The aim of this thesis is to attempt to address gaps in the forced displacement-conflict escalation literature, as well as in the literature on conflict forecasting. By posing the question To what extent can data on forced displacement improve accuracy of conflict escalation forecasts?, the aim is to explore the possible bidirectional relationship between forced displacement and armed conflict, as well as how such a relationship may be beneficial for conflict forecasts. Through utilizing Random Forest classifiers and regressors, two hypotheses are tested: 1) Increasing numbers of displaced persons are associated with escalating violence, and 2) Incorporating forced displacement data into conflict forecasting models can improve the accuracy of conflict timing prediction. The obtained results offer support for both hypotheses, in turn providing two contributions to the field of peace and conflict studies. First, that the relationship between displacement and conflict escalation is not strictly causal. Second, data on displacement magnitudes can improve conflict escalation forecasts.

O deslocamento populacional forçado é um dos principais impactos de grandes projetos de infraestrutura, sendo grandes barragens um dos principais projetos responsáveis por esse tipo de movimento populacional. Estima-se que, até o final do século XX entre 40 e 80 milhões de pessoas haviam sido deslocadas por grandes barragens. O planejamento e a construção de empreendimentos hidrelétricos encontram-se em expansão tanto em nível mundial como especificamente no Brasil, país cujo investimento em geração hidrelétrica é estratégico e prioritário. Essa tendência sugere que o número de pessoas deslocadas por grandes barragens deva crescer nas próximas décadas, apresentando à sociedade os desafios intrínsecos do deslocamento populacional compulsório. Populações deslocadas por grandes barragens passam pelo estresse do deslocamento geográfico e pelos impactos ambientais decorrentes do próprio barramento, estresses que se sobrepõem no tempo e no espaço. Avaliar como esses estresses influenciam os modos de vida de comunidades deslocadas pode ajudar a entender os resultados do deslocamento compulsório e a desenhar medidas de gestão para o deslocamento. O objetivo geral desta pesquisa é compreender como os modos de vida de populações reassentadas em função da instalação de usinas são alterados em processos de deslocamento populacional, considerando as relações socioecológicas. Adotou-se como estudo de caso as usinas hidrelétricas do rio Madeira, Santo Antônio e Jirau. Foram levantados dados secundários e realizadas entrevistas em campo com reassentados e com autoridades, a partir das quais foram organizados dados quantitativos e qualitativos em uma abordagem metodológica mista. Como principais resultados, foi verificada a existência de cinco tendências de adaptação de modos de vida das pessoas deslocadas: (i) a valorização de atividades menos dependentes de ativos naturais em detrimento de atividades diretamente relacionadas a ecossistemas; (ii) a adoção de técnicas de controle de ecossistemas; (iii) a diminuição na diversidade do repertório de modos de vida; (iv) o direcionamento da produção para o mercado e (v) a inserção dos modos de vida em institucionalidades formais. Em conjunto, essas foram associadas a riscos como desarticulação social, aumento do risco à soberania alimentar, diminuição do acesso a recursos livres e diminuição do risco de perda de emprego. A partir desses resultados, recomenda-se medidas de gestão que considerem a interação socioecológica e a perspectiva de locais no processo de deslocamento populacional forçado. / Forced populational displacement is one of the major impacts of large infrastructure projects. Large dams are amongst the main projects that cause such displacement. It is estimated that by the end of the 20th century between 40 and 80 million people were displaced by large dams. The planning and construction of hydroelectric projects are expanding both globally and in Brazil, a country whose investment in hydroelectric generation is strategic and have being prioritized. Such trend suggests that the number of people displaced by large dams should grow in the next decades, making society face the inherent challenges of compulsory population displacement. People displaced by large dams go through the stress of geographic displacement and the stress of environmental impacts caused by the dam itself. These stresses overlap in time and space. Assessing how these stresses influence the livelihoods of displaced communities can help to understand the results of compulsory displacement and to design management measures for displacement. The goal of this research is to understand how the livelihoods of populations resettled due to the installation of hydropower plants are altered in processes of population displacement, considering socioecological relations. The hydroelectric plants of the Madeira river, Santo Antônio and Jirau, were adopted as a case study. Secondary data were collected, and field interviews were conducted with resettled people and with authorities. Quantitative and qualitative data were organized in a mixed methodological approach. As results, were identified five adaptive trends in the livelihoods of displaced people: (i) to value activities that are less dependent on natural assets at the expense of activities directly related to ecosystems; (ii) the adoption of techniques to control ecosystems; (iii) the decrease in the diversity of livelihoods repertoire; (iv) the orientation of production to cash crops to sell in the market and (v) the insertion of ways of life into formal institutions. Together, these trends were associated with risks such as social disarticulation, increased risk to food sovereignty, reduced access to common resources and reduced risk of joblessness. From these results, are recommended management measures that consider socioecological interaction and locals perspective in the process of forced displacement.

