countless paradoxical forces of tension. The LHC provides both an opportunity to examine the reciprocal relationship between an in-depth empirical analysis of specific participatory practices (PP), as well as a conceptual comprehension of the institutional globalization defining the general expansionist tendencies of modern societies. Using the organizational transition model (OTM), we postulate that the integration of PP into LHC governance is potentially associated with organizational change in creating both the conditions and the consequences of numerous strategic and systemic translations, which are essentially transformative. However, in order for this transformation to occur, relevant participative skills need to be developed. Consequently, this participative phenomenon takes on the shape of an organizational learning process allowing new forms of collective action and intervention to be accomplished. Our conceptual model offers a set of interesting and promising “epistemosocial” considerations for an in-depth examination of the dimensions essential for an organizational renewal of participation in the complex field of Global Health. Through the OTM, we conceive complex interventions as epistemic networks of participative practices (ENPP) composed of a wide range of actors organized around a double process of transcultural conceptualization of knowledge and inter-sector operationalization of action. This process is possible through a set of mechanisms of organizational instrumentation of learning. In this way, the OTM and the concept of ENPP allow for a better understanding of the unceasing transition between the local integration of PP in the governance of complex interventions in the field of health and social services – such as LCH – and the broader processes of democratic reorganization of Public Health in a global context of institutional globalization. This could certainly help us to collectively construct a reflexive and manifest expression of democratic values proposed in Alma-Ata Declaration published in 1978 during the first International Conference on PHC.

Cette recherche s'intéresse à l'acteur patronal organisé, encore peu étudié en Amérique du Nord. Pourtant, cet acteur est fortement organisé au Québec et il exerce une influence reconnue sur les politiques publiques et les relations industrielles. Cette recherche vise à mieux comprendre la logique d’action des employeurs et les lieux où ils exercent leur influence. Plus important encore, la recherche s’interroge sur les mécanismes de diffusion utilisés par les associations patronales pour transmettre à leurs membres des orientations et des lignes directrices à adopter. Tout comme pour l’acteur syndical qui doit développer sa capacité représentative (Dufour, Hege, Levesque et Murray, 2009), nous croyons qu’il en est de même pour l’acteur patronal. Bref, cette étude cherche à comprendre comment les associations patronales vont s'assurer que leurs membres adoptent des pratiques en lien avec les positions défendues dans les institutions du marché du travail et dans la sphère des politiques publiques. Notre question de recherche est la suivante : Quels sont les mécanismes développés par les associations patronales pour diffuser leurs orientations en matière de politiques publiques et de relations du travail en vue d’influencer les pratiques locales de gestion de leurs membres? Au plan théorique, cette étude mobilise les idées développées par les approches néo-institutionnalistes pour mieux expliquer comment les acteurs vont utiliser les institutions en place pour façonner les règles dans leurs intérêts, ce qui suppose d’abord une capacité de représentation et une cohérence dans les actions entre les niveaux où se situent l’acteur. On cherche à comprendre comment les associations peuvent coordonner les actions patronales en réaction aux changements qui s’opèrent dans l’environnement institutionnel. Les associations patronales sont des entrepreneurs institutionnels (Crouch, 2005) qui sont à la recherche active d’opportunités et de leviers de pouvoir à utiliser pour maximiser leurs intérêts de leurs membres et par la même occasion, réduire les incertitudes en provenance de l’environnement (Campbell, 2004; Streeck et Thelen, 2005; Crouch, 2005). Toujours au niveau théorique, cette étude se base sur les idées avancées par la sociologie des logiques d’action. Cette approche théorique nous permet de rendre compte des niveaux sectoriel et local où s’enracinent les comportements des employeurs. Au niveau sectoriel, il existe une pluralité d’instances qui contribuent à façonner les logiques d’actions des associations patronales. La sociologie des logiques d’actions nous permet d’envisager l’association patronale comme un groupe qui dispose d’une vie qui lui est propre avec une relative autonomie de fonctionnement. La capacité d’influence de l’association serait tributaire des mécanismes de