Esta Tese situa-se no campo de pesquisa acerca da formação inicial do professor de matemática, detendo-se na investigação das estratégias produtivas das Práticas de Ensino nesse processo formativo. As Práticas de Ensino são entendidas como as experiências dos licenciandos orientadas para estudos relativos aos processos de ensino-aprendizagem de matemática, elaboração de propostas pedagógicas, imersão em espaços formais de ensino, em particular através da prática da docência e para análise das próprias experiências. Fundamentado teórica e metodologicamente em Foucault e partindo do pressuposto de que nas disciplinas de Laboratório de Prática de Ensino-Aprendizagem em Matemática do curso de Licenciatura em Matemática da UFRGS desenvolvem-se práticas discursivas relevantes para produção do futuro professor de matemática, o estudo toma como objetivo central a investigação dos modos como se constitui e como se diz, neste espaço, o “ser professor” ou o “estar professor” dos licenciandos e da professora-orientadora. A investigação ocorre no âmbito das disciplinas de Laboratório ministradas pela autora da tese nos últimos cinco anos, de modo a colocar em foco não apenas discursos emitidos por alunos, mas também aqueles que caracterizam a trajetória profissional da própria pesquisadora. Através da construção de estratégias metodológicas centradas em procedimentos descritivo-analíticos, são abordadas as condições históricas que os professores aplicam a si mesmos de modo a se tornarem objetos de saber. Utilizando os registros, obtidos por filmagens, de experiências ocorridas nos Laboratórios, são examinadas as formas de racionalidade que têm estado presentes nos tipos de saberes e nas técnicas de governo ou dominação que aí prevalecem, ou seja, são examinadas as relações entre saber e poder. Dos resultados da pesquisa, destaca-se que as práticas de ensino analisadas funcionam como dispositivos de produção de sujeitos/professores, que as orientações ministradas funcionam como dispositivos de governo e que o “ver-se e o analisar-se”, possibilitado pelo uso de determinadas tecnologias, entre elas os vídeos e os relatórios de avaliação, funcionam como dispositivo de governo de si, na produção do professor-verdade – aqueles que se organizam e operam através da sujeição a uma verdade pré-determinada – e do professor-experiência – aqueles que exercitam a indisciplina do pensamento, não se submetendo à ordem das verdades estabelecidas. Assim, as práticas do Laboratório são analisadas, tendo em vista a recorrência de práticas discursivas, de relações entre os sujeitos e de relações dos sujeitos consigo mesmo, não para encontrar o comum, o familiar e sim para buscar a raridade, aquilo que nosso saber provavelmente não imagina e que nossos olhos naturalmente não veem, de modo a considerar que aquilo que existe poderia não existir mais e o que somos hoje não ser mais o que é. / The present dissertation is inserted in the area of the mathematics teacher initial formation. It is focused on the investigation of effective strategies of Teaching Practice along such on going formation. In this work, Teaching Practices are understood as the bachelors' experiences made into studies related to math teaching-learning processes, pedagogical proposal elaboration, immersion in formal teaching environment, mainly through the teachers' practice and the analyses of their own experiences. Such dissertation has Foucault as the theoretical foundation; based on the assumption that the subjects (at the Math Teaching-Learning Practice Laboratory, inserted in the Math Course at UFRGS) developed relevant discursive practices to the future math teacher. The main object of the present dissertation is to investigate the ways of constitution, as it is said on the following pages, “to be a teacher as a whole” or “to be a teacher just for the moment” of students and professors. The investigation was done in the subjects taught at the Math Laboratory by the present author through the past five years. Being so, the focus would not only be based on students' discourses but also by the characterization of the professional course of the researcher herself. Through the building of methodological strategies focused on descriptive-analytical procedures, historical teaching conditions, that teachers apply on themselves, are approached in order to become the objects of knowledge. Registers obtained through video camera recordings at the Math Laboratory during classes are used to analyze the ways rationale are presented among knowledge types and governance techniques that prevail along the research duration of time. In other words, it all means the relation between power and knowledge. Highlighted from the research results are that teaching practices work as subject/teacher production devices that applied together with advising practices work as governing devices when “one sees oneself” and “one analyses oneself”. Videos and evaluation reports made this conclusion possibly reached. Both videos and evaluations work as governing devices in the production of the professor-truth (those who organize themselves and operate through some truth already established) and the teacher-experience (those who practice the nondisciplinary thought, not submitting to already established truths). Being so, Laboratory practices are analyzed upon the reassurance of discursive practices, between the relationship of subjects and the relationship among themselves, not to find the ordinary nor the familiar but to search for rarity, something that our knowledge has probably not even though and our eyes cannot naturally see. For what exists in the present could no longer exist and what we are today could no longer be.

