Le processus de désignation des juges de cours supérieures du Canada est perfectible, et ce, tant d'une perspective démocratique que constitutionnelle et fédérative. Actuellement centralisé entre les mains du cabinet fédéral, ce processus qui aboutit ultimement à un pouvoir de nomination judiciaire pose des enjeux de transparence, d'imputabilité et d'intégrité, sans oublier la participation des provinces au sein du processus. La première partie de ce mémoire consiste à établir une proposition en matière démocratique pour encadrer le processus de désignation. Sur le plan théorique, cette proposition interpelle des concepts et des théories tel que l'indépendance judiciaire, la confiance du public, l'ancrage démocratique, la neutralité des nominations, la transparence et le conflit de loyautés. Il s'agit donc de traiter de ces préoccupations légitimes du processus de désignation, pour ensuite esquisser un idéal type permettant une analyse critique. Par le fait même, ce sera l'occasion de brosser une rétrospective des réformes administratives du processus et d'observer plusieurs modèles institutionnels de comparaison tirés de l'expérience québécoise et canadienne et d'autres États de droit démocratiques. La seconde partie du mémoire tente d'intégrer la proposition dans le cadre constitutionnel et fédéral canadien. Il s'agit de décrire les moyens procéduraux les plus susceptibles de garantir le succès d'une réforme du processus, tout en favorisant la participation des provinces. À partir de perspectives historiques et théoriques, concernant les tentatives échouées de réformes constitutionnelles du processus et les fondements du fédéralisme et de son versant coopératif, une série d'éléments servant à adapter notre proposition est tirée. De la nomination des juges comme prérogative traditionnelle de l'exécutif aux propositions de réforme analysées ici, le mémoire explore le processus de désignation comme un exemple emblématique des transformations normatives et de nouvelle gouvernance publique des régimes démocratiques visant une meilleure collaboration, imputabilité, intégrité et transparence des dirigeants politiques. / The process for designating superior court judges in Canada can be improved, both from a democratic, a constitutional, and federative perspective. Currently centralized within the federal cabinet, this process which ultimately leads to a power of judicial appointment raises issues of transparency, accountability, and integrity, not to mention the participation of the provinces in the process. The first part of this master's thesis proposes a democratic framework for overseeing the appointment process. Theoretical aspects of this proposal encompass concepts and theories such as judicial independence, public trust, democratic anchoring, neutrality in appointments, transparency, and conflicts of interest. The aim is to address these legitimate concerns surrounding the appointment process and outline an ideal type for critical analysis. Additionally, this section provides a retrospective of administrative reforms to the process and examines various institutional models drawn from the Quebec and Canadian experiences, as well as other democratic states. The second part seeks to integrate the proposal within the Canadian constitutional and federal framework. It describes procedural means most likely to ensure the success of process reforms while promoting provincial participation. Drawing from historical and theoretical perspectives, including failed attempts at constitutional reforms of the process and the foundations of federalism and cooperative federalism, the thesis derives a series of elements to adapt the proposal. From the appointment of judges as a traditional prerogative of the executive to the reform proposals analyzed here, the master's thesis explores the designation process as a prominent example of normative and new public governance transformations of democratic regimes aimed at better collaboration, accountability, integrity, and transparency of political leaders.