coordination de l’action utilisés pour susciter l’accord au sein du groupe. Les mécanismes de coordination de l’action devraient permettre une connexion régulière et stable entre l’association et ses membres. Cette recherche s’intéresse aux associations patronales qui ont recours à un ensemble de moyens pour diffuser les orientations privilégiées aux entreprises membres. Au plan empirique, cette recherche propose de répondre aux trois objectifs suivants : (1) mieux comprendre les formes d’organisation patronales dans les mines au Québec; (2) mieux saisir la structure et la logique d’action des associations patronales sur les politiques publiques, les relations de travail et le marché du travail et finalement (3) mieux comprendre les mécanismes développés par les associations patronales pour diffuser leurs orientations en vue d’influencer les pratiques locales de gestion de leurs membres. Pour atteindre nos objectifs de recherche, nous avons utilisé une méthodologie qualitative de recherche soit une étude de cas du secteur des mines au Québec. Cette dernière a été conduite en trois étapes : la préparation, la collecte des données et l’interprétation (Merriam, 1998). Les données de cette étude ont été recueillies à l’hiver 2012, par le biais d’entretiens semi-directifs auprès de gestionnaires d’entreprises minières et de dirigeants d’associations minières. Une analyse qualitative du contenu de ces entrevues a été effectuée en lien avec la revue de littérature et nos propositions de recherche. À cette fin, nous avons utilisé la technique de l’appariement logique de Yin (1994), ce qui nous a permis de comparer nos observations à nos propositions de recherche. Au niveau des résultats, nous avons pu constater que les associations patronales du secteur des mines au Québec, endossent davantage le rôle de porte-parole de l’industrie auprès du gouvernement que celui de développeur de services aux membres. Les actions des associations patronales s’exercent à tous les niveaux décisionnels afin d’assurer la meilleure promotion possible des intérêts des employeurs. La représentation politique représente le champ d’activité le plus important qui compose la logique d’action des associations patronales de la filière minérale québécoise. Mentionnons également que la représentation des intérêts des entreprises auprès du public et des médias est également vitale à l’action collective patronale dans un souci d’acceptabilité sociale. Les associations d’employeurs vont tenter principalement d’influencer les pratiques en relations industrielles qui permettent d’assurer une meilleure image de l’industrie et qui sont jugées prioritaires en fonction du contexte institutionnel en place. La recherche nous a permis d’observer un impact favorable et significatif à la capacité de diffusion pour cinq des sept mécanismes de diffusion faisant partie de notre modèle d’analyse. Trois de ces cinq mécanismes favorisent la capacité de diffusion descendante (transposition de la logique d’action sectorielle sur les pratiques locales des membres) et les deux autres favorisent plutôt la capacité de diffusion ascendante (transposition des enjeux locaux jugés prioritaires sur la logique d’action sectorielle). Les mécanismes qui supportent au mieux la cohésion au sein de l’association sont ceux qui impliquent une relation dynamique entre les représentants et les membres et entre les membres eux-mêmes d’où la pertinence d’une diffusion descendante et ascendante des orientations. Il est à noter qu’étant donné que cette recherche consiste en une étude de cas, des limites méthodologiques liées à la généralisation des résultats sont présentes. Il n’est pas aisé d’affirmer que les résultats de cette microanalyse soient généralisables en raison des spécificités du secteur à l’étude. En contrepartie, les analyses ont servi à l’élaboration d’un modèle qui pourra être utilisé dans des études futures. / This research focuses on employer collective action to this day little studied in North America. Yet, this actor is highly organized in Quebec and has an influence on public policies and industrial relations. This research aims to gain a better understanding on employer’s logic action and the areas where they exert their influence. Most important, the research questions the diffusion mechanisms used by employer’s organizations to transmit orientations and guidelines to adopt by their members. Like the unions who has to develop their representative capacity (Dufour, Hege, Levesque and Murray, 2009), we believe it should be the same for the employers. Notably, this research wants to understand how the employers’ organizations makes sure that their members adopt practices related to the positions defended in labor market institutions and in the area of public’s policies. Our research question is the following one: What are the mechanisms developed by employers’ organizations to diffuse their orientations about public’s