I läroplanen framgår att rektor har ett särskilt ansvar för att lärare ska få den kompetensutveckling som krävs för att de ska kunna utföra sitt uppdrag på ett professionellt sätt. Detta får givetvis konsekvenser för rektors arbete. Syftet med studien är att studera rektors föreställningar och strategier gällande lärares kompetensutveckling. Frågeställningarna berör de föreställningar som framträder när rektorer beskriver lärares kompetensutveckling och vilka strategier har rektor för att verkställa lärares kompetensutveckling? Diskursanalys har använts som teoretisk och metodologisk utgångspunkt. Sex intervjuer av rektorer i grundskolan har genomförts vilket också varit en totalundersökning för en kommunal huvudman. Resultatet visar att rektors föreställningar centreras kring att utveckla undervisningen i klassrummet, skolans kultur och kollegialt lärande.  För att få till en skolkultur som tar sig an kollegialt lärande behöver rektor använda sig av strategier exempelvis genom att lobba för att motivera lärarna till aktuell kompetensutveckling, men också genom att modellera och leva som man lär. Studien visar en tendens till att rektorer placerar lärares kompetensutveckling inom skolutvecklingsdiskursen. Detta får följder som att rektor behöver få till en skolkultur som möjliggör kollegialt lärande för skolutveckling. / The curriculum in Sweden states that the principal has a special responsibility for ensuring that teachers receive the competence development required for them to be able to carry out their assignment in a professional manner. This of course has consequences for the principal’s work. The purpose of the study is to study the principal's conceptions and strategies regarding teacher competence development. The questions are which perceptions emerge when principals describe teachers' competence development and which strategies does the principal have to implement teacher competence development? Discourse analysis has been used as a theoretical and methodological framework. Six interviews of principals in compulsory school have been conducted, which has also been a total survey for a municipality. The result shows that the principal's conceptions are centred on developing the teaching in the classroom, the school's culture and professional learning. In order to get a school culture that takes on collegial collaboration, the principal needs to use strategies, for example by lobbying to motivate the teachers to upcoming competence development, but also by modelling and practice what is preached. The study suggests that principals recognize teacher competence development as part of a school development discourse. Consequently, a school culture allowing professional learning, needs to be established.

Die vorliegende Arbeit skizziert eine materialistische Antwort auf die Frage, welche gesellschaftliche Bedeutung Sprache hat, in welchem Sinne sie Bedingung für und inwiefern sie in Abhängigkeit von gesellschaftlichen Strukturen ist. Den Rahmen bildet die materialistische Geschichtsauffassung und Gesellschaftstheorie. Sie wird zunächst in ihrer Ausarbeitung durch Marx und Engels ohne Verbindung mit einer entwickelten materialistischen Sprachtheorie eingeführt. Es folgt ein Gang durch sprachtheoretische Fragestellungen, die unterhalb der gesellschaftstheoretischen Ebene angesiedelt sind: Wittgensteins Auffassung der Sprache als Regelfolgepraxis wird als Idealismuskritik des Abbildungsparadigmas in der Sprachphilosophie gedeutet, anhand der Kulturhistorischen Schule der russischen Psychologie wird Sprache als Orientierungsmittel und materielle Basis komplexerer Zwecksetzungen bestimmt und schließlich an Brandoms pragmatistischer Rekonstruktion der logischen Gliederung der Sprache die Stellung innersprachlicher Regelstrukturen diskutiert. Die gesellschaftliche Ebene wird im letzten Kapitel anhand von materialistischen Gesellschaftstheorien der Sprache (Gramsci), der Ideologie (Projekt Ideologietheorie) und des Diskurses (Fairclough) wieder aufgenommen und mit den Resultaten der vorangegangenen Kapitel vermittelt. Dabei wird die zuvor entwickelte Bestimmung der Sprache als Mittel der Orientierung und Zwecksetzung im Verhältnis zu nichtsprachlichen gesellschaftlichen Strukturen und ihrer historischen Besonderung entfaltet. / The text provides an outline of a materialist answer to what significance language has in relation to society, in which sense it is a condition for and in how far it is dependent on social structures. The materialist notion of history and materialist social theory serve as theoretical framework. They are first introduced as developed by Marx and Engels without any relation to a full-fledged materialist language theory. In a second step problems of language theory below the level of social theory are tackled: Wittgenstein‘s concept of language as a praxis of rule-following is interpreted as a critique of the idealism that informs the representation paradigm in language philosophy; following the cultural-historical psychology language is defined as means of orientation and material basis for complex goal setting; Brandom‘s pragmatist reconstruction of the logical structure of language serves as background for discussing the status of immanent rule structures of language. The social level is then taken up again and mediated with the results of the discussion of sub-social language theories by drawing on materialist social theories of language (Gramsci), of ideology (Projekt Ideologietheorie), and of discourse (Fairclough). The definition of language as a means of orientiation and goal setting is developed in its relation to non-language social structures and their historical specificity.

