冷戰結束後的世界，使人們重新思考安全的定義，傳統的安全觀已無法應付日益嚴重的全球性危機以及許多非軍事領域的問題，安全的涵蓋面向從國防、軍事延伸至經濟、社會、政治、環境等領域，而安全所關注的對象亦從國家擴展至國際及社會、個人層面，新的安全觀逐漸被重視，其中以提升個人及全人類安全與福祉的人類安全，最符合聯合國及國際社會所強調的以人為中心的發展及安全觀。 人類安全概念經聯合國開發計畫署闡述後，受到國際社會之重視與推展，其實踐需結合全球治理與全球公民社會之理念，經由保障及自授權力兩途徑，使人們之自由與安全受到保障，並有能力維護自身與他人權益。國際上，以闡述並推行人類安全為宗旨之國際性組織與委員會相繼成立，聯合國中亦有人類安全信託基金之設置，對概念之研究與計畫之推動均有相當大的貢獻。而在各個國家中，以加拿大和日本推行人類安全成效最為卓著，在提升免於恐懼及免於匱乏的自由上，均有相當大之進展。 台灣身處軍事敏感地區，一方面有全球化下各國非傳統安全問題跨越國界之威脅，一方面亦有自身內部經濟、社會等領域之安全考量，為提升台灣人民之自由、安全與福祉並與國際社會接軌，台灣應以人類安全為基礎，結合非政府組織與公民社會力量，積極參與國際議程設定，與國際社會對話，維護自身生存與權益，負起推動並維護人類永續發展之責。 本論文從歷史發展過程，探討人類安全及相關概念，在安全概念之演變部分，首先探討傳統安全概念、後冷戰時期國際局勢之演變以及非傳統安全問題之顯現，接著介紹聯合國開發計畫署1994年之《人類發展報告》、以人類安全為主題之國際各大會議與國際組織的討論，以及聯合國相關組織與人類安全之關連，並對聯合國所扮演之角色提出建議。 在人類安全概念內涵部分，首先介紹國際組織、加拿大、日本及學者們對人類安全之定義，其次介紹人類安全之指標、人類安全與其他安全概念（如合作安全、綜合安全）之區分，最後則闡述人類安全與人權概念間之關係。 在人類安全的實踐部分，首先介紹人類安全之實踐途徑與方法、全球治理理念與全球公民社會之概念、亞洲國家對人類安全之觀點、在國際上對人類安全的實踐以及人類安全之爭議。 在人類安全與台灣部分，提出台灣所面臨之各類威脅，並引用人類發展指數相關概念介紹台灣發展現況，以及介紹加拿大與日本以人類安全觀點為基礎之外交政策及實踐成果，希望對於台灣人類安全之推動能有所啟發。 / After the end of the Cold War, people started to rethink the definition of safety. The traditional view of security was no longer capable of dealing with serious global crises and other daily non-military problems. The study of Security extends from national defense and military affairs to such fields as Economy, Society, Politics, and Environment among others; its target also expands from that of the state to the international, the social, and the personal. The new view of Security has been given a gradual increase of attention. Among such, Human Security, which is the improvement of the safety and welfare of individuals and the entire mankind, accords with the view of people-centered development and the view of people-centered security that the United Nations and the international community emphasize most. After explaining the concept of Human Security in the United Nations Development Programme, it received the international society’s attention and impetus—the practice of which requires the effort combination of the whole world and the global civil society, via the ways of protection and empowering, in order to guarantee the freedom and security of mankind, allowing every person to have the ability to safeguard one's own and others' rights and interests. On the international level, international organizations and committees with the purpose of explaining and promoting Human Security have been established in succession. Furthermore, the Trust Fund for Human Security has also been established in the United Nations. Such establishments have exhibited sizable contributions to the research of the concept of Human Security and practice of relevant plans. On the national level, Canada and Japan pursued the issue of Human Security and thus had the most effective and immense progress in promoting the freedom from fear and the freedom from want. Taiwan is located within a military sensitive area. In addition, globalization also contributes to threats on non-traditional security matters across national boundaries of several nations. Furthermore, Taiwan must also possess considerations about its internal safety on the economical, social, and cultural level. In order to improve the freedom, the security, and the welfare of Taiwanese civilians and to integrate Taiwan into the international community, Taiwan should undertake Human Security as its foundation for the combination of non-government organizations (NGO) and civil society forces, so as to actively participate in the international agenda, communicate with the international community, maintain its security and its, rights and interests, and shoulder the responsibility to safeguard the sustainable development of human beings. This thesis looks into the concept of Human Security via historical analysis. In the section regarding the concept of the development of security, this thesis explores into the traditional concepts of security, the development of the international situation during the post-Cold War era, and the appearance of non-traditional security issues. Consecutively, this thesis will introduce the " Human Development Report " of the United Nations Development Programme in 1994; it will also present the discussion of the theme of Human Security by international organizations and other great meetings of the world, Finally, this section closes with the issue on about the relationship between United Nations’ relevant organizations and Human Security, and a suggestion on United Nations’ role. The section of the concept of Human Security introduces the definition of Human Security given by scholars, international organizations, Canada, and Japan. The introduction of the index of Human Security and the explanation of the relationship between the concept of Human Security and the concept of human rights will follow. The following section—the practice of Human Security — introduces the ways and methods to practice Human Security, the concept of global governance and global civil society, Asian’s view on Human Security, the practice of Human Security on the international level, and the disputes of Human Security. In the section about the relationship of Taiwan and Human Security, this thesis puts forward all kinds of threats that Taiwan faces, quoting the relevant concepts of human development index, and recommends Taiwan’s present development situation. It also introduces foreign policy and practice achievement of Canada and Japan which are based on Human Security view, with the hope that those can inspire the promotion and the impetus of Human Security in Taiwan.

