O escravismo colonial brasileiro durou mais de três séculos e foi determinante não só por moldar a sociedade na época, como por causar um grande impacto sobre as línguas, sobretudo as faladas pelos trabalhadores africanos escravizados. Por esse e outros motivos, pode se dizer que praticamente não existem registros escritos sobre as línguas e práticas linguageiras dos cativos. Esta dissertação de mestrado, que tem como base teórica a Sociolinguística e a Sociolinguística Histórica, analisa como as classes dominantes perceberam e registraram as práticas linguageiras dos africanos escravizados e libertos em escritos produzidos entre o século XIX e meados do século XX. Para isso, busca-se compreender o processo histórico-social da escravidão de africanos no Brasil, que vai desde a chegada dos primeiros africanos até a Abolição, além da situação sociolinguística dos períodos colonial e imperial brasileiros. A partir das principais características das relações sociais escravistas e da realidade sociolinguística resultante do impacto do escravismo, elaboram-se considerações no que se refere às esferas sociais em que os trabalhadores escravizados circulavam, as suas reais possibilidades de comunicação, ao modo como geriam as situações que envolviam as línguas, às chances de praticar e transmitir suas línguas, etc Por fim, analisa-se a percepção das classes dominantes sobre as línguas africanas e os hábitos de linguagem dos africanos escravizados em escritos de intelectuais, como gramáticas, ensaios e dicionários. Podem-se destacar duas das conclusões. A primeira, é que a escravidão colonial brasileira e os escravizados, que sustentaram todas as atividades nos meios rural e urbano, foram e continuam a ser minimizados de diversas formas. A segunda, é que o princípio da pureza da língua foi criado e seguido pelas classes dominantes para fazer uma separação de classes através da língua, sem considerar que os escravizados tiveram um aprendizado difícil da língua portuguesa, o que resultou no português que se fala hoje no Brasil. / The Brazilian colonial slavery lasted more than three centuries and it determined the society of the time and caused a considerable impact on languages, especially on those spoken by the enslaved African workers. For this and other reasons, it is possible to say that there are not written records about the languages and the practice of languages of the captives. This Masters dissertation, which has Sociolinguistics and Historical Sociolinguistics as theoretical basis, analyses how the ruling classes perceived and recorded the practices of languages of the enslaved and freed African in written productions between the nineteenth and the mid twentieth centuries. To do so, it is essencial to understand the historical and social process of African slavery in Brazil, since the arrival of the first African until the Abolition, also the sociolinguistic situation of the colonial and imperial periods. Through the main characteristics of the slave social relations and the impact of slavery and its resulting sociolinguistic reality, it is elaborated considerations about the social sphere in which the enslaved workers were, their real possibilities of communication, the way they managed the situations involving languages, the chances to practice and to transmit their languages, etc. Lastly, it is analysed the perception of the ruling classes about African languages and language habit in written records, as grammars, essays and dictionaries. It is possible to highlight two of the conclusions. First, the Brazilian colonial slavery and the enslaved, that sustained all the activities in rural and urban environment, were and continue to be minimized in various ways. Second, the principle of purity of the language was criated and followed by the ruling class to separate classes through language, without considering that the slaved had a tough learning of Portuguese language, fact that resulted in the Portuguese spoken nowadays in Brazil.

