This thesis explores the ideological role of metaphor in British governmental discourses on 'social exclusion'. A hybrid methodology, combining approaches from Corpus Linguistics, Critical Discourse Analysis and cognitive theories of metaphor, is used to address how social exclusion and other metaphors are deployed to create an ideologically vested representation of society. The data consists of linguistic metaphors identified from a 400,000+ word machine-readable corpus of British governmental texts on social exclusion covering a ten year period (1997- 2007). From these surface level features of text, underlying systematic and conceptual metaphors are then inferred. The analysis reveals how the interrelation between social exclusion and a range of other metaphors creates a dichotomous representation of society in which social problems are discursively placed outside society, glossing inequalities within the included mainstream and placing the blame for exclusion on the cultural deficiencies of the excluded. The solution to the problem of exclusion is implicit within the logic of its conceptual structure and involves moving the excluded across the 'boundary' to join the 'insiders'. The welfare state has a key role to play in this and is underpinned by a range of metaphors which anticipate movement on the part of the excluded away from a position of dependence on the state. This expectation of movement is itself metaphorically structured by the notion of a social contract in which the socially excluded have a responsibility to try and include themselves in society in return for the right of (temporary) state support. Key systematic metaphors are explained by reference to a discourse-historical view of ideological change in processes of political party transformation.

Kvinnors föreställningar om den egna kroppen är ett välstuderat område medan motsvaradestudier om manliga uppfattningar är mindre vanliga. Utifrån denna iakttagelse väcktes intressetför studien. Syfte: Syftet med denna studie är att utifrån ett sociokulturellt perspektiv belysa hurunga män talar om den manliga kroppen samt uppmärksamma normer, vad som underdiskussionerna framstår som sanningar i de unga männens verklighet. Teoretisk referensram: Studien har sin teoretiska utgångspunkt i sociokulturellt perspektiv. Det vill säga att individerformas och får kunskap utifrån den kultur de befinner sig i. Metod: Den kvalitativa empiriinsamlingen genomfördes med stöd utifrån diskursanalys och avsåg att uppmärksamma desanningar, diskurser som framträder under diskussion med unga män kring den manliga kroppen. Resultat: Av studien framkommer det att den manliga normen innefattar att vara kroppsmässigtstor och utstråla självsäkerhet, en norm de unga männen menar att få når upp till. Var föreställningar och normer om den manliga kroppen uppstår visar sig främst vara via media.Vidare visar resultatet att diskurser för hur en man bör se ut och vara varierar beroende på socialkontext. Det framträder även att det inom en specifik kontext kan finnas flera diskurser samt attvad de unga männen ansett som det “normala” inom specifika kontexter ändrats med åren. / Women's perceptions of their own body is an well-studied area. On the contrary, similar studieson men are not as common. This interesting observation laid a foundation for this study.Purpose: The purpose of this study is to illustrate how young men talk about the male body froma socio-cultural perspective, with attention to the standards that appear as truths in the youngmen's reality during discussions. Theoretical framework: The study is based upon a sociocultural perspective, meaning that individuals are shaped and learn from their culturalsurroundings. Method: By discourse analysis, quality based empirical data was collected. Theprimary purpose was to observe and learn about how young men see and talk about men's bodies. Result: The study reveals, by looking at the perception among young men, that a man shouldhave a big, muscular body and act with a great self confidence. A standard few men live up to, participants of the focus groups think. The expectations and perceptions are created mainlythrough media. Furthermore, the study shows that it also depends on the men's social context. Itis also evident that within a specific context, several different discourses can exist about whatshould be seen as "normal" and that it can change as the years pass by.

