The Polish Law and Justice party has initiated domestic policies and regulations that challenge women’s rights. Poland is a member of the European Union where the gender inequality issues have never had such a high priority before and the union is currently operating under the Gender Mainstreaming strategy alongside with additional approaches. The two folded aim of this thesis is to create an understanding on how the Polish politicalauthorities can present backsliding tendencies of women’s rights by studying how thedomestic political institutions frame gender equality policies and Gender Mainstreaming followed by how the Polish political agents can legitimize the framings and implementations to the Polish society through the public discourse. A qualitative discourse analysis will be applied on materials from the EU, Polish politicalprograms and secondary sources such as news articles. The empirical findings suggest that the backsliding is part of a non-linear process where the Polish framing and implementation of policies on gender equality both converge and diverge from the EU. In the latest years, an incremental process of backsliding tendencies has appeared. As for the political discourse, the gender equality policies often end up in the background, overruled by pro-family policies. Also, the inadequate implementations and domestic framings is legitimized by the referencesto the foundational ideas of Polish society, where the EU challenges the traditional familywith “harmful gender ideologies”.

Coronapandemin är en av de största kriserna på flera decennier och har gjort att Sveriges regering stått inför en situation där kriskommunikation krävs. En av de primära kommunikationsmedel som Sveriges regering har använt under pandemin är presskonferenser. Syftet med studien är att genom en gestaltningsanalys se hur Sveriges regering har gestaltat pandemin i sina presskonferenser. Analysen ska också besvara hur gestaltningen förändrats under olika faser av krisen. En språklig analys gjordes på 20 presskonferenser publicerade mellan 24 februari 2020 och den 16 september 2021 där ett förbestämt ramverk, teorier kring kriskommunikation och CERC-modellen utgjorde grunden för analysen. Studiens förbestämda ramverk är baserat på CDC och WHO:s rekommendationer inom kriskommunikation och har använts tidigare i liknande studier. Studiens resultat visar på liknande inramningar i alla valda presskonferenser från pandemin. Ramarna Budskap till allmänheten och Uttryck av empati var två inramningar som identifierades i samtliga presskonferenser. Hur allmänheten kan hjälpa till, Klargörande av fakta, Åtgärder som för närvarande vidtas och Åtgärder som kommer att vidtas var andra inramningar som identifierades ofta, särskilt under vissa tidsperioder av pandemin. Innebörden av ramarna är också något som skiljer sig mellan olika faser, framför allt Budskap till allmänheten och Uttryck av empati. / The covid-19 pandemic is one of the worst health crises in many decades, and it has put the Swedish government into a situation where crisis communication is needed. One of the primary tools for communication used by the Swedish government is press conferences. The aim of the study is to determine how the Swedish government has framed the pandemic through the press conferences. This will be done through a framing analysis. The study will also determine how the framing has changed through different phases of the crisis. A linguistic analysis was made on 20 press conferences published between February 24th 2020 and September 16th 2021 with a predetermined framework, theories in crisis communication and the CERC-model as base for the study. The predetermined framework is based on CDC and WHO recommendations in crisis communication and has been used in similar studies earlier.  The result of the study shows similar framing in all chosen press conferences from the pandemic. The frames Key messages to the public and Expression of empathy were two frames that could be identified in all press conferences. How the public can help, Clarification of facts, Actions currently being taken and Action that will be taken were frames that also could be identified in several press conferences, especially in specific phases of the pandemic. The signification of the frame was also something that changed through different phases, particularly Key messages to the public and Expression of empathy.

In this paper I argue that in a mediatized Australia, where media are increasingly constructing society and culture as a whole, racializing frames used by Melbourne newspapers The Age and Herald Sun during a two-month period in 2018 contribute to the continued ‘othering’ of the ‘highly visible’ Sudanese-Australian and Sudanese refugee communities, and the erosion of the policy, and lived reality, of multiculturalism in Australia. Building upon the existing extensive body of research about the representation of refugee groups in Australian media, I use media framing theory to inform my analysis. In order to understand what media frames the Melbourne print media constructed around the ‘African gang crisis’ in 2018 I chose to conduct a quantitative and qualitative content analysis of the types of sources used, and the quotes referenced, within the news articles. The analysis shows that ‘the media’ cannot be treated as one homogenous ‘sense-making’ group, as latent patterns of dominating source types as used by each newspaper point to specific ‘newsroom frames’ for each outlet. These ‘newsroom frames’ should be taken into account when exploring the media frames and, specifically, the role of racializing frames, in understanding the ‘othering’ of black Sudanese people in Australia in relation to the country’s ‘white majority’. Only with this understanding can we begin to dismantle the lingering impact of the country’s ‘White Australia Policy’ past and make multiculturalism the solid foundation of Australia’s future.