Na atual emergência da construção de um discurso social requerido para a identidade de remanescentes de quilombos, este trabalho busca refletir sobre as resistências dos trabalhadores escravizados na região mineradora do rio Guaporé, na Capitania de Mato Grosso, entre a fundação de Vila Bela da Santíssima Trindade em 1752 e anos iniciais do século 19, tendo como suporte fontes arqueológicas, documentais escritas e de memória. Propõe evidenciar as bases materiais para a construção de táticas de resistência e contraponto à estrutura repressora administrativa/senhorial escravista, e a partir delas o surgimento de quilombos como sua forma mais elaborada. Traz ainda uma possível interpretação dessa construção social em confluência com a invenção de uma economia mineradora paralela ao sistema colonial ao estabelecer os assentamentos quilombolas sobre terrenos auríferos. Ao final, sugere a existência na cidade de um reordenamento interno de falas autorizadas e ainda o surgimento de discursos a reconstruir um passado quilombola necessário. / The master\'s dissertation aims at discussing resistance strategies by enslaved workers, at the mining areas at Mato Grosso, since 1752 until the beginning of the 19th.c. The dissertation uses archaeological evidence and documents. It also aims at exploring the material culture strategies used by slaves to resist oppression, during colonial rule. It also studies maroons as a main resistance strategy, relating those settlements to alternative mining practices, out of colonial control. Last but not least, the dissertation explores the ways discourses about the past contribute to reconstruct maroon past experiences.

O escravismo colonial brasileiro durou mais de três séculos e foi determinante não só por moldar a sociedade na época, como por causar um grande impacto sobre as línguas, sobretudo as faladas pelos trabalhadores africanos escravizados. Por esse e outros motivos, pode se dizer que praticamente não existem registros escritos sobre as línguas e práticas linguageiras dos cativos. Esta dissertação de mestrado, que tem como base teórica a Sociolinguística e a Sociolinguística Histórica, analisa como as classes dominantes perceberam e registraram as práticas linguageiras dos africanos escravizados e libertos em escritos produzidos entre o século XIX e meados do século XX. Para isso, busca-se compreender o processo histórico-social da escravidão de africanos no Brasil, que vai desde a chegada dos primeiros africanos até a Abolição, além da situação sociolinguística dos períodos colonial e imperial brasileiros. A partir das principais características das relações sociais escravistas e da realidade sociolinguística resultante do impacto do escravismo, elaboram-se considerações no que se refere às esferas sociais em que os trabalhadores escravizados circulavam, as suas reais possibilidades de comunicação, ao modo como geriam as situações que envolviam as línguas, às chances de praticar e transmitir suas línguas, etc Por fim, analisa-se a percepção das classes dominantes sobre as línguas africanas e os hábitos de linguagem dos africanos escravizados em escritos de intelectuais, como gramáticas, ensaios e dicionários. Podem-se destacar duas das conclusões. A primeira, é que a escravidão colonial brasileira e os escravizados, que sustentaram todas as atividades nos meios rural e urbano, foram e continuam a ser minimizados de diversas formas. A segunda, é que o princípio da pureza da língua foi criado e seguido pelas classes dominantes para fazer uma separação de classes através da língua, sem considerar que os escravizados tiveram um aprendizado difícil da língua portuguesa, o que resultou no português que se fala hoje no Brasil. / The Brazilian colonial slavery lasted more than three centuries and it determined the society of the time and caused a considerable impact on languages, especially on those spoken by the enslaved African workers. For this and other reasons, it is possible to say that there are not written records about the languages and the practice of languages of the captives. This Masters dissertation, which has Sociolinguistics and Historical Sociolinguistics as theoretical basis, analyses how the ruling classes perceived and recorded the practices of languages of the enslaved and freed African in written productions between the nineteenth and the mid twentieth centuries. To do so, it is essencial to understand the historical and social process of African slavery in Brazil, since the arrival of the first African until the Abolition, also the sociolinguistic situation of the colonial and imperial periods. Through the main characteristics of the slave social relations and the impact of slavery and its resulting sociolinguistic reality, it is elaborated considerations about the social sphere in which the enslaved workers were, their real possibilities of communication, the way they managed the situations involving languages, the chances to practice and to transmit their languages, etc. Lastly, it is analysed the perception of the ruling classes about African languages and language habit in written records, as grammars, essays and dictionaries. It is possible to highlight two of the conclusions. First, the Brazilian colonial slavery and the enslaved, that sustained all the activities in rural and urban environment, were and continue to be minimized in various ways. Second, the principle of purity of the language was criated and followed by the ruling class to separate classes through language, without considering that the slaved had a tough learning of Portuguese language, fact that resulted in the Portuguese spoken nowadays in Brazil.