[pt] A teoria do direito civil-constitucional tem como um dos seus postulados fundamentais a superação da dicotomia público/privado, como forma de submeter o Código Civil à hierarquia de princípios e valores presente na Constituição Federal. A transposição dessas fronteiras, todavia, acarreta uma verdadeira revolução no direito civil, pois a teoria clássica, em larga medida, considera - ainda que não declaradamente - o direito civil em situação de superioridade hierárquica, atribuindo a prevalência axiológica à vontade individual. Esta mudança de perspectiva traz ainda uma série de problemas, especialmente quanto à sua fundamentação. Para que o direito civil- constitucional não caia na armadilha de fundamentar a socialidade do direito civil tão somente no aspecto formal da hierarquia das leis, ou no aspecto ideológico de fazer pender a balança para o caráter social frente à vontade individual, cumpre reconhecer que a própria relação entre individualização e socialização se explica pela tensão entre os dois campos (público/privado) e não pela disputa entre eles. Para tanto, pretende-se elaborar esta tensão a partir da Teoria do Discurso, de Jürgen Habermas, aplicada ao direito, o que demanda uma fundamentação do direito civilconstitucional distinta das que contemporaneamente se apresentam. / [en] One of the main elements of the civil-constitutional approach to private law is the overcoming of the Public/Private dichotomy, as a way of subduing the Civil Code to the hierarchy of values contained in the Constitution. The crossing of these borders causes a true revolution in the private law because the classic theory usually considered the private law in a superior position in regard of the Constitution; the individual values prevailing over the social ones. This change of perspective brings out problems in regard to its foundation. The civilconstitutional theory must avoid the trap of justifying the sociality of the nonpatrimonial private law in the necessity of making social prevailing over individual. It is necessary to acknowledge that there is a tension - but not a conflict - between individualization and socialization. In this order, this dissertation intends to establish this tension through the application of the Discourse Theory of Jürgen Habermas in Law - a distinguished foundation of the civil-constitutional approach to private law.

Submitted by Sara Ribeiro (sara.ribeiro@ucb.br) on 2018-08-08T13:28:15Z No. of bitstreams: 1 RenataAfonsoFerreiraMadeiraMadrugaDissertacao2018.pdf: 1228352 bytes, checksum: 282fcd565dc1a0ef03d49106ffbbb562 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Sara Ribeiro (sara.ribeiro@ucb.br) on 2018-08-08T13:28:44Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 RenataAfonsoFerreiraMadeiraMadrugaDissertacao2018.pdf: 1228352 bytes, checksum: 282fcd565dc1a0ef03d49106ffbbb562 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-08T13:28:44Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 RenataAfonsoFerreiraMadeiraMadrugaDissertacao2018.pdf: 1228352 bytes, checksum: 282fcd565dc1a0ef03d49106ffbbb562 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-06-29 / This dissertation presents a communication approach to the understanding of the organizational strategy of a public institution of education in the Federal District, based on the systemic theory of Niklas Luhmann and the discursive theory of Eliseo Verón. This systemic-discursive perspective enabled the exploration of communication elements, which were articulated in a theoretical model aimed at understanding the strategy called the Communicational Decisional Network, and in this context, the organization was understood as a social system constituted by communication in the form of a decision. The objective was to understand, principally, what the meanings of strategy are and how it is (re) constructed in communication. To do so, we conducted a qualitative research, through a case study, with individual interviews and document analysis, which took into account aspects of the organization's strategy. From the communication elements such as decision, identification, institutionalization, mediation, organizational culture and organizational communication, it was possible to understand which decisions were revealed in the texts analyzed. The decisions go through these discourses revealing an authoritative and formal dynamic of organizational communication in parallel with the informal dimensions including the diverse perceptions of the different actors involved in the strategic process. However, it is worth mentioning that with the analysis of the data from the communicational decision network it was possible to reaffirm the possibility of thinking about the organizational strategy and how it is carried out within the scope of the researched scenario. / Esta dissertação apresenta uma abordagem comunicacional para a compreensão da estratégia organizacional de uma instituição pública de ensino do Distrito Federal, fundamentada na teoria sistêmica de Niklas Luhmann e na teoria discursiva de Eliseo Verón. Essa perspectiva sistêmico-discursiva possibilitou a exploração de elementos comunicacionais, que foram articulados em um modelo