policies and labor relations on the local managing practices of their members? On the theoretical plan, this research is based on ideas developed by neo-institutionalism theories for a better explanation of how the actors used the institutions in place to shape the rules to their best interests, what points to a representative capacity and coherence in the actions between the levels where the employer is present. We are looking to understand how the employers’ organizations can coordinate the employers’ actions in reaction to the transformations in the institutional environment. The employers’ organizations are institutional entrepreneurs (Crouch, 2005) who are actively researching opportunities and power leverage to use to maximize their members’ interests and by the same occasion reduce the uncertainty issued from the environment (Campbell, 2004; Streeck et Thelen, 2005; Crouch, 2005). Still on the theoretical plan, this research is based on the ideas proposed by the logic of action sociology. This theoretical approach allows us to account for local and sectorial levels where the employers’ behaviors are rooted. On sectorial level, there is a plurality of instances who contributed to shape the logic of action of employers’ organizations. The logic of action sociology considered the employer organization as a group with a distinct life and a functional autonomy. The influence capacity of the organization depends on the coordination mechanisms used to generate agreement within the group. The coordination mechanisms should allow a regular and stable connection between the organization and their members. This research is interested by the employers’ organization that uses a set of means to diffuse the privileged orientations to the enterprises members. On the empirical plan, this research targets three objectives: (1) To gain a better understanding of the employers organizations forms in the Quebec mining sector; (2) obtain a better understanding of the structure and the logic of action of the employers organizations on the public policies, labor relations and labor market and finally, (3) to attain a better understanding of the mechanisms developed by the employers organizations to diffuse their orientations on the managing local practices of their members. In order to meet our research objectives, we used a qualitative research methodology; the case study of the Quebec mining industry was used. This method was processed in three steps; the preparation, the data collection and the interpretation (Merriam, 1998). Data for this research was collected during the winter of 2012 from interviews with mining enterprises managers and mining association managers. A qualitative analysis of the interview content was made and linked to the literature review and our research propositions. To this end, we used the patterns matching Yin (1994). This allowed us to compare our observations with our research propositions. In terms of results, we found that employers' associations in the mining sector in Quebec endorse further the role of spokesman for the industry to the government rather than service developer to members. Actions of employers' association takes place at all levels of the decision making process to ensure the best possible promotion of employers interests. Political representation is the most important field of activity which composes the logic action of employers' associations in the Quebec mining sector. It is important to note also that the representation of business interests with the public and media is also vital to employers’ collective action in the interests of social acceptability. Employers' associations will mainly try to influence industrial relations practices that ensure a better image of the industry and are prioritized based on the institutional context in place. Research has allowed us to observe a positive and significant impact on the diffusion capacity for five of the seven diffusion mechanisms composing our analysis model. Three of these five mechanisms promote downward diffusion capacity (transposition of the logic of sectoral action of members on local practices) and the other two tend to favor the upward diffusion capacity (transposition of local issues judged a priority on the sectors logic action). Mechanisms that better supports cohesion within the organization are those that involve a dynamic relationship between representatives and members and between members themselves thus demonstrating the relevance of a downward and upward diffusion direction. It should be noted that since this research is a case study, there is some methodological limits specifically in the generalization of the results. It is hard to state that the results of this micro-analysis are generalized regarded to the specificities of the case study. On the other hand, the analysis helped to the elaboration of a model that can be used for future studies.