The Capitol Stones in Washington DC's Rock Creek Park were a delight for urban explorers, a curiosity for historians, and a tangible connection for descendants of enslaved laborers who quarried, transported, and shaped them into the United States Capitol. Banished from the East Front of the Capitol in 1958, they have spent the last third of their existence "not quite dumped, but not quite preserved either" (Banville 2009). To the National Park Service, they are a liability; to the Architect of the Capitol, a resource. At the time of writing, the stones are being relocated to a secure government storage facility where they will be permanently locked away from public view. This thesis proposes an alternative: relocate the Capitol Stones to an adaptively reused factory at the Navy Yard, where they can be stored, visited, and studied in a cavernous daylit atrium. In addition to housing the stones, as part of this thesis the WWII era naval weapons factory features retail at ground level and residences on four stories above. To the north, the atrium recalls the park-like setting of the stones' recent past, while the southern end is a working space for masons training to preserve historic buildings constructed of the same Aquia Creek sandstone. Due to the Anacostia's shifting shoreline, the site of Building 202 is also a likely location of the wharf at which the Capitol Stones first arrived in the District after being floated upriver from their Stafford County quarry. This crucial moment is marked by a contemplative memorial which stands in memory of the enslaved laborers who, across various levels of skill, built the Capitol. On axis with the memorial, the Capitol's East Portico - the origin of the Capitol Stones - is remembered at full scale. / Master of Architecture / Seemingly abandoned behind a maintenance shed in Washington DC's Rock Creek Park was a large collection of intricately hand carved stones. Urban explorers, historians, and descendants of enslaved laborers knew them as the Capitol Stones, which formed the East Front of the United States Capitol from the 1820s to the 1950s. But much like they were evicted from the Capitol, the Stones are presently facing eviction from Rock Creek Park. At the time of writing, the stones are being relocated to a secure government storage facility where they will be permanently locked away from public view. But what if they could remain accessible? This thesis proposes the relocation of the Capitol Stones into the light-filled atrium of a WWII era naval weapons factory, formerly part of the Washington Navy Yard. The atrium is enveloped by retail and residential space, as well as a training center for apprentice masons learning to use the Capitol Stones as a quarry. Stripped of their original purpose, the Capitol Stones have found new value as replacement stones at the other historic buildings. The factory, Building 202, occupies dredged and filled land which at the time of the Capitol's construction was part of the Anacostia River and the likely site of Commissioner's Wharf, the pier at which the Capitol Stones were delivered from the Aquia Creek Quarry in Stafford County, VA. Recalling this pivotal occasion, the stones surround a contemplative memorial to enslaved laborers who built the Capitol. To the east of the memorial stands a life sized representation of the East Front of the Capitol, the origin of the Capitol Stones.