teórico voltado para a compreensão da estratégia chamado Rede Decisória Comunicacional, e nesse contexto, a organização foi compreendida como um sistema social constituído por comunicação em forma de decisão. O objetivo foi compreender, principalmente, quais os sentidos da estratégia e como a mesma é (re) construída em comunicação. Para tanto, realizamos uma pesquisa qualitativa, por meio de um estudo de caso, com entrevistas individuais e análise de documentos, que levaram em consideração aspectos da estratégia da organização. A partir dos elementos comunicacionais como a decisão, a identificação, a institucionalização, a mediação, a cultura organizacional e a comunicação organizacional, foi possível compreender quais decisões foram reveladas nos textos analisados. As decisões atravessam esses discursos revelando uma dinâmica autorizada e formal da comunicação organizacional em paralelo com as dimensões informais incluindo as diversas percepções dos diferentes atores envolvidos no processo estratégico. No entanto, vale ressaltar que com a análise dos dados a partir da rede decisória comunicacional foi possível reafirmar a possibilidade de pensar a estratégia organizacional e como ela se realiza no âmbito do cenário pesquisado.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-12-23T14:21:18Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Fernando Mota Monteiro.pdf: 1050639 bytes, checksum: cb577882b5ce52a0ae23fc3a8b0761ae (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-10-22 / O Conselho Universitário da Universidade Federal do Espírito Santo (Ufes) é o órgão deliberativo máximo da instituição. Sua composição obedece à Lei 5.540/1968, que determina o percentual mínimo de 70% do número de seus membros formado por servidores do corpo docente, o que tende a ocasionar disparidades entre a força política da categoria docente e da categoria dos servidores técnico-administrativos em educação, fator que possui o potencial de desequilibrar democraticamente as decisões baixadas pelo referido Conselho. Como forma de atenuar tais diferenças, aponta-se a implantação de ferramentas de transparência administrativa, visando à realização de auditorias sociais e à ampliação democrática do equilíbrio de forças entre as categorias, em alusão à Teoria do Discurso de Jürgen Habermas. A Teoria apregoa que a participação do coletivo junto à administração pública produz discursos melhor fundamentados, debatidos e democraticamente mais abrangentes, e defende que a forma de participação deliberativa deve ser realizada por meios institucionalizados. Para que tal teoria seja aplicada, é essencial que o acesso às informações seja amplo, a fim de proporcionar, à comunidade universitária, meios para acompanhar o dia a dia do Conselho. Por meio da realização de pesquisas documentais, constatou-se que o site do Conselho Universitário da Ufes atende irrisoriamente ao disposto pela Lei 12.527/2011, a chamada Lei do Acesso à Informação, o que corrobora para que os processos decisórios do órgão colegiado continuem imersos na cultura do segredo. Também foi constatado que o Conselho Universitário da Universidade Federal de Santa Catarina (UFSC) obedece plenamente à Lei, e configura-se como um exemplo de boas práticas, principalmente no que se refere às informações disponíveis em seu site, o qual disponibiliza a transmissão ao vivo de suas sessões. Por meio de entrevistas junto aos servidores ligados diretamente aos Conselhos Universitários da Ufes e da UFSC, foi realizada uma análise comparativa sistematizada, que concluiu que, mesmo havendo hegemonia do corpo docente nas duas instituições, o nível de debate junto ao colegiado da UFSC é considerado democrático, enquanto na UFES é apontada predominância da categoria docente sobre as discussões, e que, na UFSC, a comunidade universitária se interessa pelos assuntos tratados pelo colegiado superior, enquanto na Ufes a resposta é a oposta. A partir dessas análises, foi proposta uma plataforma de ação a ser implantada pela administração da Ufes visando à melhoria do acesso à informação por meio do site do Departamento de Administração dos Órgãos Colegiados Superiores, contando com uma ferramenta de transmissão ao vivo das sessões de seu Conselho Universitário que contempla a participação da comunidade universitária, em tempo real, durante a discussão de determinados pontos de pauta. Tendo como base o referencial teórico, as pesquisas realizadas e as análises inferenciais, concluiu-se que a abertura das sessões do Conselho Universitário da Ufes ao público, contemplando o direito à fala por parte da comunidade universitária, possui o potencial de ampliar a característica democrática de suas decisões, e que tal potencial pode ser mensurado quantitativamente a posteriori, a partir de sua aplicação por meio de pesquisas de opinião / The University Council of the Federal University of Espírito Santo (Ufes) is the highest deliberative body of the institution. Its composition obeys the Law 5.540/1968, which determines that 70% of its members must belong to the faculty, fact that tends to lead to disparities between the political strength of the teaching category and the category of technical and administrative