This dissertation explores the implications of borders and boundaries for how forcibly displaced young Georgians from Abkhazia understand issues of belonging and return. My theoretical framework draws from theories on home and belonging as well as theories on border and boundary making, and locates them in geographies of uncertainty – or riskscapes – areas characterized by conflict and/or inequality. Empirical data was collected through two sets of interviews in Zugdidi near the border to Abkhazia and a questionnaire survey in Zugdidi and the capital Tbilisi. These data have been analysed through both qualitative and quantitative methods.   The young respondents providing material for this research do not constitute a homogenous group. Some of the respondents have family still living in Abkhazia or even partly grew up in the area; others have never been there. The primary goal of the Georgian government has been that the displaced population should return to their homes, and the government’s efforts for local integration has long been insufficient. Since no peace accords have been signed, a lack of security prevents a large-scale return. Notwithstanding increased border controls that have made it difficult to visit former homes, some young people still cross the de facto border. By doing this they contest both the Abkhazian de facto authorities and the border as a symbol of separation and differentiation, while claiming a right to belong in Abkhazia. Property and social relations in Abkhazia contribute to stronger connections and an imperative to return. On the other hand, experience of hardship in contemporary Abkhazia has resulted in some young people not considering return as a viable option. Youth who never visited Abkhazia depend mainly on other peoples’ memories and political discourse to create emotional bonds to the area their parents fled and to form their ideas of return. Results from the quantitative survey indicate that youth living in Tbilisi, closer to the political centre, to a higher extent intend to return than their peers in Zugdidi. Meanwhile young people’s experiences of everyday life in current dwellings in relative stability create emotional bonds to their present place of living. These experiences challenge both collective processes and experiences from Abkhazia when it comes to maintaining the desire to return.   This research offers insights into the human consequences of war and conflict. More specifically, this dissertation sheds light on how young internally displaced persons (IDPs) are living in a borderland (in both temporal and spatial terms) characterized by uncertainty-- between the past and the future as well as between Georgia and Abkhazia. Practices of exclusion and segregation are constitutive of the borders and boundaries that permeate life experiences of the forcibly displaced youth. Furthermore, these borders and boundaries are situated in riskscapes of disputed belongings, which makes this borderland more or less stable for different groups of IDPs. This dissertation contributes to an increased understanding of how political aspirations and personal desire to return preserves instability and uncertainty as long as return is not possible. / Denna avhandling undersöker konsekvenserna av gränser och gränsskapande för hur unga georgiska internflyktingar från Abkhazien förstår frågor om tillhörighet och återvändande. Jag utgår från teorier om hem och tillhörighet, liksom teorier om gränser och gränsskapande, och lokaliserar dem till geografier av osäkerhet – “riskscapes” – områden som karaktäriseras av konflikter och/eller ojämlikheter. Det datamaterial som ligger till grund för avhandlingen utgörs av två intervjustudier i Zugdidi nära gränsen till Abkhazien; och en enkätstudie som genomfördes i Zugdidi och i den georgiska huvudstaden Tbilisi. Materialet har analyserats genom användande av både kvalitativa och kvantitativa metoder.   