Submitted by ANA KARLA PEREIRA RODRIGUES (anakarla_@hotmail.com) on 2017-09-13T14:10:20Z No. of bitstreams: 1 arquivototal.pdf: 2185465 bytes, checksum: cccf5154cc1129d293e82e68955d329e (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-09-13T14:10:20Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 arquivototal.pdf: 2185465 bytes, checksum: cccf5154cc1129d293e82e68955d329e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-05-13 / This study was developed by the Graduate Program in History with specialization in History and Historical Culture and the search line in History and Rationalities objected as the process which ended slavery in Brazil and more specifically in the province of North Parahyba from the actions of abolitionists, politicians and enslaved people. The cutting time corresponds to the last decades of the XIX century (1870-1888), because at that time the slavery crisis deepened. So we rely on the theoretical contributions of Social History with the considerations of E. P. Thompson, more specifically the concept of experience. The methodology used to achieve the goals was basically discoursed analysis and microhistory. The centuries of slavery were responsible for forging a slave Political Culture able to influence from everyday actions between free and poor, especially with regard to conservative positioning by the political elite, even actions of judges and landowners. We used a diversified documentary corpus that includes: newspapers, correspondence of classification boards, the provincial presidents reporting, freedom and other actions. Our research analyzes three segments that complement each other as follows: a) The acting of the abolitionists, their speeches and actions with the creation of abolitionism and newspaper associations; b) The positioning of two political representatives of the province on slavery to the debate on chinese immigration led by Manoel Pedro Cardoso Vieira with "separate vote" to the project Saraiva-Cotegipe Law of Souza Carvalho Viscount; and c) The resistance of enslaved people through the actions of freedom. Among the results we see that even the province with a small number of slaves there was strong opposition to the end of slavery. / Este trabalho foi desenvolvido junto ao Programa de Pós-Graduação em História, com área de concentração em História e Cultura Histórica, e na linha de pesquisa em História e Regionalidades. Tem como objeto o processo no qual findou a escravidão no Brasil, e mais especificamente na província da Parahyba do Norte, à partir da atuação dos abolicionistas, dos políticos e dos escravizados. O recorte temporal são as últimas décadas do século XIX (1870-1888), anos nos quais a crise do escravismo se acentuou. Para tanto, nos apoiamos aos aportes teóricos da História Social, com as contribuições de E. P. Thompson, mas notadamente o conceito de experiência. A metodologia empregada para alcançar os objetivos propostos, foram basicamente a análise do discurso e a micro-história. Os séculos de escravidão foram responsáveis por forjar uma Cultura Política Escravista, capaz de influenciar desde ações cotidianas entre a população livre e pobre, sobretudo o posicionamento conservador de parte da elite política, ou ainda na insistência de juízes e proprietários. Utilizamos um diversificado corpus documental que incluem: jornais, correspondência das juntas de classificação, relatórios dos presidentes de província, ações de liberdade e outros. Nossa pesquisa, analisa em três segmentos que se complementam assim, a atuação dos abolicionistas, seus discursos e ações, com a criação de associações abolicionistas e jornais; o posicionamento de dois políticos representantes da província, sobre a escravidão, como o debate sobre imigração chinesa travado por Manoel Pedro Cardoso Vieira o “voto em separado” ao projeto da Lei Saraiva-Cotegipe, do Visconde de Souza Carvalho; e a resistência dos escravizados através das ações de liberdade. Percebemos que mesmo a província ter um pequeno número de escravizados, houve uma forte oposição ao fim da escravidão.

Os personagens analisados nessa tese são os escravizados negros, indígenas e homens livres no Mato Grosso e suas circulações na fronteira com Bolívia e Paraguai na segunda metade do século XVIII e primeira metade do XIX. Defendemos nessa tese o protagonismo desses escravizados negros e indígenas no processo de colonização portuguesa e espanhola na região. Afirmamos que nenhum desses personagens responderam passivos às submissões de senhores, nem mesmo às instituições coloniais administrativas e religiosas. Durante o século XVIII foram travados vários embates entre indígenas e colonizadores nessa tríplice fronteira e os indígenas responderam a essa colonização desenvolvendo estratégias diversas como enfrentamento ou alianças com aquele que mais lhe convinha, ora com portugueses, ora com espanhóis. E mesmo depois de estabelecida