A presente tese evidencia o estado da arte da Teoria Jogos nas Relações Internacionais, e analisa estratégias de negociação decorrentes de processos decisórios no âmbito comercial. Ao delimitar - em tempo e espaço - a trajetória da Governança Mercantil Global, confere-se posição de destaque à Convenção de Viena de 1980 (CISG), regime dotado de ampla legitimidade, concebido sob a égide das Nações Unidas e recém ratificado pelo Brasil. A análise do referido processo de vinculação dá-se a partir de instrumentos metodológicos conferidos pela Teoria dos Jogos, culminado com a apresentação dos limites do modelo e de alternativas viáveis para seu desenvolvimento. / The present thesis sheds light on contemporary game theoretical approaches in International Relations, in particular as they pertain to the role of strategy setting in cross-border trade. The study of Global Trade Governance leads to questions of regime legitimacy, culminating with the adoption of the 1980 United Nations Vienna Convention on Contracts for the International Sale of Goods (CISG), recently ratified by Brazil. The analysis of the aforementioned ratification process validates the threshold of game theory as its stands today, and proposes, on the other hand, viable alternatives for the development of the model.

This thesis presents a case study of Microsoft Corporation’s Partners in Learning (PiL) program, an example of transnational policy authority in education, with two embedded case studies of PiL in Jordan and South Africa. The constructivist and rationalist approaches highlight the changing nature of governance through the cultural and strategic shifts that led to Microsoft’s policy role in education. Microsoft’s strategic profit interests and its corporate-social-responsibility aspiration to play a policy role in education influenced its educational footprint. From a top-down perspective, Microsoft used supranational forms of power by implementing its global PiL blueprint through similar PiL programs worldwide. From a bottom-up perspective, Microsoft used “localization practices” by engaging different subnational agents and used different strategies to gain footholds in two very different political and policy contexts. Microsoft’s top-down and bottom-up approaches link the supranational policy arena to the subnational or subgovernmental. Microsoft’s economic power and strategic engagement gave it entry into education. It gained expert authority from its extensive history and experience in education. Its expert authority was experessed through strategic relationship building through diplomacy and partnerships, policy networks, and the sharing of best practices. The company was however not able to claim absolute legitimacy because of resistance in both countries. This thesis highlights that at the governmental level, sovereignty does not disappear when transnational corporations become involved in education at the national level. Instead, nation- states become strategic sites for the restructuring of global policy roles. The Jordanian government became a public facilitator, by working with Microsoft to implement a stand-alone PiL program. The South African government became a public integrator, by implementing the PiL program within government policies and programs. Power was also redistributed within both countries, moving away from government education officials towards the monarchy in Jordan and the presidency in South Africa. The findings of the study highlight the need for corporations engaged in public education to be governed within instituted accountability measures, for appropriate partnership frameworks, and for governance tools that can both effectively engage companies in education and ensure that they work within common goals and values set out by international education organizations.