Esta Tese situa-se no campo de pesquisa acerca da formação inicial do professor de matemática, detendo-se na investigação das estratégias produtivas das Práticas de Ensino nesse processo formativo. As Práticas de Ensino são entendidas como as experiências dos licenciandos orientadas para estudos relativos aos processos de ensino-aprendizagem de matemática, elaboração de propostas pedagógicas, imersão em espaços formais de ensino, em particular através da prática da docência e para análise das próprias experiências. Fundamentado teórica e metodologicamente em Foucault e partindo do pressuposto de que nas disciplinas de Laboratório de Prática de Ensino-Aprendizagem em Matemática do curso de Licenciatura em Matemática da UFRGS desenvolvem-se práticas discursivas relevantes para produção do futuro professor de matemática, o estudo toma como objetivo central a investigação dos modos como se constitui e como se diz, neste espaço, o “ser professor” ou o “estar professor” dos licenciandos e da professora-orientadora. A investigação ocorre no âmbito das disciplinas de Laboratório ministradas pela autora da tese nos últimos cinco anos, de modo a colocar em foco não apenas discursos emitidos por alunos, mas também aqueles que caracterizam a trajetória profissional da própria pesquisadora. Através da construção de estratégias metodológicas centradas em procedimentos descritivo-analíticos, são abordadas as condições históricas que os professores aplicam a si mesmos de modo a se tornarem objetos de saber. Utilizando os registros, obtidos por filmagens, de experiências ocorridas nos Laboratórios, são examinadas as formas de racionalidade que têm estado presentes nos tipos de saberes e nas técnicas de governo ou dominação que aí prevalecem, ou seja, são examinadas as relações entre saber e poder. Dos resultados da pesquisa, destaca-se que as práticas de ensino analisadas funcionam como dispositivos de produção de sujeitos/professores, que as orientações ministradas funcionam como dispositivos de governo e que o “ver-se e o analisar-se”, possibilitado pelo uso de determinadas tecnologias, entre elas os vídeos e os relatórios de avaliação, funcionam como dispositivo de governo de si, na produção do professor-verdade – aqueles que se organizam e operam através da sujeição a uma verdade pré-determinada – e do professor-experiência – aqueles que exercitam a indisciplina do pensamento, não se submetendo à ordem das verdades estabelecidas. Assim, as práticas do Laboratório são analisadas, tendo em vista a recorrência de práticas discursivas, de relações entre os sujeitos e de relações dos sujeitos consigo mesmo, não para encontrar o comum, o familiar e sim para buscar a raridade, aquilo que nosso saber provavelmente não imagina e que nossos olhos naturalmente não veem, de modo a considerar que aquilo que existe poderia não existir mais e o que somos hoje não ser mais o que é. / The present dissertation is inserted in the area of the mathematics teacher initial formation. It is focused on the investigation of effective strategies of Teaching Practice along such on going formation. In this work, Teaching Practices are understood as the bachelors' experiences made into studies related to math teaching-learning processes, pedagogical proposal elaboration, immersion in formal teaching environment, mainly through the teachers' practice and the analyses of their own experiences. Such dissertation has Foucault as the theoretical foundation; based on the assumption that the subjects (at the Math Teaching-Learning Practice Laboratory, inserted in the Math Course at UFRGS) developed relevant discursive practices to the future math teacher. The main object of the present dissertation is to investigate the ways of constitution, as it is said on the following pages, “to be a teacher as a whole” or “to be a teacher just for the moment” of students and professors. The investigation was done in the subjects taught at the Math Laboratory by the present author through the past five years. Being so, the focus would not only be based on students' discourses but also by the characterization of the professional course of the researcher herself. Through the building of methodological strategies focused on descriptive-analytical procedures, historical teaching conditions, that teachers apply on themselves, are approached in order to become the objects of knowledge. Registers obtained through video camera recordings at the Math Laboratory during classes are used to analyze the ways rationale are presented among knowledge types and governance techniques that prevail along the research duration of time. In other words, it all means the relation between power and knowledge. Highlighted from the research results are that teaching practices work as subject/teacher production devices that applied together with advising practices work as governing devices when “one sees oneself” and “one analyses oneself”. Videos and evaluation reports made this conclusion possibly reached. Both videos and evaluations work as governing devices in the production of the professor-truth (those who organize themselves and operate through some truth already established) and the teacher-experience (those who practice the nondisciplinary thought, not submitting to already established truths). Being so, Laboratory practices are analyzed upon the reassurance of discursive practices, between the relationship of subjects and the relationship among themselves, not to find the ordinary nor the familiar but to search for rarity, something that our knowledge has probably not even though and our eyes cannot naturally see. For what exists in the present could no longer exist and what we are today could no longer be.