Ce mémoire de maîtrise s’intéresse aux exercices participatifs liés à la planification et à la gouvernance des infrastructures routières en milieu urbain. Une étude de cas a été effectuée concernant la modernisation de la rue Notre-Dame. Celle-ci alimente des controverses socio-politiques depuis plus de 30 ans et une décision publique est attendue. Pour arriver à un compromis satisfaisant, les élus ont convié les acteurs socio-économiques à participer à un débat public. L’analyse de cas a permis de rendre compte de la variété des acteurs en présence et de la diversité des demandes formulées à l’occasion du débat public. Si les demandes formulées peuvent parfois être compatibles, l’étude de cas montre que ces demandes peuvent aussi s’éloigner les unes des autres, cela s’expliquant avant tout par la spécificité et la position des acteurs en présence. Les élus municipaux et provinciaux sont alors placés dans une position complexe, puisqu’ils doivent rendre une décision publique. L’analyse a permis de rendre compte des bénéfices, mais aussi des limites du débat public organisé par rapport à l’enjeu de la modernisation de la rue Notre-Dame. L’étude de cas révèle finalement que certaines limites ont trait à la participation des acteurs aux processus de consultation publique. En fait, trois discours majeur s’affrontent. Chacun d’eux appréhende à partir de valeurs distinctes la question de la régulation sociale et l’élaboration des politiques publiques. / This master's thesis is an analysis of participative mechanisms in the planning of road infrastructures in urban zones. The modernization of Notre-Dame Street, in Montréal, for which a decision has yet to be made, and which has been the object of controversy over the past thirty years, serves as a case study. In order to arrive at a compromise, elected representatives agreed to have several actors participate in public consultations. The analysis centers around requests formulated by participants in the course of these consultations. While the requests that were made were quite similar, they were also very different, thus rendering the actors' other characteristics irrelevant from an analytical standpoint. Municipal and provincial representatives were then placed in a difficult position if they were to modernize the main highway. This entailed arriving at a sociopolitical compromise. In fact, three main discourses characterized the debate. Each of them dismissed, in various ways, matters related to social regulation and public policy. This analysis finally illustrates the limits of public consultation on actors' participation.

Le présent mémoire a pour objectif de défendre la thèse selon laquelle Machiavel est un nationaliste italien et démontrer que le concept de nationalisme italien peut philosophiquement servir de fil conducteur entre le Prince et les Discours sur la Première Décade de Tite-Live. / The aim of this essay is to defend the thesis according to which Machiavelli is an Italian nationalist, and to demonstrate that the concept of Italian nationalism can philosophically be used as a thread between the Prince and the Discourses on Livy.

According to Ernest Gaines‘ personal experiences as a Southerner, without addressing the history of slavery, the quest for human dignity becomes meaningless. The discourses and the ideologies of the characters in AGathering of Old Men represent a call for social change. A Gathering of Old Men is however, more than just a novel about whites dominating blacks; it is a novel about the fight for humanity in spite of the threat of a new social order. The social repercussions of slavery and the denial of black manhood are central issues in A Gathering of Old Men, but Gaines also exhibits ways in which the demand for a social change in our society can bring about racial harmony.

