The thesis explores the nature of executive leadership in international organisation. Executive leadership is often praised or blamed for outcomes in international agencies, and yet, the disciplinary literature fails to incorporate the executive head into institutional analyses of politics, power, and change over time. The thesis aims to address this lacuna and the role of executive leadership by analysing if and how it matters in international politics. The thesis draws on a composite literature from other areas of political research to establish what is known. A review of the literature and prevailing approaches to leadership studies reveals that an overwhelming majority of scholarship relies on exclusively structural or agential accounts of leadership. This somewhat determinist literature has distorted the limited knowledge on the nature of executive leadership in international organisation. Approaches that focus on agency-based explanations argue that executive heads matter greatly. Approaches that utilise structure to interpret executive leadership find that it matters little, if at all. Rejecting these narrow frameworks, the thesis uses a dialectical approach, supported by critical realism, to analyse four cases of executive leadership in the World Trade Organization to address the research questions and lacuna. The case studies draw on over 70 years of multilateral trade governance to reveal a set of core and subsidiary findings about politics, power, executive leadership, and change over time. The thesis argues that executive leadership matters, but that how it matters is contingent on the executive head and the circumstances of their term. By incorporating the executive head into the disciplinary literature, the thesis argues politics, power, and change over time can be more accurately understood.

This work discusses the change in Indian position in international relations during the Cold War. It is a qualitative case study, which is also dedicated to finding influences that caused the change in the Indian position. Work includes the following sections. The first part describes the theory of international relations relevant to the study of the Indian position within the great power relations. Next part analyzes India's economic development and historical development of India's foreign policy and relations with the most important global actors. The final chapter is a study of global governance institutions and policies of BRICS and its position to the institutions of global governance.

No description available.

For many decades, Buddhism in the West has been conceived as an ‘other-worldly’ religion with very little or –at least—limited authority in the public arena. This partial view of the Buddhist path overlooks the potential of Buddhism to interpret reality and help establish new causes and conditions to improve it. This thesis is rooted in Buddhism and seeks to develop a Buddhist theology in order to understand how international relations, as part of the contingent reality, are subject to change. Thus there is the possibility of reconstructing reality through the sum of individual will expressed in social groups, institutions and states. This Theology of International Relations follows a methodology of causality rooted in the dependent origination found in Buddhist theology. Thus, relative reality is conceived as the result of the interaction of different causes and conditions; individuals, through their thoughts and actions, provide new conditions which will be crystallized in particular social arrangements through an inter-subjective consensus. This arrangement is highly influenced by the individual’s allegiance with the sacred, however this is conceived, and thus establishes an ethical guideline in the individual’s relationship with other sentient beings and the ultimate level of existence. This dependent construction of reality goes from the individual level of analysis to the social, state, interstate and global levels in a chain of contingent reality. Therefore I suggest that states, institutions and society are the reflection of shared ideas, beliefs, goals and perceptions of reality between individuals. The human capacity to shape reality is rooted in the premise that they face a relative reality, one that is contingent on several causes and conditions. In Buddhism, all sentient beings play a key role in shaping reality but human beings play a unique role because they can overcome suffering when they recognize the interdependent relation of causes and conditions in a relative reality. If this is achieved, then absolute reality can be experienced, wherein the individual goes beyond all conceptions and senses in a state of emptiness of the self. These core ideas of a contingent reality, its construction through an inter-subjective consensus and the need to experience an absolute reality are premises which Buddhist theology developed and which this thesis explores. In chapter one this thesis considers the basis of Buddhist theology and how it explains the experience of the sacred, the role of religion and the potential for the construction of a relative reality. This thesis argues that religion is at the core of human existence as a vessel of faith which follows a particular theological path toward a communion with the divine. The Buddhist path, aware of the interaction of different levels of reality—relative and absolute—also conceives inner development and social change as key elements of an interdependent transformation. The idea of ‘world peace through inner peace’ is one advocated by ‘engaged Buddhists’ and found in the ethical code of Buddha’s message. Chapter two examines how international relations became the arena where individuals, institutions and states converge and reflect the basic premises of their world-views, whether rooted in anger, hatred and ignorance of the interdependent nature of all phenomena, or based in compassion and awareness of a shared common good. In addition, it addresses the issue of the resurgence of religion in international relations and how it is present or absent from political science theories and policy making. Through this analysis, several established elements such as the concept of the state, secularism and religion as a source of war, are challenged in a new era of multi-agency and mutual influence through religious ideas, groups and communities. Following this inter-subjective construction of the world, the thesis presents two case studies which argue that religious leaders exercise political influence through their actions, ideas and beliefs. The first is the life and works of Tenzin Gyatso, the Fourteenth Dalai Lama in chapter three and the second is the life of Archbishop Desmond Tutu in chapter four. The former having suffered the violent occupation of Tibet and the continuous attacks on Tibetan culture that led him into exile, and the latter having faced the policies of hatred under apartheid, the Dalai Lama and Tutu managed to suggest a world where forgiveness is rooted in compassion and were human beings share the responsibility of creating a compassionate reality. The final chapter develops a new approach to the study of religion and politics providing new variables of study and new categories to understand how international relations are influenced by religious ideas and movements. This thesis argues that there is a need to study and understand this interdependent relation between religious and secular actors through theoretical approaches in international relations and opens the discipline to new paradigms such as the Buddhist theological approach. The outcome of this partnership depends on the individual’s decision to engage, whether in negative causation that leads to violence, fear, terror and the perpetuation of suffering or in a positive one which opens the possibility of peace and liberation from suffering through compassion, forgiveness and reconciliation, recognizing our common humanity and shared universal responsibility.