Ce mémoire propose un portrait global et une critique de l'état du droit canadien relatif au statut juridique des municipalités. L'adage voulant que les municipalités constituent des créatures des législatures ne possédant aucun statut constitutionnel est un héritage du droit américain (théorie du Dillon 's rule) de la fin du 1ge siècle. Or, plusieurs États américains ont introduit très tôt le principe du home rule (autonomie locale) dans leurs constitutions. Le Canada n'a pas fait de même et les institutions municipales ne sont toujours pas protégées dans la Constitution écrite. On constate toutefois une évolution de la législation et de la jurisprudence vers une augmentation de l'autonomie municipale. Notre hypothèse est que l'existence d'institutions municipales représentées par des élus et pourvues de pouvoirs autonomes dans les matières d'intérêt purement municipal fait partie de la Constitution non écrite. Les exceptions non écrites au pouvoir d'une province de modifier sa constitution interne, ainsi que les principes structurels de la démocratie et de la protection des minorités sont étudiés. Un statut protégé pour les municipalités est conforme au droit international et plusieurs États, dont la Californie et l’Italie, ont constitutionnalisé les pouvoirs locaux. Enfin, nous proposons diverses avenues inspirées du droit international et du droit comparé afin que le Canada, ou le Québec, reconnaisse expressément que l'existence de la troisième branche de gouvernement est protégée et que la Législature ne peut porter atteinte au caractère démocratique des municipalités, ni à leurs pouvoirs municipaux généraux. / This thesis proposes a global portrait and criticism of Canadian Law concerning the legal status of municipalities. The adage that municipalities are merely creatures of legislatures that have no constitutional status is an inheritance of the American Law (Dillon’s rule) dating back to the end of the 19th century. Many American states have rejected this rule though and implemented home rule powers in their state constitution. But canadian case law has not followed and still refuses to recognize constitutional protection to municipalities. We notice however an evolution of the legislation and the case law towards an increase of municipal autonomy. This research tries to demonstrate that the existence of municipal institutions steered by elected representatives and provided with autonomous powers on subjects of purely municipal interest is part of the unwritten constitutional law. The unwritten exceptions to the legislative power of a province to amend its internal constitution and the unwritten fundamental principles of democracy and protection of minorities will be examined. A protected status for municipalities is in compliance with the international instruments concerning local powers and is present in the constitutions of several States, among which California and Italy. Finally, we propose different measures inspired by international law and comparative law for Canada or Quebec to recognize expressly that the existence of the third branch of government is protected and that the democratic character of municipalities and their general municipal powers cannot be withdrawn by the Legislature.

Il a été démontré que l’Antiquité gréco-romaine avait eu une très forte influence sur le discours et la pratique de la Révolution. Il est donc apparu intéressant d’étudier la présence et l’impact des Antiquités (y compris celtique et germanique) dans les débats politiques et, plus particulièrement, constitutionnels au XIXe siècle afin de vérifier la véracité de la position couramment admise selon laquelle l’Antiquité aurait été presque totalement absente. La France a connu, avant l’époque contemporaine, une succession de renaissances de l’Antiquité. Aussi, celle du XIXe siècle a-t-elle constitué une nouvelle illustration de cet éternel recommencement ou a-t-elle incarné le début d’un épuisement ? En s’appuyant sur un plan chrono-thématique couvrant la période allant de 1814 à 1875, la présente analyse combine histoires des idées et des institutions. Comment l’invocation de l’Antiquité dans les débats constitutionnels et les argumentaires politiques a-t-elle influé sur l’évolution des régimes et la transformation des institutions de la France au XIXe siècle ? Dès la Restauration, l’Antiquité gréco-romaine a effectivement connu un recul idéologique par rapport à la période précédente ; cependant, ce reflux ne fut que relatif (les humanités restaient dans la culture commune) et, pour le moins, ambivalent (car des modèles antiques comme celui du régime mixte attiraient). Cela a toutefois conduit, dans la seconde moitié du XIXe siècle, à une neutralisation scientifique de l’Antiquité gréco-romaine : son intérêt et sa valeur furent comme subjectivisés en raison de la volonté de construire un roman national (en opposition à l’Allemagne) et un avenir politique fondé sur des principes résolument modernes (contractualisme, républicanisme, parlementarisme…). / It has been shown that the Greco-Roman antiquity had a very strong influence over the political discourse during the French Revolution. Thus, it seemed interesting to study the political debates of the XIXth and more specifically the constitutional debates, in order to validate or on the contrary to invalidate the commonly accepted view under which the antiquity would have had barely any influence during the XIXth century. Before modern times France experienced numerous revivals of Antiquity, also the question was to find out if there was another revival of the Antiquity under the XIXth century and if this revival was the beginning of something new or the swan song of the influence of the Antiquity. The present analyses propose to understand through a both chronological and thematic study, covering the period from 1814 to 1875, and by combining history of political ideas and history of the institutions, if the Antiquity had an influence on the political debates and the construction of the political models of the XIXth century. Indeed, as early as the first restoration the influence of antiquity already declined as compared to the previous period, but this backflow is in fact limited (the humanities remained in common culture) and also ambivalent (since an antic model such as the hybrid presidential-parliamentary-judicial interested the politicians). However, this led in the second half of the nineteenth century to a scientific neutralization of the Greco-Roman antiquity : its interest and value were put in perspective, because of the desire of the men of the XIXth century to write a national novel (in opposition to Germany), but also because they wanted a new political order based on some modern principles such as Contractualism, Republicanism and Parliamentarianism.