Syftet med studien var att undersöka hur behov och åtgärder i ämnet svenska beskrevs i några åtgärdsprogram upprättade för elever i årskurserna 1-3.   Frågeställningarna handlade om hur lärare beskrev elevens behov av stöd och efterföljande åtgärder.   För att besvara frågeställningarna har kritisk diskursanalys använts. Empirin till undersökningen var fjorton åtgärdsprogram från tre olika kommuner. Till hjälp för analys av resultat har de specialpedagogiska perspektiven använts som teoretisk modell.   Det sammantagna resultatet visade att elevens behov vid flera av de granskade åtgärdsprogrammen framställdes som om eleven var bärare av sina problem, eller att eleven behövde träna mer. Behoven framställdes också som om eleven behövde liten grupp eller en resursperson. Åtgärder beskrevs utifrån att eleven var en passiv mottagare av åtgärden. De flesta åtgärderna var åtgärder på individnivå. Speciallärare framstod som åtgärd i flera av de granskade åtgärdsprogrammen. I några åtgärdsprogram var åtgärden beskriven på organisationsnivå, åtgärderna handlade om att lärarna behövde hitta andra arbetssätt.   Sammanfattningsvis utkristalliserades sex olika diskurser, inkluderande diskurs, exkluderande diskurs, pedagogisk diskurs, eleven som problembärande diskurs, akademisk diskurs och kunskapsdiskurs. Flera av diskurserna hör hemma i den traditionella skolan och det kompensatoriska perspektivet. Dock gjordes några diskurser synliga som hör hemma i det kritiska perspektivet, exempelvis inkluderande diskurs, där görs kopplingar till politiska dokument såsom Barnkonventionen och Salamancadeklarationen. En intressant slutsats är att flera diskurser handlade om specialläraren, med hjälp av dilemmaperspektivet påvisades att diskursen kan bli problematiskt beroende på hur vi ser på specialläraren som profession. / The purpose of the study was to examine how the work with special support in the subject Swedish is described in some action programme established for students in grades 1-3.   The paper’s questions were about how teachers described the student’s need for support and the following actions.   Critical discourse analysis was used to answer the questions. The empirical data for the study were fourteen action programmes from three different municipalities. To help in the analysis of the results, the special education perspective as a theoretical model was used.   The combined results showed that the student’s needs at several of the reviewed action programmes were presented as if the student was carrying his problems, or that the student needed to train more. The needs were also presented as if the student needed a small group or an assistant. Actions were described on the basis that the student was a passive recipient of the actions. Most of the actions were on an individual level. Special needs teachers were presented as actions in several of the reviewed action programmes. In some action programmes the actions were described on an organizational level. The measurements used were focused on the teachers where they needed to find other ways of working.   In conclusion, five different discourses emerged; inclusive discourse, excluding discourse, pedagogic discourse, student as the problem bearer, knowledge discourse and academic discourse. Several of the discourses belong in the traditional school and the compensatory perspective. However, there were some discourses revealed that belong in the critical perspective, such as including discourse where connections can be made to political documents such as the child convention and Salamanca declaration. One interesting conclusion is that many discourses were about the special needs teacher, with the help of the dilemma perspective the study shows that the discourse can be problematic depending on how we view the special needs teaching as a profession.

Denna studie är en Foucaultdiansk diskursanalys av Facebookgruppen Journalistbubblan som ämnar undersöka vad gruppens medlemmar tycker är god journalistik, med särskilt fokus på att undersöka särskiljande och utestängande praktiker. En teoretisk grund av Foucaults teorier om diskurser som kontrollerande system tillsammans med pressetiska regler och riktlinjer tillämpas. Resultaten visar att god journalistik kräver en politisk identitet och gärna i vänsterpolitik för att uppfattas positiv av medlemmarna i gruppen. Det framgår även att avvikande från de publicistiska reglerna kan försvaras med en viss politisk ståndpunkt. / This study is a Foucaultdian discourse analysis of the Facebook group Journalistbubblan that aims to examine what the members of the group regards as good journalism. A certain focus was laid on researching the use of systems of exclusion. A theoretical perspective of Foucaults theories about discourses as a system of control together with guidelines and rules of the press is applied. The results show that good journalism as seen by the members of the group requires a political identity and more often than not a left-wing identity to be seen as positive. It also shows that straying from the path of the stipulated publishing rules can be defended by having a certain political view.

Este trabalho analisa a configuração de formas discursivas no Rio de Janeiro à época da Independência do Brasil (1820-1822). Ao direcionar as atenções para a imprensa periódica e panfletária desse período, pretende-se investigar o processo de temporalização de discursos políticos e suas implicações na relação entre as experiências do tempo histórico e a consecução da mudança política. Para tanto, a dissertação volta-se para o estudo de conceitos, linguagens, metáforas e expressões conformadoras de uma tessitura linguística na qual o tempo histórico era o eixo de performances discursivas atuantes no processo de Independência. Assim, a partir dos elementos em questão, defende-se a tese de que a temporalização dos discursos políticos se articula, bem como se retroalimenta de uma nova dinâmica histórica, na qual, entre fins do século XVIII e início do século XIX, um espaço de experiência revolucionário moderno vinha sendo formado. / This work analyses the configuration of discourses in Rio de Janeiro at the time of the independence of Brazil. By focusing on the periodical press as well as on leaflets published during that period, the research studies the process of temporalization of political discourses and its implication to the relationship between historical time and the dynamics of political change. In order to do so, this dissertation focuses on the study of concepts, languages, metaphors, and expressions that shaped linguistic constructions in which the historical time consisted of the axis of discursive performances interfering in the process of independence. Taking these issues into consideration, this works hypothesizes that the temporalization of political discourses articulated as well as fed itself in a new historical dynamic spanning from the late 18th century and early 19th century, when a revolutionary modern space of experience was being formed.