a colonização, com construções de fortalezas e vilas nessa fronteira luso-espanhola e também estabelecidas as reduções jesuíticas em território fronteiriço de domínios hispânicos, os indígenas continuaram fazendo alianças e sendo personagens importantes comercializando seus produtos tanto com portugueses quanto com espanhóis tentando manter seu território conquistado sempre. Os escravizados negros começaram a chegar no Mato Grosso na segunda metade do século XVIII depois de uma longa e penosa viagem desde outras regiões do Brasil e também da África. Percebemos que, por ser uma região de fronteira, os escravizados fugiam para os domínios hispânicos, mas, para isso deveriam atravessar os caudalosos rios Paraguai, Guaporé ou Mamoré que dividiam os domínios das duas coroas ibéricas (Portugal e Espanha) na fronteira oeste do Mato Grosso. Mais do que uma fronteira política que limitava essas duas coroas ibéricas, a fronteira luso-espanhola foi um espaço no qual diferentes grupos sociais inventavam práticas diversas procurando melhores condições de vida e sobrevivência. Esse espaço de convívio de diferentes identidades na fronteira oeste da capitania, assim como as fugas de escravizados negro para os domínios hispânicos e formação de quilombos foram constantes durante todo o período colonial, e não cessaram durante o período imperial. Para avalizar essa tese pesquisamos documentação em três países. No Brasil recorremos ao Arquivo Público do Estado de Mato Grosso (APMT), localizado em Cuiabá. Na Bolívia, pesquisamos dois arquivos: o primeiro foi o Archivo y Biblioteca Nacionales de Bolivia (ABNB), localizado em Sucre; e o segundo foi o Museo de Historia y Archivo Histórico de Santa Cruz (MHAHSC), localizado em Santa Cruz de la Sierra. O último arquivo pesquisado foi no Paraguai, em Assunção, o Archivo Nacional de Asunción (ANA). Por fim, no diz respeito à fronteira oeste do Mato Grosso, para os lusitanos, tratava-se de manter o território conquistado; para os espanhóis, impedir o avanço; e, para ambos era conter a força indígena. Já os escravizados negros viam nos países vizinhos uma oportunidade para conquistar a liberdade e de melhores condições de sobrevivência e trabalho, com menos vigilância institucional, enquanto os proprietários de escravizados deveriam exercer mais vigilância para que não houvesse marginalidades. No caso dos indígenas, essa fronteira também era uma oportunidade de fuga institucional das coroas ibéricas (Portugal e Espanha) e das missões jesuíticas, mas também lutando para manter seu território em situação de conquista, essa fronteira possibilitava negociação, tanto com portugueses quanto com espanhóis. Quanto aos homens livres, essa fronteira facilitava as fugas de soldados desertores dos fortes construídos nesse limite institucional imposto pelas metrópoles, mas também maior possibilidade de comércio, contrabando e negociações entre nações fronteiriças vizinhas. / The characters analyzed during this thesis are black enslaved men, Indians and free men in Mato Grosso and their circulations on the border with Bolivia and Paraguay in the second half of the eighteenth century and the first half of the nineteenth. We defend the protagonism of these enslaved black and indigenous people at the process of the Portuguese and Spanish colonization in the region. We affirm none of those responded passively to the submissions of owners, colonial administration and religious institutions. At the eighteenth century, several clashes between Indians and colonizers, at the triple frontier, were fought, and the indigenous population responded to the colonization by developing diverse strategies such as confrontation or even alliances with the ones who suited them the most, sometimes with the Portuguese others with Spaniards. Even after the colonization was established, with fortress and villages constructed at the Portuguese-Spanish border, and the launch of Jesuitical reductions at borderland territory of the Hispanic domains, the Indians continued to form alliances. They were important figures commercializing their products for both Portuguese and Spanish, always trying to keep their conquered territory. Black enslaved began arriving in Mato Gross in the second half of the eighteenth century after a long and painful journey from other regions of Brazil and also Africa. We realized, because it was a borderland region, the enslaved fled to the Hispanic dominions. However, they had to cross the Paraguay, Guaporé or Mamoré rivers that divided the domain of the two Iberian crowns (Portugal and Spain) on the western border of Mato Grosso. Even more than a political borderland limiting these two Iberian crowns, the Portuguese-Spanish frontier was a space in which different social groups created diverse practices seeking better living conditions and survival. This coexistence space of different identities on the western border of the