Les événements intervenus dans certains pays arabes depuis la fin de l’année 2011 ont montré le manque juridique dans ces pays à l’égard des textes juridiques régissant les droits et leurs garanties constitutionnelles et judiciaires. Ces événements ont montré également la nécessité de renforcer les garanties des droits énoncés dans les textes constitutionnels et le besoin de mettre en place des mécanismes capables d’assurer leur respect par tous. Ceci a poussé plusieurs pays à effectuer des réformes constitutionnelles ou de réécriture de nouvelles constitutions afin de répondre aux revendications populaires. Pour comprendre la situation des droits et leurs garanties dans les constitutions arabes, il convient d’étudier, dans un premier temps, les garanties normatives des droits. L’objectif est d’examiner l’existence constitutionnelle des droits dans les Etats car avant même de s'interroger sur leur contenu et leur garantie effective, il faut déjà s'assurer qu'il s'agit bien de normes juridiques. Le principe de la séparation des pouvoirs, qui est un des piliers de l’Etat de droit, mérite d’être examiné dans les pays arabe comme un élément inséparable des garanties des droits dans la Constitution. Dans un second temps, il convient de mettre en exergue le rôle du juge arabe en matière de protection des droits car la proclamation des droits à elle seule ne saurait suffire à assurer la garantie des droits contre les menaces pesant sur eux, mais, Il faut qu'on lui enjoigne la protection. C'est le juge donc qui a le pouvoir de constater les violations de la règle de droit et le cas échéant, de les sanctionner afin d'assurer le respect du droit. Dans ce cadre, on peut envisager deux types de sanctions juridictionnels, par le juge constitutionnel et par le juge judiciaire / The events that took place recently in some Arab countries since the end of 2011 showed the legal shortcomings in these countries with regard to the legal texts governing the rights and their constitutional and judicial guarantees. These events also showed the need to strengthen the guarantees of the rights set forth in the constitutional texts, the need to develop mechanisms to ensure respect by all. This has prompted several countries to make constitutional reforms or rewrite new constitutions in order to respond to popular demands. To understand the situation of rights and their guarantees in Arab constitutions, it is necessary to study, as a first step, the normative guarantees of rights. The objective is to examine the constitutional existence of the rights in the States because even before questioning their contents and their effective guarantee, one must already make sure that they are indeed legal norms. The principle of the separation of powers, which is one of the pillars of the rule of law, deserves to be examined in the Arab countries as an inseparable element of the guarantees of rights in the Constitution. In a second step, the role of the Arab judge in the protection of rights should be highlighted because the proclamation of rights alone is not enough to guarantee the rights against the threats against them, but let him be protected. It is therefore the judge who has the power to find violations of the rule of law and, if necessary, to punish them in order to ensure respect for the law. In this context, two types of judicial sanctions can be envisaged, by the constitutional judge and the judicial judge