educational employees, a factor that has the potential to destabilize democratically decisions issued by the Council. In order to mitigate such differences, points up the implementation of administrative transparency tools, to provide social audits and expand democratic balance of forces etween the categories, in allusion to the Jürgen Habermas/ Discourse Theory . The theory proclaims that the participation of the collective within the government produces better reasoned speeches, more debated and democratically more embracing, and argues that the deliberative participation must be performed by institutionalized means. For this theory to be applied, the access to information must be broad, to provide means for the university community to monitor the Council s everyday. By conducting documentary research, was found that the Ufes University Council/ s website obeys poorly the provisions of Law 12.527/2011, commonly named Access to Information Law , which confirms that the decision-making processes of the collegiate body remain immersed in a secrecy culture . It was also noted that the Federal University of Santa Catarina/ s (UFSC) Councyl fully complies the mentioned law, and sets up as an example of better-practices, particularly related to the available information posted on its website, which provides the live streaming of their sessions. Through interviews taken with the employees directly bounded to the Ufes and UFSC/ s University Councils, a systematic comparative analysis has been conducted, which concluded that, even with the hegemony of the faculty at both institutions, the debate level in UFSC/ s collegiate is considered more democratical, while in UFES was pointed the predominance of teaching category in the discussions, and that, at UFSC, the university community is considered interested in the issues addressed by the collegiate, while in Ufes the answer is the complete opposite. From these analyzes, has been proposed an action platform to be implemented by the Ufes/ administration, aimed at improve access to information through the website of the Superior Collegiate Bodies Administration Department, with an inclusion of live broadcast of the University Council/ s sessions and a participation tool for the university community, live also, during the discussion of some points of the Council/ s agenda. Based on the theoretical framework , on the conducted research and on the inferential analysis, it was concluded that the Ufes/ University Council sessions opening to the public, contemplating the right to speak by the university community, has the potential to expand the democratic characteristic of it s decisions, and that this potential can be quantitatively measured, retrospectively from this study/ s application, by opinion polls

<p>The aim of this study is to identify, map and understand the anthropology – the science of man – that can be distinguished in foreign news pages in Swedish daily papers. Concepts of nationality, ethnicity and gender are crucial parameters in this anthropology. Foreign news can be regarded as a textual system in which form and content interact to create its own object of knowledge: the Other, or rather, the Others. Thus, the relationship between foreign news as a textual system and foreign news as anthropology is central to this dissertation.</p><p>The years 1987, 1995 and 2002 have been selected for examination on the following grounds: 1987 belongs to the cold war era; 1995 belongs to the post-cold war era, and is also the year when Sweden joined the EU; and 2002 belongs to the era defined by the events of September 11 2001. A quantitative and qualitative analysis of a total of 1,162 foreign news articles published during one week in each year, was carried out. The qualitative analysis consists mainly of discourse analysis. Foucault’s discourse theory constitutes the theory of knowledge in the study. It is combined with Barthes’ theory on myths as well as postcolonial and other theories on nationality, ethnicity and gender and the representation of these aspects in journalism and elsewhere.</p><p>Discourse type is a central concept in the analysis. Discourse types resemble subgenres, but are specifically defined by certain perspectives. Other defining aspects are voices, style, mode of address and closeness/distance to an event/a development. Seven discourse types that constitute the order of the discourse in foreign news pages were identified in this study: On location narratives, Elite event reports, Catastrophe event reports, Situation reports, Commentaries, Picture paragraphs and Quotation paragraphs. The representation of different regions of the world, of different nationalities and ethnicities, and of men and women, are related to these discourse types throughout the study.