Avhandlingens respondenter utgör inte en homogen grupp. Några respondenter har familj och släktingar som bor i Abkhazien eller har delvis växt upp i området, medan andra aldrig ens varit där. Det primära målet för den georgiska regeringen har varit att internflyktingarna ska återvända till sina hem, och regeringens ansträngningar för integration i lokalsamhället har länge varit otillräckliga. Det saknas fredsavtal och bristen på säkerhet förhindrar återvändande i stor skala. Trots de ökade gränskontroller som gjort det svårt att korsa de facto gränslinjen tar sig en del ungdomar ändå over gränsen. Genom att göra detta bestrider de både de abkhaziska de facto myndigheterna och gränsen som symbol för separation och åtskillnad, medan de hävdar sin rätt att känna tillhörighet till Abkhazien. Att ha ett hus och sociala relationer i Abkhazien bidrar till emotionella band och en starkare uppmaning till att återvända. Å andra sidan kan erfarenheterna av vardagens umbäranden inne i Abkhazien resultera i att unga människor inte ser återvändande som ett tänkbart alternativ. Ungdomar som aldrig varit i Abkhazien är beroende av andra människors minnen och politiska diskurser för att skapa känslomässiga band och tankar om återvändande till det område deras föräldrar har flytt från. Resultat från den kvantitativa undersökningen visar vidare att ungdomar som bor i Tbilisi, närmare Georgiens politiska centrum, i högre grad anger att de har för avsikt att återvända än deras jämnåriga i Tbilisi. Ungdomars erfarenheter av vardagslivet i sina nuvarande bostäder i relativ stabilitet bidrar emellertid till att skapa känslomässiga band till den aktuella bostadsorten. Dessa erfarenheter utmanar på så vis både de kollektiva processerna och erfarenheter från Abkhazien när det gäller att upprätthålla drömmen om återvändande.   Avhandlingen bidrar med insikter om konsekvenser av krig och konflikter för människors vardagsliv. Mer specifikt belyser jag hur avhandlingens unga respondenter lever i en sorts rumsligt och temporalt gränsland mellan det förflutna och framtiden och mellan Georgien och Abkhazien, och detta gränsland kännetecknas av osäkerhet. Praktiker av isärhållande och segregering är konstituerande för de gränser som genomsyrar internflyktingungdomarnas erfarenheter. Dessa gränser är dessutom situerade i ”riskscapes” av ifrågasatta tillhörigheter, som gör gränslandet mer eller mindre stabilt för olika grupper av internflyktingar. Avhandlingen bidrar med en ökad förståelse för hur politiska ambitioner och personliga drömmar om återvändande håller kvar människor i instabilitet och osäkerhet så länge återvändandet inte är möjligt. / <p>Vid tidpunkten för disputationen var följande delarbeten opublicerade: delarbete 3 inskickat.</p><p>At the time of the doctoral defence the following papers were unpublished: paper 3 submitted.</p>

Cette thèse analyse les négociations interculturelles des Gens du Centre (groupe amazonien multi-ethnique) avec les discours universels de droits humains et de développement mobilisés par l’État colombien. L’analyse se concentre sur le Plan de sauvegarde ethnique Witoto chapitre Leticia (ESP), qui est un des 73 plans formulés et implémentés par l’État colombien pour reconnaître les droits des peuples autochtones en danger par le déplacement forcé causé par les conflits armés internes. J’analyse l’ESP à travers la notion de friction (Tsing, 2005) qui fait référence aux caractéristiques complexes, inégalitaires et changeantes des rencontres contemporaines entre les différences des savoirs locaux et globaux. Mon analyse se base aussi sur des approches foucaldiennes et/ou subalternes de pouvoir comme la recherche anticoloniale et de la décolonisation, les perspectives critiques et contre-hégémoniques des droits humains, le post-développement, et les critiques du féminisme au développement. L’objectif de la thèse est d’analyser les savoirs (concepts de loi, de justice et de développement); les logiques de pensée (pratiques, épistémologies, rôles et espaces pour partager et produire des savoirs); et les relations de pouvoir (formes de leadership, associations, réseaux, et formes d’empowerment et disempowerment) produits et recréés par les Gens du Centre au sein des frictions avec les discours de droits humains et du développement. La thèse introduit comment la région habitée par les Gens