Submitted by JOSIANE SANTOS DE OLIVEIRA (josianeso) on 2019-03-11T12:11:51Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Bernardo Leandro Carvalho Costa_.pdf: 1049393 bytes, checksum: b0299852175bedb17c52e68f4898787d (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2019-03-11T12:11:51Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Bernardo Leandro Carvalho Costa_.pdf: 1049393 bytes, checksum: b0299852175bedb17c52e68f4898787d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-11-20 / CNPQ – Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / La présente recherche se propose d’opposer différentes perspectives d’observation du constitutionnalisme. Il s'appuie sur une démonstration des conceptions traditionnelles de la Constitution, élaborées au coeur d'un modèle étatique libéral et non intervenant, afin de mettre en évidence les faiblesses de cette construction théorique liée à la description des éléments constitutifs d'un État relativisés dans le contexte de la globalisation. À partir des preuves de cette limitation dans une perspective de société mondiale, dans laquelle la circulation des lois entre différents pays est évidente, on tentera de démontrer la pertinence des études de sociologie des Constitutions pour la vérification de nouveaux problèmes de droit constitutionnel au niveau mondial, que ce soit dans le cadre de la coordination entre les tribunaux et la législation à différents niveaux ou dans la réglementation autonome du secteur privé. En tant que bon exemple de thème mondial, le blanchiment d’argent sera mis en évidence, en mettant l’accent sur la gouvernance mondiale du Groupe international d’action financière, en collaboration avec plusieurs pays. Après avoir démontré différentes ramifications des propositions de la sociologie des constitutions, une analyse quantitative des décisions de mérite sera demandée concernant le degré de recours en matière de blanchiment d’argent dans le cadre de l'opération Lava Jato, afin de vérifier s'il existe, dans ce cas, un intérêt mondial, mention de lois de droit international intériorisées par le système juridique brésilien. S'il existe une référence significative dans les arrêts analysés, nous tenterons de démontrer en quoi ces données peuvent prouver l'évolution des Constitutions transnationales dans des problèmes de nature globale, ce qui met en évidence la nécessité d'une articulation par les tribunaux entre les normes nationales et internationales de la résolution. Problèmes communs entre différents pays. / O presente trabalho pretende contrastar diferentes perspectivas de observação do constitucionalismo. Parte-se de uma demonstração das tradicionais concepções de Constituição, elaboradas no cerne de um modelo de Estado liberal e não interventor, para evidenciar as insuficiências dessa construção teórica vinculada à descrição de elementos constitutivos de um Estado, que são relativizadas no contexto da globalização. A partir da evidência dessa limitação em uma perspectiva de sociedade mundial, em que a circulação de normas entre diferentes países e evidente, buscar-se-á demonstrar a relevância dos estudos em Sociologia das Constituições para a constatação de novos problemas do Direito Constitucional que estão alçados a nível global, seja no âmbito de articulação entre tribunais e legislação de diferentes níveis ou na regulação autônoma do setor privado. Como um grande exemplo de tema de natureza global será demonstrado o da lavagem de dinheiro, destacando-se a atuação de uma governança global do Grupo de Ação Financeira Internacional, em união com diversos países, no seu combate. Uma vez demonstradas diferentes ramificações das propostas da Sociologia das Constituições, buscar-se-á fazer uma análise quantitativa de decisões de mérito em grau recursal envolvendo lavagem de dinheiro na Operação Lava Jato, com o intuito de verificar se há, nesse caso de interesse mundial, menção a normas de direito internacional que foram internalizadas pelo ordenamento jurídico brasileiro. Em havendo referência significativa nos acórdãos analisados, buscar-se-á demonstrar como esses dados podem comprovar a evolução de Constituições Transnacionais em problemas de natureza global, que evidenciam a necessidade de articulação, pelos tribunais, entre normas de direito nacional e internacional, na resolução de problemas comuns entre diferentes países.