Cette recherche apporte un éclairage nouveau sur les associations patronales au Québec, tout en contribuant au développement d’outils théoriques qui pourront être mis à profit lors de recherches ultérieures. Les associations patronales québécoises se dédient à la défense des intérêts collectifs de leurs membres, déterminés en fonction de certaines valeurs caractéristiques du libéralisme économique. Les membres exercent pour leur part une influence sur l'agenda stratégique de leur association. Aussi, la perception que les acteurs patronaux ont d’eux-mêmes varie en fonction de la provenance des fonds dont ils disposent et leur indépendance économique est perçue comme un gage de légitimité. De plus, le type de stratégies pour lequel optent les associations patronales est influencé par le niveau géo-économique auquel se déroulent leurs activités. Enfin, les associations patronales mettent en place des innovations institutionnelles afin de renouveler des processus devenus désuets et ce, grâce aux ressources de pouvoir dont elles disposent. Plusieurs éléments déterminent les moyens mis en œuvre par les associations patronales pour influencer les politiques publiques, les relations du travail et les institutions du marché du travail. L'État est d’ailleurs la cible première de leurs actions et ce, principalement en ce qui concerne les dossiers relatifs à la sphère économique. La prise en considération des intérêts individuels et collectifs des membres détermine si les organisations mobilisent leurs ressources de pouvoir pour engendrer des changements institutionnels, ce qui les place dans une logique proactive. Les ressources de pouvoir ne sont toutefois pas toujours mises à profit dans ce but, car la plupart du temps, les associations se comportent de manière réactive, sans chercher à modifier leur environnement institutionnel. / This research sheds new light on the employers’ associations in the province of Quebec, and contributes to the development of theoretical tools that can be used in future research. Provincial business associations are dedicated to defending the collective interests of their members, generally guided by values of economic liberalism. Members have an influence on the strategic agenda of their association. The image of the organisation will vary depending on its sources of funding, with greater financial independence bolstering an association’s perceived legitimacy. Furthermore, the level at which the activities of the business associations take place influences the type of strategies used to attain their goals. Finally, they can use their power resources to implement institutional innovations in order to renew processes that have become obsolete. Several factors determine the means used by business associations to influence public policy, work relations and labor market institutions. The State constitutes the main target of action for business organisations, with a usual focus on economic matters. The combination of individual and collective interests of members determines whether the association mobilizes its power resources to generate institutional change, which would place it in a proactive logic of action. However power resources are not always used in this manner; associations in fact mostly behave reactively, without trying to modify their institutional environment.

Cette recherche interroge les conditions de structuration et de perduration d’un engagement séparé pour les femmes dans les organisations et au sein de mobilisations agricoles bretonnes. Majoritairement composés d’exploitantes installées en couple et situés à la frontière entre associations de défense de l’égalité, cercles de sociabilités professionnelles et groupes de parole, les espaces d’encadrement agricole féminins offrent une occasion idoine de questionner non seulement l’imbrication des identités professionnelles et conjugales dans l’engagement mais également la labilité des usages rhétoriques de l'égalité et du féminisme dans des espaces professionnels non-mixtes. L’analyse de leur position dans l’espace de la représentation agricole questionne le degré d’autonomie des revendications portées au nom des agricultrices, leur influence sur les agendas organisationnels et leur effet sur la construction des carrières militantes. L’enquête s’appuie sur un dispositif cumulant une observation de quatre années des activités formelles et informelles des groupes féminins, une étude de leur documentation professionnelle, un recensement de leurs tribunes dans la presse agricole, auxquels s’ajoutent la réalisation d’entretiens avec les actrices qui y sont engagées et la constitution de données statistiques relatives aux mandats féminins dans les organisations agricoles bretonnes depuis 1990. Sur la base d’une analyse croisant les études de genre, la sociologie du militantisme et celle de la représentation professionnelle agricole, notre thèse consiste à démontrer que les groupes et mobilisations d’agricultrices forgent les contours d’une « cause de femmes » agricole mise sous tutelle des intérêts catégoriels et chevillée à l’idéal normatif de la complémentarité des sexes. En tant que réceptacles de positions professionnelles, organisationnelles et conjugales entrecroisées, les espaces de l’engagement féminin produisent des politisations ambivalentes de ces appartenances multiples, à la fois porteuses de contestation comme de reproduction des hiérarchies sexuées et de l’ordre social et politique. / This research looks into the conditions