du Centre (le Milieu Amazone transfrontalier) a été historiquement connectée aux relations inégalitaires de pouvoir qui influencent les luttes actuelles de ce groupe autochtone pour la reconnaissance de leurs droits à travers l’ESP. L’analyse se base à la fois sur une recherche documentaire et sur deux terrains ethnographiques, réalisés selon une perspective critique et autoréflexive. Ma réflexion méthodologique explore comment la position des chercheurs sur le terrain influence le savoir ethnographique et peut contribuer à la création des relations interculturelles inclusives, flexibles et connectées aux besoins des groupes locaux. La section analytique se concentre sur comment le pouvoir circule simultanément à travers des échelles nationale, régionale et locale dans l’ESP. J’y analyse comment ces formes de pouvoir produisent des sujets individuels et collectifs et s’articulent à des savoirs globaux ou locaux pour donner lieu à de nouvelles formes d’exclusion ou d’émancipation des autochtones déplacés. Les résultats de la recherche suggèrent que les Gens du Centre approchent le discours des droits humains à travers leurs savoirs autochtones sur la « loi de l’origine ». Cette loi établit leur différence culturelle comme étant à la base du processus de reconnaissance de leurs droits comme peuple déplacé. D’ailleurs, les Gens du Centre approprient les discours et les projets de développement à travers la notion d’abondance qui, comprise comme une habileté collective qui connecte la spiritualité, les valeurs culturelles, et les rôles de genre, contribue à assurer l’existence physique et culturelle des groupes autochtones. Ma thèse soutient que, même si ces savoirs et logiques de pensée autochtones sont liés à des inégalités et à formes de pouvoir local, ils peuvent contribuer à des pratiques de droits humains et de développement plurielles, égalitaires et inclusives. / This dissertation analyzes the intercultural negotiations of the Amazonian multi-ethnic group of the People of the Centre with the universal discourses of human rights and development promoted by the Colombian State. I focus on the Leticia Witoto Ethnic Safeguarding Plan (ESP), which is one of the 73 plans formulated and implemented by the Colombian State to acknowledge the basic rights of indigenous groups endangered by internal forced displacement. I analyze the ESP through the notion of friction (Tsing, 2005), which refers to the complex, unequal, and changing character of contemporary encounters across difference between local and global knowledges. My analysis also draws on Foucauldian and/or subaltern approaches such as anti-colonial and decolonizing research, critical and counter-hegemonic perspectives on human rights, post-development, and feminist critiques of development. I analyze the knowledges (understandings of law, justice, and development), logics of thought (practices, epistemologies, roles, and spaces for sharing and producing knowledges), and power relations (forms of leadership, associations, networks, and forms of empowerment and disempowerment) that the People of the Centre produce and renew in their frictions with human rights and development discourses. I introduce the tri-border Middle Amazon as a region historically connected to unequal global relations of power. I argue that these historical power relations influence the conditions in which the People of the Centre struggle for their rights through the ESP. I draw my case study on documentary analysis and on two instances of self-reflective and critical ethnographic fieldwork. My methodological reflection explores how researchers’ positions in fieldwork influence ethnographic knowledge and can contribute to inclusive and flexible intercultural relations connected to the needs of local groups. My analysis focuses on how power circulates on national, regional, and local scales in the ESP. I analyze how this circulatory power produces individual and collective subjects and is articulated with specific forms of knowledge, influencing both exclusionary and emancipatory possibilities for displaced indigenous people. Research results suggest that