captaincy, as well as the escapes of black enslaved to Hispanic dominions and the formation of quilombos were constant throughout the colonial period, and did not cease during the imperial period. To support the thesis we researched documentation in three countries. In Brazil we used the Public Archive of the State of Mato Grosso (APMT), located in Cuiaba. In Bolivia, we researched two archives: the first was the National Archive and Library of Bolivia (ABNB), located in Sucre; and the second was the Historical History and Archive Museum of Santa Cruz (MHAHSC), located in Santa Cruz de la Sierra. The last searched one was in Paraguay, in Asuncion, National Archive of Asuncion (ANA). Lastly, concerning the western border of Mato Grosso, for the Portuguese it was a matter of maintaining the conquered territory; for the Spaniards stop the advancements; and for both contain the indigenous people force. Black enslaved, however, saw in neighboring countries an opportunity for freedom and better survival and work conditions with less institutional vigilance. The enslaved owners should exercise more vigilance so there would be no marginalities. Regarding the Indians case, this frontier was also an opportunity for an institutional escape of the Iberian crowns (Portugal and Spain) and the Jesuitical missions, but also the struggle to keep their territory in a conquering situation. Such border allowed the negotiation with both Portuguese and Spanish. Concerning the free men, the frontier facilitated the escape of deserted soldiers from the fortress built in the institutional limit imposed by the metropolises, but also greater possibility of trade, smuggling and negotiations between borderland neighboring nations.

This paper explores fugitive slave advertisements from the pages of the New Orleans Argus in 1828. As the main repository for runaway slave advertisements in New Orleans at the time, the Argus played a critical role in policing and surveillance of the city’s enslaved population just as New Orleans was becoming the largest slave market in the South. Using the Argus as well as historians’ accounts of the city, this thesis argues that as the market in enslaved people grew, slave owners depended upon local jailers in tandem with papers like the Argus, to police the enslaved population. The large volume of these advertisements, however, also testifies to enslaved people’s frequent rejection of bondage. This thesis is designed primarily as an index of the existing ads for 1828 with the aim of assisting further research into these sources.

Mammoth Cave in Kentucky is the longest known cave in the world. This dissertation examines the history of how scientists and non-scientists alike contributed to a growing body of knowledge about Mammoth Cave and how that knowledge in turn affected land use decisions in the surrounding neighborhood. During the nineteenth century visitors traveled through Mammoth Cave along with their guides, gaining knowledge of the cave by using their senses and spreading that knowledge through travel narratives. After the Civil War, cave guides, now free men who chose to stay in the neighborhood, used the cave as a way to build and support their community. New technologies and new visitors reconstructed the Mammoth Cave experience. Competing knowledge of locals and science-minded individuals, new technologies to spread the cave experience, and a growing tourism industry in America spurred the Kentucky Cave Wars during the late-nineteenth century. In the twentieth century, cutthroat competition between caves crystallized support for a national park at Mammoth Cave. Park promoters met resistance. Cave owners’ knowledge of what they owned underground helped them resist condemnation. Those affected by the coming of the national park made their protests known on the landscape, in newspapers, and in courtrooms. The introduction of New Deal workers, primarily the Civilian Conservation Corps, at Mammoth Cave and a skeleton staff of National Park Service officials faced antagonism from the local community. Important discoveries inside Mammoth Cave hastened the park’s creation, but not without lingering bitterness that would affect later preservation efforts. The inability of the park promoters to acquire two caves around Mammoth Cave was a failure for the national park campaign but a boon for exploration. The postwar period saw returning veterans and their families swarming national parks. While the parking lots at Mammoth Cave grew crowded and the Park Service attempted to balance preservation and development for the enjoyment of the visiting public, underground explorers were pushing the cave’s known extent to new lengths. This new knowledge inspired a new generation of environmentalists and preservationists to use the Wilderness Act to advocate for a cave wilderness designation at Mammoth Cave National Park.

No description available.