Ce mémoire propose un portrait global et une critique de l'état du droit canadien relatif au statut juridique des municipalités. L'adage voulant que les municipalités constituent des créatures des législatures ne possédant aucun statut constitutionnel est un héritage du droit américain (théorie du Dillon 's rule) de la fin du 1ge siècle. Or, plusieurs États américains ont introduit très tôt le principe du home rule (autonomie locale) dans leurs constitutions. Le Canada n'a pas fait de même et les institutions municipales ne sont toujours pas protégées dans la Constitution écrite. On constate toutefois une évolution de la législation et de la jurisprudence vers une augmentation de l'autonomie municipale. Notre hypothèse est que l'existence d'institutions municipales représentées par des élus et pourvues de pouvoirs autonomes dans les matières d'intérêt purement municipal fait partie de la Constitution non écrite. Les exceptions non écrites au pouvoir d'une province de modifier sa constitution interne, ainsi que les principes structurels de la démocratie et de la protection des minorités sont étudiés. Un statut protégé pour les municipalités est conforme au droit international et plusieurs États, dont la Californie et l’Italie, ont constitutionnalisé les pouvoirs locaux. Enfin, nous proposons diverses avenues inspirées du droit international et du droit comparé afin que le Canada, ou le Québec, reconnaisse expressément que l'existence de la troisième branche de gouvernement est protégée et que la Législature ne peut porter atteinte au caractère démocratique des municipalités, ni à leurs pouvoirs municipaux généraux. / This thesis proposes a global portrait and criticism of Canadian Law concerning the legal status of municipalities. The adage that municipalities are merely creatures of legislatures that have no constitutional status is an inheritance of the American Law (Dillon’s rule) dating back to the end of the 19th century. Many American states have rejected this rule though and implemented home rule powers in their state constitution. But canadian case law has not followed and still refuses to recognize constitutional protection to municipalities. We notice however an evolution of the legislation and the case law towards an increase of municipal autonomy. This research tries to demonstrate that the existence of municipal institutions steered by elected representatives and provided with autonomous powers on subjects of purely municipal interest is part of the unwritten constitutional law. The unwritten exceptions to the legislative power of a province to amend its internal constitution and the unwritten fundamental principles of democracy and protection of minorities will be examined. A protected status for municipalities is in compliance with the international instruments concerning local powers and is present in the constitutions of several States, among which California and Italy. Finally, we propose different measures inspired by international law and comparative law for Canada or Quebec to recognize expressly that the existence of the third branch of government is protected and that the democratic character of municipalities and their general municipal powers cannot be withdrawn by the Legislature.

La restauration de la République conduite par Octavien vit renaître l’activité législative, « florissante » selon les mots d’Ovide (Met., 2.141) « sous la conduite du très juste » Auguste (Met., 5.833). L’association entre Auguste et son oeuvre législative fut telle que parmi les honneurs funèbres, il fut proposé que le nom de chacune des lois figure sur des écriteaux du cortège funéraire. La lex accompagnait Auguste au tombeau. Ses successeurs abandonnèrent progressivement le recours à la lex et quelques décennies après la disparition d’Auguste, la loi recevait comme seule fonction de sanctionner les pouvoirs et honneurs décidés par le Sénat et conférés à l’empereur à chaque début de principat. Cette loi était la dernière traduction formelle de la volonté du populus Romanus : parce qu’elle émanait du peuple et qu’elle établissait un fondement entre le prince et son statut, ses pouvoirs et les activités auxquelles elle donnait lieu, elle retint particulièrement l’attention des Prudents. S’ils constatèrent le bouleversement général des sources du droit que l’enracinement du prince dans l’édifice constitutionnel républicain et le développement de ses interventions normatives avaient entraînés, seule la partie des Prudents que le prince avait associée à l’exercice de sa justice et de sa production normative, amplifia la normativité des formes qu’empruntait la volonté impériale. La formulation de l’identité de la constitution impériale à la lex marqua l’avènement d’un ordre juridique dont la cohérence reposait sur le consensus, non plus des divers organes de la République mais de l’empereur et des Prudents. Le recours à l’autorité de la loi pour caractériser les constitutions impériales leur assurait, au-delà des mutations dont ils surent prendre la mesure, la continuité d’une activité qui s’originait dans les premiers temps de la civitas. / The restoration of the Republic led by Octavian marked a new start of legislative activity, said to be "flourishing" by Ovid (Met.,2.141), "under the leadership of the righteous" Augustus (Met.,2.141). As part of his funeral honours, Augustus being so closely related to his legislative work was made clear when it was suggested that the name of each law were to be inscribed on the banners for the funeral procession. The lex accompanied Augustus to his tomb. Little by little his successors no longer resorted to the lex and a few decades after Augustus decease, the unique function of the law was to acknowledge the powers and honours decided by the Senate and conferred to the Emperor at the beginning of his reign. That law was the last formal expression of the will of the populus Romanus: because it originated from the people and established the basis between the Prince and his status, his power and the activities that rose from it, it particularly caught the attention of the Prudentes. Though they may have noted the general disruption of the sources of the Law, resulting from the normative interventions of the emperor, it was only the part of jurisprudence that the prince had associated with his justice and therefore the production of norms,, that enhanced the normativity of the forms expressing the imperial will. The identity of the imperial constitution formed on the lex was the beginning of a new legal order, coherently based upon the consensus between the emperor and the Prudentes rather than upon the various organs of the Republic. Their resorting to the authority of the Law to characterize the imperial constitutions and their ability to assess change, ensured that an activity that started at the beginning of the civitas could continue.