the People of the Centre approach human rights through their indigenous knowledge on the “law of origin.” This law asserts their cultural difference as a central basis of recognition of their human rights as displaced indigenous people. Similarly, the People of the Centre appropriate development discourses and projects through the notion of abundance. Understood as a collective ability connecting spirituality, cultural values, and gender roles, the notion of abundance aims to ensure the physical and cultural group’s survival. I argue that, although they are tied to local and unequal forms of power, these indigenous knowledges and their logics of thought can contribute to plural, egalitarian, and situated concepts and practices of human rights and development. / Esta tesis doctoral analiza las negociaciones interculturales de la Gente de Centro (grupo amazónico multiétnico) con los discursos universales de derechos humanos y desarrollo promovidos por el Estado colombiano. La investigación se concentra en el Plan de salvaguarda étnica Uitoto capítulo Leticia (ESP), uno de los 73 planes formulados e implementados por el Estado colombiano para reconocer los derechos básicos de los grupos indígenas en riesgo de desplazamiento forzado. Mi análisis emplea la noción de “fricción” (Tsing, 2005), la cual se refiere a las características complejas, desiguales y cambiantes de los encuentros contemporáneos entre las diferencias que existen entre saberes locales y globales. El análisis se basa además en perspectivas foucaultdianas y/o subalternas como la investigación anticolonial y la descolonización, perspectivas críticas y contra hegemónicas de los derechos humanos, el post-desarrollo, y las críticas feministas al desarrollo. Analizo los saberes (conceptos de ley, justicia y desarrollo), lógicas de pensamiento (prácticas, epistemologías, roles y espacios para producir saberes), y relaciones de poder (formas de liderazgo, asociaciones, redes, y formas de empoderamiento y desempoderamiento) que la Gente de Centro produce y recrea a través de sus fricciones con discursos de derechos humanos y desarrollo. Contextualizo la región habitada por la Gente de Centro (la triple frontera del Medio Amazonas) como un área históricamente influida por relaciones inequitativas de poder global. Sostengo que estas relaciones globales inequitativas influyen en las condiciones desiguales en las que la Gente de Centro lucha por el reconocimiento de sus derechos a través del ESP. Mi estudio de caso se basa en análisis documental y en dos períodos de trabajo de campo desde perspectivas etnográficas críticas y auto reflexivas. Mi reflexión metodológica explora cómo las posiciones de los investigadores en el campo influyen el conocimiento etnográfico y pueden contribuir a relaciones interculturales incluyentes, flexibles y conectadas con las necesidades de los grupos locales. La sección analítica presenta cómo formas de poder nacional, regional y local circulan en el ESP. Analizo cómo estas formas de poder producen sujetos individuales y colectivos y se articulan con formas de saber global o local, produciendo tanto exclusiones como posibilidades de resistencia entre los desplazados indígenas. Los resultados de la investigación sugieren que la Gente de Centro se aproxima a la noción de derechos humanos a través del concepto indígena de la “ley de origen.” Esta ley propone las diferencias culturales indígenas como una base para el reconocimiento de sus derechos humanos como pueblos afectados por el desplazamiento forzado. Además, la Gente de Centro se apropia de los discursos y proyectos de desarrollo a través de la noción de abundancia. Entendida como una habilidad colectiva que conecta visiones espirituales, valores culturales y roles de género, la noción de abundancia contribuye a asegurar la supervivencia cultural y física del grupo indígena. Mi tesis sostiene que, aun cuando estos saberes y lógicas de pensamiento indígena están ligados con formas de desigualdad y poder local, pueden contribuir a conceptos y prácticas de derechos humanos y desarrollo con una visión plural, igualitaria y localmente incluyente.