</p><p>The anthropology of foreign news establishes vast differences between people. These differences depend on regions, spheres in society, gender and skin colour. They also depend on the textual setting, i.e. the discourse type. Some regions, like Western Europe, USA, the Middle East and North Africa, are always centred. Others, like South America and parts of Africa, are practically ignored. Women are also ignored, hence “othered” by exclusion. When women do appear, this occurs in discourse types which exoticize them concerning gender as well as nationality/ethnicity. Women with darker skin are generally more negatively represented, compared to “white” women. The ruling groups, normally represented by men, appear as quite alike around the world. They are not exoticized and generally speak for themselves. However, powerful men from the Middle East and North Africa and from the (former) Soviet Union are treated differently and represented as threats, sometimes even as tabooed.</p><p>All these aspects stand out as relatively stable during the research period. Differences in the order of discourse consist mainly of an increase of exoticizing perspectives and of the use of pictures — both of which correspond to a relative increase of women — and of a simultaneous decrease of plain, scanty reports and increase of explicitly subjective articles. International aspects also increase over the years. However, this undermining of the hegemony of the nation on the foreign news pages, still exists within the discourse of the nation. The idea of the nation still limits the understanding of the world. In a similar way, the explicitly subjective articles increase within the discourse of journalistic objectivity. This is an interesting and thought-provoking paradox in the genre of foreign news.</p>

The aim of this study is to identify, map and understand the anthropology – the science of man – that can be distinguished in foreign news pages in Swedish daily papers. Concepts of nationality, ethnicity and gender are crucial parameters in this anthropology. Foreign news can be regarded as a textual system in which form and content interact to create its own object of knowledge: the Other, or rather, the Others. Thus, the relationship between foreign news as a textual system and foreign news as anthropology is central to this dissertation. The years 1987, 1995 and 2002 have been selected for examination on the following grounds: 1987 belongs to the cold war era; 1995 belongs to the post-cold war era, and is also the year when Sweden joined the EU; and 2002 belongs to the era defined by the events of September 11 2001. A quantitative and qualitative analysis of a total of 1,162 foreign news articles published during one week in each year, was carried out. The qualitative analysis consists mainly of discourse analysis. Foucault’s discourse theory constitutes the theory of knowledge in the study. It is combined with Barthes’ theory on myths as well as postcolonial and other theories on nationality, ethnicity and gender and the representation of these aspects in journalism and elsewhere. Discourse type is a central concept in the analysis. Discourse types resemble subgenres, but are specifically defined by certain perspectives. Other defining aspects are voices, style, mode of address and closeness/distance to an event/a development. Seven discourse types that constitute the order of the discourse in foreign news pages were identified in this study: On location narratives, Elite event reports, Catastrophe event reports, Situation reports, Commentaries, Picture paragraphs and Quotation paragraphs. The representation of different regions of the world, of different nationalities and ethnicities, and of men and women, are related to these discourse types throughout the study. The anthropology of foreign news establishes vast differences between people. These differences depend on regions, spheres in society, gender and skin colour. They also depend on the textual setting, i.e. the discourse type. Some regions, like Western Europe, USA, the Middle East and North Africa, are always centred. Others, like South America and parts of Africa, are practically ignored. Women are also ignored, hence “othered” by exclusion. When women do appear, this occurs in discourse types which exoticize them concerning gender as well as nationality/ethnicity. Women with darker skin are generally more negatively represented, compared to “white” women. The ruling groups, normally represented by men, appear as quite alike around the world. They are not exoticized and generally speak for themselves. However, powerful men from the Middle East and North Africa and from the (former) Soviet Union are treated differently and represented as threats, sometimes even as tabooed. All these aspects stand out as relatively stable during the research period. Differences in the order of discourse consist mainly of an increase of exoticizing perspectives and of the use of pictures — both of which correspond to a relative increase of women — and of a simultaneous decrease of plain, scanty reports and increase of explicitly subjective articles. International aspects also increase over the years. However, this undermining of the hegemony of the nation on the foreign news pages, still exists within the discourse of the nation. The idea of the nation still limits the understanding of the world. In a similar way, the explicitly subjective articles increase within the discourse of journalistic objectivity. This is an interesting and thought-provoking paradox in the genre of foreign news.