Cette étude traite des difficultés que rencontrent les travailleurs agricoles salariés dans l’exercice de leur droit à la liberté d’association et à la négociation collective. Ils sont souvent exclus des régimes législatifs nationaux de protection des droits syndicaux ou restreints dans leur capacité de les exercer en dépit du fait qu’ils sont parmi les plus pauvres et mal nourris de la planète et donc requerraient une protection accrue. Quelles sont les causes historiques de ce traitement discriminatoire (première partie) ? Comment le droit international du travail contribue-t-il à remédier à cette situation (deuxième partie) ? En quoi est-ce que le droit international du travail a-t-il influencé le droit interne canadien pour la protection des travailleurs agricoles salariés (troisième partie) ? Les causes du traitement singulier accordé à ces travailleurs remontent aux origines mêmes de l’agriculture. Consciente des caractéristiques particulières de cette activité, l’Organisation internationale du travail affirmera dès le début du 20e siècle qu’il est injustifié d’empêcher les travailleurs agricoles salariés de se syndiquer. Elle insiste sur la valeur fondamentale des droits syndicaux devant différents forums onusiens et favorise leur promotion à travers l’élaboration de normes du travail mais également d’instruments de soft law, considérés mieux adaptés dans un contexte contemporain de mondialisation. Ce droit international du travail influencera ensuite l’interprétation de la Charte canadienne des droits et libertés par les tribunaux canadiens dans leur analyse de la constitutionnalité de l’exclusion totale ou partielle des travailleurs agricoles salariés des régimes législatifs de protection des droits syndicaux. / This study analyses the difficulties faced by agricultural workers exercising their rights to freedom of association and collective bargaining. These workers often find themselves excluded from national legislation providing for the protection of union rights, and when these rights are provided to them, their ability to exercise them is limited. Being amongst the poorest human beings on earth, agricultural workers would instead require stronger protection. What are the historical causes of this discriminatory treatment (part one) ? How has international labour law helped to correct this situation (part two) ? In what way did international labour law influence canadian domestic law in regard of the protection of wage earning agricultural workers (part three) ? The reasons for the singular treatment of this class of workers go back to agriculture’s very roots. Conscious of the particular characteristics of this activity, the International Labour Organisation asserted, at the very beginning of the 20th century, that no justification stood to limit the rights of agricultural workers to unionize. It later insisted on the fundamental value of union rights in front of diverse UN forums and favoured their promotion for agricultural workers through the elaboration of labour standards as well as extensive use of soft law tools, considered more suited to the globalised world. International labour law also contributed to the interpretation of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedom by Canadian courts in their analysis of the constitutionality of total or partial exclusion of agricultural workers from legislation protecting union rights.