La violence chronique qui caractérise la Somalie depuis plus de deux décennies a forcé près de deux millions de personnes à fuir. Cette ethnographie étudie l’expérience de l’asile prolongé de jeunes Somaliens qui ont grandi au camp de Kakuma, au Kenya. Leur expérience est hors du commun, bien qu’un nombre croissant de réfugiés passent de longues années dans des camps pourtant conçus comme temporaires, en vertu de la durée des conflits et de la normalisation de pratiques de mise à l’écart de populations « indésirables ». Nous explorons la perception qu’ont ces jeunes de leur environnement et de quelle façon leur exil structure leur perception du passé et de leur pays d’origine, et de leur futur. Ce faisant, nous considérons à la fois les spécificités du contexte et l’environnement global, afin de comprendre comment l’expérience des gens est façonnée par (et façonne) les dynamiques sociales, politiques, économiques et historiques. Nous observons que le camp est, et demeure, un espace de confinement, indépendamment de sa durée d’existence ; bien que conçu comme un lieu de gestion rationnelle des populations, le camp devient un monde social où se développent de nouvelles pratiques ; les jeunes Somaliens font preuve d’agentivité et interprètent leur expérience de manière à rendre leur quotidien acceptable ; ces derniers expriment une frustration croissante lorsque leurs études sont terminées et qu’ils peinent à s’établir en tant qu’adultes, ce qui exacerbe leur désir de quitter le camp. En effet, même s’il existe depuis plus de 20 ans, le camp demeure un lieu de transition. L’expérience de jeunes Somaliens qui ont grandi dans un camp de réfugiés n’a pas été étudiée auparavant. Nous soutenons que cette expérience est caractérisée par des tensions entre contraintes et opportunités, mobilité et immobilité, isolation et connexion ou victimisation et affirmation du sujet – et des temporalités contradictoires. Cette étude souligne que des notions comme la convivialité ou la pluralité des appartenances développées dans la littérature sur la cohabitation interethnique dans les villes ou sur l’identité des migrants aident à appréhender le réalité du camp. Cette ethnographie montre également que, loin d’être des victimes passives, les réfugiés contribuent à trouver des solutions à leur exil. / Chronic violence has characterized Somalia for over two decades, forcing nearly two million people to flee. This ethnography studies the experience of protracted exile of Somalis who were raised in Kakuma refugee camp, in Kenya, and are now young adults. Their experience is relatively uncommon, although increasing numbers of people spend long periods in camps conceived as temporary, due to the length of conflicts and the normalization of excluding populations deemed undesirable. I explore how young people perceive their living environment and how growing up in exile structures their view of the past and their country of origin, and the future and its possibilities. In doing so, I regularly shift perspectives from the specificities of the context to the global environment, to understand how people’s experience is shaped by (and shapes) the social, political, economical and historical dynamics in which it is embedded. My observations can be summarized into a few broad statements: regardless of how long it has existed, the camp is and remains a space of containment; conceived as a rationally organized space to manage populations, the camp becomes a messier social world where new practices develop; young Somalis display agency and interpret their experience in a way that makes the present bearable; frustration grows when Somali youth complete their education and struggle to establish themselves as adults, catalyzing their determination to leave Kakuma. Indeed, although refugees have been living there since the early 1990s, the camp remains a space of transition. Although there have been a number of studies on refugee camps in Kenya, no study has focused on the experience of Somali youth raised in a refugee camp. I argue that this experience is traversed and shaped by tensions between constraints and opportunities, mobility and immobility, isolation and connectedness, victimization and affirmation of the subject, citizenship and refugeeness – and by conflicting temporalities. This ethnographic study highlights the fact that notions such as conviviality or the multiplicity of people’s belongings developed in the literature on interethnic cohabitation in cities or the ethnic identity of migrants, help us to understand the camp experience. This research also shows that, far from being powerless victims, people actively contribute to finding solutions to their exile.