The purpose of this study is to examine how FIFA and Amnesty portray the football World Cup in Qatar 2022 differently on their respective Twitter accounts. For context, the topic regarding Qatar being granted to host the World Cup has been a heated discussion ever since its inception in 2010 when FIFA officially announced it for the first time. Common arguments against the decision were usually about Qatar not having any prior record of a “football culture” as well as there being accusations of them buying their way into becoming a host nation. Qatar later also came under fire after sources showed evidence that the country imposed “slave-like” conditions on migrant workers building their cities and football arenas, with reports estimating 6,500 migrant worker deaths in the country since 2010. Knowing this information surrounding the World Cup 2022, this study aims to quantitatively analyse the differences in content and framings published on Twitter by FIFA, the organization running the event, and Amnesty, a non-governmental organization focused on human rights. Framing theory and agenda-setting theory were used as tools to examine 150 tweets under the time period spanning from December 2, 2010 to November 20, 2022. The findings of the analysis show dominatingly negative tweets from Amnesty regarding the World Cup, whereas FIFA have remained neutral but mostly positive. The results of the analysis also show signs of sportswashing being a contributing factor in the different framings of the World Cup between the accounts.

In this analysis of public speeches from four American presidents from the Republican party, the ways in which those presidents discuss and position American defense activities and stances are examined, to track the progression from the 1960s to the present. Presidents from one party were chosen, who presided over a period of active armed conflict or cold war. The addresses analyzed comprised public addresses to Congress or the American people. The analysis groups recurring frames--conceptually developed based on framing and agenda setting theories--into thematic categories for each president. Some frames were more salient for certain presidents than for others. Other frames were common and pervaded the presidents’ remarks to Congress and the public. America’s struggle against a faceless enemy, American military might as a guarantor of, and the importance of the United States’ commitments to its international partners were all prevailing frames which emerged in the analysis.

The study examined the frequent frames adopted by the CDC in the communication of the Covid-19 vaccine and how it impacts vaccine uptake through quantitative content analysis. The study builds on the framing theory and elaboration likelihood model. This study’s content collected 327 posts by the CDC on covid-19 vaccinations from December 2020- December 2022. A research randomizer was used to choose 200 posts as the final sample from the data that had been gathered. 122 posts out of the 200 total posts that the randomizer tallied were pertinent to the research questions for the study. It was found that the predominant framing strategy adopted by the CDC was the gain framing strategy, which outlined the benefits of being vaccinated. This is encouraging since, as advocates of health communication, we must understand that emphasizing the benefits of adopting a recommended action has a greater chance of having a positive impact.

In recent times, African brands have been featured heavily in global landscape fashion events, with brands from Nigeria, South Africa, and Kenya leading the way. Although such recognition could be traced to their expertise, the unique approach of African brands involves putting out unique designs that easily stand out in the global fashion market. However, their uniqueness goes beyond the designs they put out, as it is also strongly expressed in their media messaging and, consequentially, their marketing strategy. This study provides a content analysis of the most important characteristics of eight brands from different regions of the African continent. It examines 20 photos each from their Instagram account, analyzing a total of 160 photos. Results point out the distinct market penetration approach of the different brands from each region and how it reflects in their media brand voice as a whole.

The energy crisis in Europe has had a huge impact on several countries, giving both businesses and the general public a hard time paying the electric bills. In Sweden there has been a rather big controversy around the crisis and how to best solve it. This essay aims to investigate how two political leaders from the Swedish Parliament have communicated during the energy crises in Sweden through posts on Instagram. This will be done through a textual framing analysis. The study will also determine what similarities and/or differences there are between the two politicians communication. The study shows that the framing from the leaders differ in some aspects which leaves the recipients with two versions regarding the cause of the crisis. The most significant differences are regarding the characteristic “diagnose of causes”. Political leader Ebba Busch has a clear focus on the fact that the cause of the energy crisis is a consequence due to the former government's political decisions, especially that they chose to shut down the nuclear power plants Ringhals 1 and 2. While former prime minister, Magdalena Andersson, instead focuses on the energy crisis as a consequence of the war in Ukraine and the Russian gas prices.

This essay aims to contribute to the field of religious education in Sweden by analyzing how three Swedish textbooks frame the topic of ‘religion and science’. By using content analysis as an analytic tool and framing theory, the essay examines how the relationship between religion and science is framed. Furthermore the essay analyze the didactic implications of the framing, using Johan Wickström’s ‘didactic text competence criteria’.   The contribution of the content analysis lies in its ability to reveal the framing of the relationship between religion and science within the material of the study and how the frames are constructed. The second part of analysis, through Wickström's 'didactic text competence criteria,' offers a critical examination that delves deeper into the complexities of the identified frameworks from a pedagogical perspective. The outcome of the critical analysis led to the conclusion that the identified frames could be perceived as problematic concerning the objectives and goals of education, as well as scientific principles and considerations for students. Furthermore, this study serves as a practical demonstration of how Wickström's criteria can serve as an analytical tool, while also underscoring its inherent limitations.

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