for the structuring and continuation of a separate female activism within Breton organisations and farmers mobilisations. Mainly made up of professionals living in couples and situated at the intersection between gender equality advocacy groups, professional networks and support groups, farming self-help groups are a case in point to question not only the intertwining of professional and marital identities within activism but also the lability of rhetorical uses of equality and feminism within women-only professional spaces. The analysis of their position within the farmers’ representation spaces makes it compelling to question the degree of autonomy of the claims made in the name of women farmers, their influence upon the setting of professional agendas and their impact on the development of activist careers.Evidence was collected through an apparatus which consisted in the addition of a four-year-long observation of female groups’ formal and informal activities, an analysis of their professional literature, an inventory of their opinion columns inside the farm press, to which can be added semi-structured interviews with women farmers engaged in this activism and the setting up of statistical data about female mandates within Breton farm organisations since the 1990s. Drawing on an analysis which mixes gender studies, sociology of militancy and studies of farming professional representation, this PhD aims to demonstrate that women farmers groups and mobilisations shape the features of a farming “women cause” although it is subordinated to corporatist interests and seen through the lenses of the normative ideal of complementarity between the sexes. Being a repository of interlinked professional, organisational and matrimonial standpoints, female activism spaces lead to the ambivalent politicisation of plural belongings. These multiple affiliations can be a catalyst for protest as well as a way to reproduce sexual hierarchies and social and political order.

When collective action for community is defined as local development or as a struggle for survival different understandings are in focus. Politically, this kind of community action is defined as local development and understood in terms of growth and economics. An economic approach to community action is also emphasised in the EU-programmes that support local development groups and projects. On the other hand local groups describe their activities as a struggle for community and community survival. Inspired by feministic research approaches and with an interest in human aspects and values this study investigates meanings of community action as experienced and expressed by rural inhabitants and activists. The study is based on fieldwork that was carried out in a small rural community in the northern inlands of Sweden: Trehörningsjö. Since the middle of the 1990s, the women in Trehörningsjö have driven collective action to uphold the community. With its point of departure in the community and expanding into the arenas of reserach and politics, the study takes on the form of a reflexive research process in which the researcher's former knowledge and new understandings are made visible and discussed parallel with the interpretations made. The main focus of the study is the activist's demand of voice, visibility and worth. The first chapter presents the local community and provides a background to the study. The chapter includes an account of the reflexive approach that widened the field of research from a local to a translocal study of community action. In chapters two, three, four and five the struggle for community is reflected through fieldwork experiences in Trehörningsjö and other arenas beyond the village. Situated events and instances of collective action such as the fight for the local health care centre, are analysed as symbolic expressions of community values and rural importance. From chapter two and onwards, the study follows the footsteps of the leading female activist in and beyond the community itself; that is, the day-to-day work, meetings, conferences and other places where community action is acted out. The struggle for community is proven to focus on translocal rather than local action. In chapter six the fieldwork experiences - that tell about resistance and a struggle for community values and perspectives - are placed in the wider context of the rural development movement, local development research and governmental rural policy in Sweden. On all these arenas community action tend to be interpreted as local development in line with a growth perspective, rather than as community protests and struggles that expresses other meanings. Chapter seven takes the analyses and discussion further, and relates community struggle to concepts such as civil society and social economy. Anthony Giddens concept of life politics and Alberto Meluccis concept of collective action are used to deepen the analysis on how humane meanings and relation based aspects of community action are made invisible on the political "growht and development" agenda. Community struggle presents a possibility for rural inhabitants to (re)define and reclaim their community and themselves as important and valuable. However, to be able to understand what the concept of community struggle expresses, and demands, it needs to be acknowledged as a form of action that has the potential to challenge established bureaucratic and political defintions, which, in practice, proves to be difficult.