Le déplacement interne forcé est un phénomène ancien et récurrent dont la communautéinternationale a tardé à se saisir. Ce n’est qu’en 1992 que le Secrétaire général des NationsUnies a nommé un Représentant spécial chargé des personnes déplacées internes. Dès sanomination, ce dernier a entrepris un important travail d’analyse et de compilation des normesinternationales afin d’étudier l’applicabilité de celles-ci aux personnes déplacées internes.L’aboutissement de ce travail a permis l’élaboration et la présentation des « Principesdirecteurs relatifs au déplacement de personnes à l’intérieur de leur propre pays » en 1998.Ces Principes directeurs sont par la suite devenus un cadre de référence pour ledéveloppement d’instruments internationaux conventionnels de portée régionale dont ledernier en date est la Convention de Kampala adoptée en 2009 par l’Union africaine.Cette étude a un double-objet. Tout d’abord, mettre en évidence l’évolution normative qu’aconnue la notion de personne déplacée interne et la protection juridique internationale relativeà cette notion. Ensuite, de se questionner sur l’émergence d’un statut juridique internationalen faveur des déplacés internes à travers l’analyse du concept de responsabilité de protéger etl’examen de l’utilité et de l’intérêt de ce statut juridique international dont l’émergencepourrait être entravée par d’éventuels obstacles juridiques. / Forced internal displacement is an old and recurring phenomenon that the internationalcommunity has been slow to grasp. It was not until 1992 that the United Nations GeneralSecretary appointed a Special Representative on internally displaced persons. Upon hisappointment, the Special Representative undertook a major work of analysis and compilationof international norms in order to study their applicability to internally displaced persons.The culmination of this work has enabled the development and presentation of the “GuidingPrinciples on internal displacement” in 1998. These guidelines have subsequently become animportant framework for the development of international treaties with regional impactwhose latest is the Kampala Convention adopted in 2009 by the African Union.This study has a double-object. First of all, it is to underline the important evolution of thenotion of internally displaced person and of the international legal protection regarding thisnotion.Secondly, it is to question about the emergence of an international legal status dedicated tointernally displaced persons through the analysis of the concept of responsibility to protectand through the review of the usefulness and the significance of this international legal statuswhose emergence could be hampered by possible legal obstacles.

In 2016, member states of the United Nations, by consensus, adopted the New York Declaration for Refugees and Migrants, in which they also agreed to the Comprehensive Refugee Response Framework (CRRF). The framework, arguing for a multi-stakeholder inclusive approach that includes local authorities, was suggested to be a progressive step in establishing an international regime offering predictability in dealing with large scale refugee movements, placing focus on self-reliance, economic inclusion, and support for both refugees and host communities. The CRRF was inserted in the Global Compact on Refugees adopted by UN General Assembly in December 2018. This thesis sets out to enunciate the involvement of local governments as stakeholders in the CRRF and to explore the role of this stakeholder status in refugee local integration solutions, with Uganda as an exemplifying case of refugee hosting countries implementing the CCRF. As an entry point, the thesis posits the following research question: “As stakeholders in the comprehensive refugee response framework, what is the role of local governments in refugee local integration in Uganda?”. The thesis utilizes concepts including stakeholders, local government, decentralisation and integration to construct an analytical framework employed by the thesis.  The thesis claims that as stakeholders in the CRRF, local governments are relevant in enhancing refugee local integration, but this role can only be maximized if and when the decentralized functions and structures of local government are adequately utilised by other stakeholders in the CRRF including the central government and international community. Local governments, under the right circumstances, potentially play a role in ensuring host communities do not impede the enjoyment of refugee rights by mediating refugee-host community relations. But as it stands; the political, administrative, and fiscal functions of local government in Uganda are yet to be adequately harnessed by CRRF structures.