This thesis presents a case study of Microsoft Corporation’s Partners in Learning (PiL) program, an example of transnational policy authority in education, with two embedded case studies of PiL in Jordan and South Africa. The constructivist and rationalist approaches highlight the changing nature of governance through the cultural and strategic shifts that led to Microsoft’s policy role in education. Microsoft’s strategic profit interests and its corporate-social-responsibility aspiration to play a policy role in education influenced its educational footprint. From a top-down perspective, Microsoft used supranational forms of power by implementing its global PiL blueprint through similar PiL programs worldwide. From a bottom-up perspective, Microsoft used “localization practices” by engaging different subnational agents and used different strategies to gain footholds in two very different political and policy contexts. Microsoft’s top-down and bottom-up approaches link the supranational policy arena to the subnational or subgovernmental. Microsoft’s economic power and strategic engagement gave it entry into education. It gained expert authority from its extensive history and experience in education. Its expert authority was experessed through strategic relationship building through diplomacy and partnerships, policy networks, and the sharing of best practices. The company was however not able to claim absolute legitimacy because of resistance in both countries. This thesis highlights that at the governmental level, sovereignty does not disappear when transnational corporations become involved in education at the national level. Instead, nation- states become strategic sites for the restructuring of global policy roles. The Jordanian government became a public facilitator, by working with Microsoft to implement a stand-alone PiL program. The South African government became a public integrator, by implementing the PiL program within government policies and programs. Power was also redistributed within both countries, moving away from government education officials towards the monarchy in Jordan and the presidency in South Africa. The findings of the study highlight the need for corporations engaged in public education to be governed within instituted accountability measures, for appropriate partnership frameworks, and for governance tools that can both effectively engage companies in education and ensure that they work within common goals and values set out by international education organizations.

Paix et sécurité en Afrique conditionnent la durabilité de la coopération sino-africaine et préoccupent les pays membres de la Francophonie. La récurrence des conflits freinant le décollage des pays africains engage les acteurs internationaux de différentes natures, États-nations comme organisations internationales. Chine et Francophonie contribuent de manière différente au processus de paix en Afrique francophone. Malgré les écarts existant entre leurs visions et entre leurs approches, des complémentarités sont explorées dans la consolidation de la paix, dont la multi-dimensionnalité exige l’implication d’acteurs divers. La consolidation de la paix représente également un prisme pertinent pour observer l’évolution de la diplomatie chinoise et les particularités de la Francophonie comme organisation transnationale. Mettre l’une sous le regard de l’autre nous permet de mieux examiner les singularités et les similitudes de leurs perceptions et leurs mécanismes d’action. De quelles manières Chine et Francophonie s’impliquent-elles dans la consolidation de la paix ? Comment abordent-elles les notions de paix et de conflits dans leurs réflexions ? Comment les Africains perçoivent-ils leurs approches respectives ? Ces interrogations conduisent à exploiter les pensées chinoises et les courants théoriques occidentaux, sans oublier les réalités et les attentes africaines révélées par les entretiens de terrain. / Peace and security in Africa both condition the durability of Sino-African cooperation, a reason for concern to the member-states of IOF. Recurring conflicts hinder the take-off of African countries, and demand the commitment of international actors of various kinds, nation states as well as IGOs. China and IOF both contribute to the peace process in French-speaking Africa in different ways. Beyond the gap in their respective visions as well as their approaches, thinking should be elaborated about complementarities in peace-building, the multi-dimensional characteristics of which require involvement by diverse actors.The peace-building process provides a relevant prism for studying changes in Chinese diplomacy, and the specific features of IOF as a transnational organization. Submitting them to mutual scrutiny gives us keener insights on the peculiarities and similarities in their perceptions and operative mechanisms.How China and IOF do they engage in the peace-building? How do they approach the notions of peace and conflicts in their own representations? How do the Africans perceive their respective approaches? This inquiry is correlated to the best of Chinese thinking and Western theoretical trends, without forgetting African realities and expectations as evidenced through our field interviews. / 非洲和平与安全问题是中非合作持久发展的前提条件，也是法语国家组织成员国的共同忧患。反复爆发的冲突成为非洲国家崛起的障碍。这使民族国家和国际组织积极介入其中。中国和法语国家组织以不同方式为非洲法语国家和平进程作出贡献。建设和平的多维性需要不同行为体的介入, 它们的视角和方案虽有所差别，但我们有必要对其政策的互补性进行研究。建设和平不仅为我们的研究提供了观察中国外交政策演变的独特视角，而且充分体现了法语国家组织作为跨国际组织的特殊性。通过中国与法语国家组织的换位分析，我们能更有效地审视它们认知层面和行动机制的特点，同时凸显出两者的共通之处。非洲国家冲突的根源有哪些？建设和平的关键是什么？中国和法语国家组织如何介入其中 ? 它们怎样解读和平与冲突的概念？如何看待民主与发展的关联性？如何定义在非洲法语国家建设和平政策的重点？非洲政府与民众对其政策有何看法？为了思考这些问题，我们以中国传统与现代思想和西方理论流派为分析工具，以非洲实地采访作为研究支撑，进行深入探讨。