集合住宅社區共同使用部份屬於住戶分別共有的「共有資產」，具有類似公共財的特性，可能會因為相關使用衝突課題，或集體行動困境，而減損多數願意配合社區事務的住戶之使用效益。此外，代理問題可能衍生自管理委員會所建立的管理模式，其影響程度可能因決策控制權及管理權不同程度的委外而有異。 因此，本論文主要有三個探討課題：第一，從集體行動困境角度分析並釐清管理委員會自治管理問題；第二，依據代理理論、公司治理機制，從決策控制權移轉的程度來重新定義集合住宅社區的事務管理模式，分析事務管理模式對於管理維護效率的影響；第三，了解使用混合與面積混合所產生的使用衝突與管理維護績效間的相互關係。本文使用台北集合住宅管理維護現況調查的問卷資料進行實證研究，期望透過上述課題的探討，釐清管理維護潛在問題，並對不同類型社區提出適宜管理維護方式的建議，產生兼具學術與實務面之貢獻。 / Common property belonging to all owners of a condominium may cause usage conflicts or collective action dilemmas, due to the characteristic of quasi-public goods diminishing most residents' utility or benefits. Besides, agency problems derived from different management modes established by management committees may have unfavorable influence on management performance to some extent ccording to the delegation degree of decision control and management. Therefore, the main topics of this dissertation are as follows: First, analyzing and cectifying the collective action dilemmas through the self-organized CPR regimes; Secondly, redefining condominium management modes through delegation or outsourcing degrees of decision control according to agency theory and corporate governance framework and analyzing the effects of these modes on management performance; Thirdly, discovering the relationship between usage conflicts derived from the features of housing mix and usage mix and management performance of condominiums. Data collected from a postal questionnaire survey in Taipei city was used in several empirical analyses based on the main topics. Clarify the potential problems of condominium management and proposing appropriate management modes and approaches according to various features of condominiums are expected to be both academic and practical contributions.

Il contributo presenta i risultati di un progetto multi-fase che ha avuto come obiettivo la creazione di un nuovo modello di azione collettiva solidarity-based. Sviluppatosi in tre fasi conseguenti e necessarie, tale progetto mira a fornire indicazioni teoriche, metodologiche ed applicative per interventi di cittadinanza globale capaci di favorire condizioni di giustizia sociale. La prima fase consta di uno studio cross-culturale condotto in Italia, Austria e Stati Uniti volto a rilevare le rappresentazioni sociali dei concetti di obbedienza e disobbedienza in gruppi di giovani-adulti. La discussione dei risultati evidenzia similitudini e differenze cross-culturali tra le rappresentazioni e definisce, per la prima volta in letteratura, attraverso l’utilizzo di mixed methods completamente bottom-up i concetti di obbedienza e disobbedienza. Nella seconda fase è stato creato e validato uno strumento psicometrico in grado di misurare l’atteggiamento relativo alla disobbedienza pro-sociale poiché, nella terza e ultima fase, tale costrutto, insieme alle variabili ragionamento morale e valori di impegno, sono state testate come predittrici del modello EMSICA, modello esplicativo di un’azione collettiva a favore di un out-group in condizioni di svantaggio sociale. La discussione dei risultati indica la rilevanza empirica di tali variabili offrendo interessanti spunti di riflessione per i policy maker. / This dissertation presents the results of a multi-phase project whose goal was the creation of a new model of solidarity-based collective action. Developed in three consequential and necessary phases, this project aims to provide theoretical, methodological and practical guidance for interventions of global citizenship to favor conditions of social justice. The first phase consists of a cross-cultural study conducted in Italy, Austria and the United States aimed at detecting the social representations of the concepts of obedience and disobedience in young adults groups. The discussion of the results highlights the similarities and the differences between cross-cultural representations and defines the concepts of obedience and disobedience for the first time in literature, through the use of completely bottom-up mixed methods. In the second phase has been created and validated a psychometric instrument that can measure the attitude related to pro-social disobedience because, in the third and final stage, this construct, along with the variables moral reasoning and engagement values, have been tested as predictors of the EMSICA model, that explains collective action in favor of a disadvantaged out-group. The discussion of the results indicates the empirical relevance of these variables offering interesting insights for policy makers.