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Ce mémoire de maîtrise a pour objectif de réaliser l’analyse de l’œuvre La Trilogía de Urabá des cinéastes colombiens Marta Rodríguez et Fernando Restrepo en considérant la notion de « mémoire » et comment celle-ci se développe dans ces documentaires à travers des témoignages et des pratiques culturelles comme les chroniques chantées, le dessin et la danse. Dans les films qui composent la trilogie, la mémoire se présente comme un mécanisme de résistance contre la violence subie par la population civile pendant le conflit armé en Colombie, époque durant laquelle la population civile a été sans cesse massacrée et forcée à abandonner son territoire. Notre analyse considère notamment le rôle que les documentaires attribuent aux femmes afro-colombiennes dans la construction de la mémoire culturelle et historique, étant donné que leurs témoignages dévoilent leur grand effort de résistance contre la violence. En second lieu, notre analyse vise à montrer comment La Trilogía de Urabá inscrit la mémoire culturelle dans la mémoire historique colombienne. / In this master's thesis we examine a trilogy of documentary films entitled: La Trilogía de Urabá by Colombian filmmakers Marta Rodriguez and Fernando Restrepo, and consider how “memory” is developed in these documentaries through testimonies and cultural practices such as sung chronicles, drawing and dance. In this trilogy, memory appears as a mechanism of resistance against widespread violence suffered by millions during the armed conflict in Colombia, a period in which civilians were massacred and forced to abandon their lands. Our analysis highlights the role of Afro-Colombian women in the construction of historical and cultural memory, and displays how their testimonies constitute acts of resistance against violence. In addition, this thesis shows how La Trilogía de Urabá inscribes cultural memory into the collective Colombian historical memory. / Esta memoria tiene como principal objetivo analizar la obra La Trilogía de Urabá de los documentalistas Marta Rodríguez y Fernando Restrepo considerando la noción de “memoria” y cómo ésta se desarrolla en ella a través de testimonios y prácticas culturales (crónicas cantadas, dibujo y danza). En las cintas que componen la trilogía, la memoria se presenta como una forma de resistencia contra la violencia sufrida por la población civil durante los años de conflicto armado en Colombia, época en la que la población civil fue repetidamente masacrada y forzada a abandonar sus territorios. Nuestro análisis considera especialmente el papel que los documentales otorgan a las mujeres afro-colombianas en la construcción de la memoria cultural e histórica, pues sus testimonios revelan su importante labor de resistencia contra la violencia. En segundo lugar, nuestro análisis apunta a cómo La Trilogía de Urabá inscribe esta memoria cultural en la memoria histórica colombiana.

[À l'origine dans / Was originally part of : Thèses et mémoires - FAS - Département de littératures et de langues modernes] / Ce mémoire de maîtrise a pour objectif de réaliser l’analyse de l’œuvre La Trilogía de Urabá des cinéastes colombiens Marta Rodríguez et Fernando Restrepo en considérant la notion de « mémoire » et comment celle-ci se développe dans ces documentaires à travers des témoignages et des pratiques culturelles comme les chroniques chantées, le dessin et la danse. Dans les films qui composent la trilogie, la mémoire se présente comme un mécanisme de résistance contre la violence subie par la population civile pendant le conflit armé en Colombie, époque durant laquelle la population civile a été sans cesse massacrée et forcée à abandonner son territoire. Notre analyse considère notamment le rôle que les documentaires attribuent aux femmes afro-colombiennes dans la construction de la mémoire culturelle et historique, étant donné que leurs témoignages dévoilent leur grand effort de résistance contre la violence. En second lieu, notre analyse vise à montrer comment La Trilogía de Urabá inscrit la mémoire culturelle dans la mémoire historique colombienne. / In this master's thesis we examine a trilogy of documentary films entitled: La Trilogía de Urabá by Colombian filmmakers Marta Rodriguez and Fernando Restrepo, and consider how “memory” is developed in these documentaries through testimonies and cultural practices such as sung chronicles, drawing and dance. In this trilogy, memory appears as a mechanism of resistance against widespread violence suffered by millions during the armed conflict in Colombia, a period in which civilians were massacred and forced to abandon their lands. Our analysis highlights the role of Afro-Colombian women in the construction of historical and cultural memory, and displays how their testimonies constitute acts of resistance against violence. In addition, this thesis shows how La Trilogía de Urabá inscribes cultural memory into the collective Colombian historical memory. / Esta memoria tiene como principal objetivo analizar la obra La Trilogía de Urabá de los documentalistas Marta Rodríguez y Fernando Restrepo considerando la noción de “memoria” y cómo ésta se desarrolla en ella a través de testimonios y prácticas culturales (crónicas cantadas, dibujo y danza). En las cintas que componen la trilogía, la memoria se presenta como una forma de resistencia contra la violencia sufrida por la población civil durante los años de conflicto armado en Colombia, época en la que la población civil fue repetidamente masacrada y forzada a abandonar sus territorios. Nuestro análisis considera especialmente el papel que los documentales otorgan a las mujeres afro-colombianas en la construcción de la memoria cultural e histórica, pues sus testimonios revelan su importante labor de resistencia contra la violencia. En segundo lugar, nuestro análisis apunta a cómo La Trilogía de Urabá inscribe esta memoria cultural en la memoria histórica colombiana.