In the German Democratic Republic (GDR) the overthrow of the socialist regime did not only bring about both an economic and political shift, it resulted also in the inclusion of the GDR into the Federal Republic of Germany. The fall of the Wall brought with it transformations in everyday life as well as changes in social identities. This study examines how people who grew up in the GDR define the East and the West in unified Germany, as well as identifying which concepts play a role in the self-interpretations given by former GDR citizens. Through applying discourse theory, I investigate how identities are partially fixed and change over time, relating this always to historically situated discourses. In the analysis, East and West are considered as floating signifiers, which, through articulations made with other categories such as class, nation, place and gender, come to be filled with meaning. The study is based on twenty-five life story interviews conducted in Eastern Germany. The group of interviewees consisted of fifteen women and ten men born in the GDR between the years of 1970 and 1979, all of whom had different levels of education. The demise of the socialist state and the transition to a capitalist society is central in the interviewees’ life stories. Their narratives about the past are formed in a discursive order other than the one in which the events themselves took place. Conversely, the past is used as a foil against which the present is compared. With the dislocation, the interviewees have developed a reflexive stance to both themselves and the world. The study reveals both how East and West are still used to make the world intelligible in a number of fields and, at the same time, how these same concepts are transcended. It shows in what ways the interviewees employ different strategies to adapt to the new circumstances and to handle a potentially marked position in unified Germany.

Many contemporary grassroots environmental campaigns do not begin in urban areas but in small towns, rural enclaves, and racially or economically disadvantaged communities. Citizens with no previous activist experience or association with the established environmental movement organize to fight industry-created degradation in their communities, such as coal-fired power plants in Texas, the focus of this dissertation. The Texas coal plant opposition movement is identified as sites of environmental justice, particularly as discriminatory practices against sparsely populated communities. The movement’s collaborative efforts are defined as a new category of counterpublic, co-counterpublic, due to the discrete organizations’ shared focus and common purpose. The concept that a growing number of environmental activists are atypical is advanced; atypical environmentalists often engage in environmental practices while rejecting traditional environmentalist language and identity to avoid stigmatization as tree-huggers, extremists, or affluent whites. Presented are rhetorical analyses of identity negotiation and modalities of public enactments of citizenship within the Texas coal plant opposition movement and a critique of plant proponent hegemonic discourses. Research focused on five sites of coal plant opposition in Texas, gathered through ethnographic fieldwork and through a compilation of mediated materials. Asen’s discourse theory of citizenship was used to analyze the data for instances of rhetorical negotiation of environmentalist identity in politically conservative and in ethnically marginalized communities, their localized performances as public citizens, and the collaborative processes between established environmental groups and discrete local organizations. Texas anti-coal activists engaged in what Asen called hybrid citizenship; activists were primarily motivated toward enacted citizenship by a sense of betrayal by authorities. Issue and identity framing theories were implemented to critique rhetorical strategies used by plant proponents. In order to silence the opposition, plant supporters marginalized local anti-coal activists using what Cloud called identity frames by foil; proponents borrowed derogatory rhetorics from well-established anti-environmentalist discourse through which they self-identified positively by framing opponents as Other. The means through which proponents deflected their responsibility to the community by promoting technological solutions to pollution and deferring authority to industry executives and government agencies is analyzed within Chong and Druckman’s competing frames and frames in communication theories. / text

From an institutionalized conception of contemporary intellectuals as silent or absent, the aim of this thesis is to analyse how the representation of the intellectual changed from a hero of reason to a more or less absent actor. Descriptions of intellectuals that were initially analysed which showed that the representation of the intellectual, besides being linked to modernity, contained a relationship between the individual actor and political power, a relationship which could be traced back to ancient myths. Using discourse theory and concepts primarily from Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe, the dissertation demonstrates how the discourse of intellectuals changed the representation content in relation to the myth of the postmodern and to the myth of the modern society. In relation to the modern intellectual, the discourse linked the representation with elements as reason, freedom and politics. Texts written after the linguistic turn or the myth of the postmodern describe intellectuals as specific, bourgeois, academic and politicized. This makes the representation impossible in relation to the initial establishment. The main contribution of the thesis to research on the discourse of intellectuals is the myths bearing on how intellectuals can or should act and how the representation can be described. The notion of the intellectuals can only be understood in an already existing discourse based on what an intellectual should do or be.