De l’avis de nombreux observateurs, le monde a connu en 2008 une crise économique sans précédent depuis la Grande dépression des années trente. Au premier chef des victimes de ces dérives de l’économie globale figurent les travailleurs du monde entier. Investie depuis 1919 d’un mandat de protection à l’égard de ces derniers, l’Organisation internationale du Travail (OIT) se doit d’être une force de propositions en ces périodes difficiles. La présente étude se propose d’analyser l’évolution des réponses normatives produites par l’OIT au lendemain des crises économiques et financières mondiales depuis sa création. Il s’agira également de mettre en corrélation le degré d’audace de l’Organisation et la composition de la scène internationale qui préside à chacune des époques considérées. Le premier chapitre sera pour nous l’occasion de montrer comment l’OIT, née dans un contexte de crise économique dans les années vingt puis confrontée en 1930 à une autre crise majeure, a su tirer profit de ces situations qui confirment sa raison d’être et la pousse à s’enquérir de nouvelles compétences (chapitre I). Nous ferons ensuite étape dans une époque marquée par la prolifération de nouvelles organisations internationales avec lesquelles l’OIT entre en concurrence : l’ère onusienne. Nous verrons comment la position de l’Organisation sur la scène internationale influe sur sa réactivité face aux crises économiques et politiques du moment (chapitre II). Forts de ces considérations historiques, nous serons enfin à même de comprendre la souplesse normative caractérisant la réaction de l’OIT face à la crise de 2008. Nous serons également en mesure de comprendre comment cette crise historique a modifié l’ordre mondial et influé sur la position de l’Organisation dans l’agencement international (chapitre III). / In the opinion of many observers, the world witnessed in 2008 an unprecedented economic crisis since the Great Depression of the thirties. The primary victims of these gobal economic breakdowns are the workers of the world. Invested since 1919 to a term of protection with respect to the latter, the International Labour Organization (ILO) has to be a vector for proposals in these difficult times. This study aims to analyze the evolution of the normative responses produced by the ILO in the wake of global economic and financial crises since its inception. It will also correlate the Organization's degree of boldness and the composition of the international picture in place over each period considered. The first chapter will give us the opportunity to show how the ILO, born in a context of economic crisis in the twenties and then facing another major crisis in 1930, has taken advantage of these situations to confirm its raison d'être and has been driven to inquire about new competencies (chapter I). We will then step in an era marked by the proliferation of new international organizations with which the ILO is in competition: the UN era. We will see how the Organization's position on the international scene affects its responsiveness to economic and political crises of the moment (chapter II). Instructed on these historical considerations, we will finally be able to understand the normative flexibility characterizing the ILO's response to the 2008 crisis. We will also be able to understand how this historic crisis has changed the world order and has affected the Organization's position in the international layout (chapter III).

La notion d’administration internationale post-belligérante est spécifique au sein des administrations de territoire en relations internationales, au côté des opérations de paix. Lors de situations exceptionnelles, une Autorité internationale est instaurée lors de périodes transitoires, qui oscillent entre la guerre et la paix, pour remédier à des différends territoriaux et/ou à des problèmes de gouvernance. Cette institution politique repose sur le fait qu’un acteur international est responsable de l’administration d’un territoire de manière temporaire dans une situation de post-belligérance, qu’il exerce sa fonction dans l’intérêt de la population et de la société internationale, qu’il superpose les ordres juridiques international et interne, qu’il établit des structures de gouvernance mixtes et qu’il peut intervenir dans les relations internationales au nom du territoire administré. Pour élaborer une réflexion sur ce concept, il faut faire le lien entre le droit international public et les relations internationales afin de disséquer « l’idée » et d’établir ainsi une grille de lecture. Dans la pratique, l’expérimentation en matière d’administration internationale post-belligérante se divise entre la phase plénière, le partenariat et l’appropriation locale du processus afin d’entrevoir la finalité de ce mécanisme : la construction d’une passerelle entre la prégnance de l’étatisme au sein du système international et la diffusion des normes de la société internationale. Ceci est révélé à la lumière des expériences de la Bosnie-Herzégovine, du Kosovo et du Timor oriental. / Beside peace operations, the concept of international post-belligerent (post-conflict) administration is a particular form of territorial administration in international relations. In exceptional situations, an international Authority is set up during transitional periods that fluctuate between war and peace to settle territorial disputes and/or problems of governance. The basis of this type of political institution is that an international actor has responsibility for the temporary administration of a territory in a post-belligerent situation, that it discharges that function in the interest of the population and of international society, that it juxtaposes the international and internal legal orders, that it establishes joint governance structures and that it can act in international relations on behalf of the territory it administers. Studying this concept entails establishing the connection between public international law and international relations so that one can dissect the “idea” and determine an approach. In practice, experimentation in the realm of international post-belligerent (post-conflict) administration comprises a plenary phase, partnership and local ownership of the process and has as its end-purpose the building of a bridge between the impact of statism in the international system and the propagation of the norms of international society. This is demonstrated in the light of the developments in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo and East Timor.