A Zona Franca de Manaus (ZFM), criada em 1967 pela ditadura militar, termina em 2023, mas ha uma proposta de modificacao da Constituicao Federal do Brasil para que ela dure ate 2073. A partir da compreensao do discurso enquanto pratica social (Focault, 1987, 2002, 2005; Hajer, 1995, 2005, 2006) e da categorizacao dos discursos ambientais (Dryzek, 2005), foram analisados 265 pronunciamentos dos parlamentares do Amazonas, 19 edicoes de uma revista institucional e 626 materias do mais importante jornal local, tudo publicado entre 2007 e 2010. Eles revelam um deslocamento do discurso de legitimacao da ZFM do ideario do progresso ao do desenvolvimento sustentavel, guiado pela modernizacao ecologica. As industrias passaram a ser apresentadas como responsaveis pela conservacao das florestas, gracas a geracao de empregos urbanos: afirma-se que se os incentivos fiscais acabarem, havera desemprego e desmatamento. Esse roteiro fatalista, autoritario, nao reconhece o papel dos povos e comunidades tradicionais na conservacao da floresta nem esta aberto ao debate publico sobre outros modelos de desenvolvimento para a regiao amazonica. / The Manaus Free Trade Zone (ZFM) will end in 2023, but there is a proposal to amend the Brazilian Federal Constitution so that it lasts until 2073. From the understanding of discourse as a social practice (Foucault, 1987, 2002, 2005; Hajer, 1995, 2005, 2006), this paper is based on the critical analysis of 265 parliamentary pronouncements, 19 editions of a institutional magazine and 626 news from the most important local newspaper, all published between 2007 and 2010. It reveals a shift in the discourse about the ZFM, guided by ecological modernization. The industries are now presented as responsible for protecting the rainforest: it is said that if the tax incentives stop, there will be unemployment and deforestation. This fatalistic story line does not recognize the role of traditional peoples and communities in forest conservation and neither is open to the public debate about other models of development for the Amazon.

A presente Dissertação traz uma análise psicopolítica das concepções de sexualidade e direitos humanos a partir das Paradas do Orgulho LGBT de São Paulo e Campinas, sendo nossa perspectiva epistemológica a produção de sentidos e significados no cotidiano. Inicialmente, apresentamos nosso marco teórico, as concepções de sexualidade e direitos humanos, com base em autores referências na área; em seguida, descrevemos nossa metodologia, a constituição de um survey e o uso da análise de discurso como recurso técnico-teórico para aferir os dados das questões abertas. Na sequência, apresentamos o perfil de nossos respondentes e definimos o campo onde construímos nossa pesquisa, mostrando como a psicologia política nos representa uma possibilidade de estudo interdisciplinar. E, finalmente, apresentamos uma discussão entre o marco teórico e os dados obtidos com o survey, concluindo com uma análise psicopolítica entre os resultados e o cenário político atual, na dimensão dos DDHH de LGBT no Brasil, que nos implica a compreensão dos posicionamentos dos sujeitos políticos que participam desta ação coletiva e nos oferece possibilidades de ações no campo das políticas públicas e da educação para os direitos humanos. / The thesis presented here brings a psicopolitical analysis over the conceptions of sexuality and human rights from the LGBT Pride Parades in São Paulo and Campinas, in a epistemological perspective on the production of senses and meanings in the daily life. Initially, we present our theoretical research, the conceptions of sexuality and human rights, based on the work of references in this field; thereafter, we describe our methodology, which is based on a survey and in the analysis of the discourse as technical-theoretical method in which is possible to assess relevant data. Thus, we present our respondents profiles and we define our research field, showing how political psychology is, for us, a way of interdisciplinary studies. Finally, we show the discussion between the theory firstly presented and the data collected through the survey and our respondents discourses collected through the open questions, concluding the psicopolitical analysis of the results and the current political scenario over LGBTs DDHH in Brazil, which implies an understanding of the positions of political subjects participating in this collective action and offers us possibilities for public policy and education for human rights.