This thesis aims at furthering our understanding of the constitutional structures and processes of sui generic associations such as the European Union. The thesis argues that the problematical constitutionalisation of the European Union has highlighted the limitations of the political thought that has served as the basis of political associationalism since the Treaty ofWestphalia (1648) and the publication of Thomas Hobbes' Leviathan (1651). These limitations have resulted in the European Union being described, for want of a better expression, as sui generis. The thesis advances the argument that in order to be in a position to understand constitutional relations in a 'non-statal' setting, what is needed is an alternative variant of political thought that is not based in or dependent on the societas canon that originates with Hobbes. One source of such political thought can be located in the work of Johannes Althusius (1557-1638) who, writing in the city of Emden in the Holy Roman Empire in the early 17th Century, described a constitutional structure of a political association that differs in significant features to the centralised state theories of the societas canon. The thesis also argues that the traditional concepts of constitutionalism and political association applied to sui generic constitutionalism are hampered by the inherent weaknesses of modem political and legal vocabulary. Despite being used ad infinitum in the constitutional discussions on the European Union, there is not a precise definition of either the term 'constitution' or treaty' in political or legal theory. Althusius' work avoids this weakness, due to the fact that the centralised state does not enjoy the same position it does in the societas canon, and so the need to classify 'intra' or 'inter' state relationships does not exist to the same degree. While taking the European Union as a workable model of a sui generic association, this thesis does not aim at solving the European Union's constitutional problems or offering a more suitable term to describe its nature. Rather, based on an analysis of Althusius' work, the thesis aims to offer an alternative understanding of the problems that result from the constitutionalisation of sui generic associations.

This dissertation will examine the current state of our common law in relation to its treatment of exemption clauses in contracts, and will focus on recent developments which may augur greater scope and a new approach to be taken in future for South African courts to ensure fairness and the promotion of substantive justice for contracting parties faced with such provisions. Whilst it is acknowledged that exemption clauses are considered to be an integral part of most contracts and are used to facilitate the efficient running of businesses, their continued use in standard form contracts have been viewed with judicial suspicion and scrutiny as the inherent nature of these clauses have the potential to operate unfairly against a contracting party by excluding their rights of recourse which they would have otherwise had at common law. Public policy has always been a benchmark against which potentially unfair contracts terms have been measured however, the advent of the Constitution has brought about a new meaning to be prescribed to public policy as the Constitutional Court has declared that it is now deeply rooted and informed by constitutional values of dignity, equality, freedom and more recently ubuntu which is to infuse the common law principles of contract. Despite these developments, the new meaning of public policy and the apparent elevation of the spirit of ubuntu as an overarching and founding constitutional value has not been fully utilised by courts in a manner which can effectively address these potentially unfair, one-sided and abusive exemption clauses by declaring them to be contrary to public policy. Notwithstanding legislative acknowledgement and the subsequent enactment of the Consumer Protection Act 2008 which has brought about greater regulation of unfair and unconscionable contract terms, it is argued that the testing of potentially unfair and abusive exemption clauses against the dictates of public policy and ubuntu in a constitutional context may provide the South African courts with a new approach to pursue greater substantive justice in respect of these notoriously problematic clauses. / Thesis (M.A.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban, 2012.

In the decade following the Civil War the Texas political scene was dominated by revisionist activity with regard to the state's constitution. In that period the organic law of the state was altered three times, twice because of the exigencies of National Reconstruction and a third time to satisfy the retrenchment impulses partially stimulated by the Reconstruction experiment. None of the three constitutions written during this ten year period can be properly understood in isolation from the other two, nor can any of them be correctly interpreted separate from the serious post-war political, social, and economic issues faced by the entire nation. Hence, a uniform study of the three constitutions in their local context and their relations to national problems of the period provides a field of significant research and evaluation. It is the purpose of this study to analyze the constitutional changes of the Reconstruction era in Texas in their historical perspective, giving special attention to both the internal political structures and the socio-economic considerations dominant during that period.