A ascensão de atores não estatais tem suscitado agendas de pesquisa que questionam a centralidade do Estado e de seus agentes na área de Relações Internacionais. A emergência do setor privado (empresas) e do chamado terceiro setor (ONGs) em temas de Regulação e Governança Global têm promovido um profícuo debate, de caráter interdisciplinar, com outras áreas do campo das Humanidades, especialmente o Direito e a Economia. A presente dissertação buscou demonstrar como o sucesso da atuação de atores não estatais na provisão de regras internacionais, para temas como meio ambiente, padrões trabalhistas, e responsabilidade socioambiental, depende de um grande número de variáveis, dificilmente circunscritas a uma única dimensão de análise. A pesquisa realiza uma ampla sistematização bibliográfica das diferentes literaturas em Ciência Política, Relações Internacionais e Economia Institucional e das Organizações sobre regulação e governança privada na busca de denominadores comuns para a compreensão do alcance e dos limites da atuação de atores privados na promoção de regras internacionais de comércio. O estudo de caso em tela versa sobre as dificuldades de influência e adesão dos agentes do sistema produtivo da soja no Brasil à iniciativa transnacional da Associação Internacional da Soja Responsável (RTRS), a partir de um modelo síntese elaborado para integrar as diferentes literaturas. As dimensões levantadas neste estudo evidenciam que variáveis políticas e econômicas geram incentivos para a criação de regras internacionais privadas capazes de harmonizar padrões de produção e comércio de soja em escala global. No entanto, argumenta-se que tais incentivos, no Brasil, não contribuem para a constituição de um ambiente institucional e econômico favorável ao sucesso das iniciativas transnacionais privadas de regulação. Dessa forma, o resultado é uma não conformidade entre os incentivos internacionais e a coordenação dos agentes privados brasileiros para a regulação da soja. / The rise of non-state actors has evoked research agendas that challenge the centrality of the State and its agents in the field of International Relations. The emergence of the private sector (businesses) and of the so-called third sector (NGOs) on Regulation and Global Governance issues have promoted a fruitful interdisciplinary debate with other areas of humanities, especially Law and Economics. This dissertation sought to demonstrate how non state actors success performance in the provision of international rules for issues such as environment, labor standards and environmental responsibility, depends on a large number of variables, hardly confined to a single dimension of analysis. The research conducts an extensive bibliographic systematization of different literatures in Political Science, International Relations and Institutional and Organizational Economics regarding regulation and private governance, seeking for common denominators to understand the scope and limits of private actors role in the promotion of international trade rules. The case study on the screen discusses the Brazilian soybean producers difficulties to influence and adhere to the transnational initiative of the International Association on Responsible Soy (RTRS), using a synthesis model developed to integrate different literatures. The dimensions raised in this study show that political and economic variables generate incentives for the creation of private international rules adequate for harmonizing soybean production and trade patterns globally. However, it is argued that such incentives in Brazil do not contribute to the creation of an institutional and economic environment propitious to the success of transnational private regulatory initiatives. Thus, the result is a non-conformity between international incentives and coordination of Brazilian private agents for soybean regulation.

No description available.

Cette étude traite des difficultés que rencontrent les travailleurs agricoles salariés dans l’exercice de leur droit à la liberté d’association et à la négociation collective. Ils sont souvent exclus des régimes législatifs nationaux de protection des droits syndicaux ou restreints dans leur capacité de les exercer en dépit du fait qu’ils sont parmi les plus pauvres et mal nourris de la planète et donc requerraient une protection accrue. Quelles sont les causes historiques de ce traitement discriminatoire (première partie) ? Comment le droit international du travail contribue-t-il à remédier à cette situation (deuxième partie) ? En quoi est-ce que le droit international du travail a-t-il influencé le droit interne canadien pour la protection des travailleurs agricoles salariés (troisième partie) ? Les causes du traitement singulier accordé à ces travailleurs remontent aux origines mêmes de l’agriculture. Consciente des caractéristiques particulières de cette activité, l’Organisation internationale du travail affirmera dès le début du 20e siècle qu’il est injustifié d’empêcher les travailleurs agricoles salariés de se syndiquer. Elle insiste sur la valeur fondamentale des droits syndicaux devant différents forums onusiens et favorise leur promotion à travers l’élaboration de normes du travail mais également d’instruments de soft law, considérés mieux adaptés dans un contexte contemporain de mondialisation. Ce droit international du travail influencera ensuite l’interprétation de la Charte canadienne des droits et libertés par les tribunaux canadiens dans leur analyse de la constitutionnalité de l’exclusion totale ou partielle des travailleurs agricoles salariés des régimes législatifs de protection des droits syndicaux. / This study analyses the difficulties faced by agricultural workers exercising their rights to freedom of association and collective bargaining. These workers often find themselves excluded from national legislation providing for the protection of union rights, and when these rights are provided to them, their ability to exercise them is limited. Being amongst the poorest human beings on earth, agricultural workers would instead require stronger protection. What are the historical causes of this discriminatory treatment (part one) ? How has international labour law helped to correct this situation (part two) ? In what way did international labour law influence canadian domestic law in regard of the protection of wage earning agricultural workers (part three) ? The reasons for the singular treatment of this class of workers go back to agriculture’s very roots. Conscious of the particular characteristics of this activity, the International Labour Organisation asserted, at the very beginning of the 20th century, that no justification stood to limit the rights of agricultural workers to unionize. It later insisted on the fundamental value of union rights in front of diverse UN forums and favoured their promotion for agricultural workers through the elaboration of labour standards as well as extensive use of soft law tools, considered more suited to the globalised world. International labour law also contributed to the interpretation of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedom by Canadian courts in their analysis of the constitutionality of total or partial exclusion of agricultural workers from legislation protecting union rights.