Le contrôle parlementaire de l’action du gouvernement est une fonction consubstantielle au régime parlementaire qui prévoit une séparation dite « souple » des pouvoirs. En 1958, le contrôle parlementaire s’est retrouvé encadré juridiquement par la constitution du 4 octobre 1958 et par la pratique politique avec l’émergence du fait majoritaire. Au sens stricte, le contrôle parlementaire est un contrôle de nature politique tournée vers la sanction du gouvernement. Si l’exercice du contrôle du gouvernement est assimilé à sa censure, il apparaît ineffectif. La réforme constitutionnelle du 23 juillet 2008 ayant pour objectif de revaloriser le parlement, a consacré sa fonction de contrôle à l’article 24 de la constitution qui dispose : « Le parlement vote la loi. Il contrôle l’action du gouvernement. Il évalue les politiques publiques ». Pour redynamiser l’exercice de ce contrôle, l’ensemble de ses instruments sont renforcés. En pratique, apparait un « nouveau » type de contrôle, un contrôle moderne de l’action du gouvernement axé sur la performance des politiques publiques, il s’agit de la mission d’évaluation des politiques publiques. L’efficacité des politiques publiques est conçue comme la finalité technique du contrôle parlementaire. Le renouveau du contrôle parlementaire ne peut se réaliser qu’avec un rééquilibrage des institutions, entamé en 2008 permettant un dialogue constructif entre le parlement et le gouvernement. Le contrôle parlementaire est un instrument de cet équilibre, un instrument d’influence du parlement sur la politique gouvernementale, dans une optique de perfectionnement des politiques publiques, leur évaluation en constitue un puissant vecteur… / Parliamentary oversight of government action is a consubstantial feature of the parliamentary system which provides a soft separation powers.In 1958, parliamentary check has been legally framed by the constitution of 4 october 1958 and the political practice with the emergence of majority rule.In its strict sense, parliamentary check is a political control turned to the sanction of the controlled object: the government. If exercise government control is equated with censorship, it certainly appears that this control is ineffective.The constitutional reform of 23 July 2008 aiming displayed to upgrade the parliament, dedicated his article to control function 24 of the constitution which now reads: "parliament votes the law. It controls the action of the Government. It evaluates public policies” To revitalize the exercise of parliamentary control, all instruments and exercise of control arrangements have been consolidated.In practice, appears a "new" type of control, modern control government action focuses on the performance of public policies, it is the program evaluation. The effectiveness of public policy is conceived as technical purpose of parliamentary control.The revival of parliamentary check can be achieved with a rebalancing of the institutions, started in 2008 allowing a constructive dialogue between the parliament and the government. parliamentary check is an instrument of the institutional balance, a parliamentary instrument of influence on government policy, with a view to development of public policies, their assessment is a powerful vector...

Chaque année, près de 700 attachés d'administration de l'État sont recrutés par concours. Ni agents de guichet ni hauts fonctionnaires, ce personnel peuple les échelons intermédiaires de la fonction publique, mais reste invisible aux usagers et peu connu des sciences sociales. Depuis 1970, les Instituts régionaux d'administration (IRA) ont la charge d’unifier le recrutement et d’homogénéiser les pratiques de ces fonctionnaires. L'étude de cette formation permet d’entrer dans l’atelier où se construit le mandat confié par l’État à ces cadres intermédiaires.Alliant sociologie de l'administration et sociologie de la socialisation, nous adoptons trois regards sur la formation de cet encadrement administratif intermédiaire. D'abord, l'analyse socio-historique des réformes des IRA éclaire à la fois les obstacles à la constitution d'un « corps interministériel » des attachés, et les compromis entre ministères qui permettent de stabiliser l'architecture de formation. À l'échelle de l'institution ensuite, l'étude des savoirs prescrits et enseignés donne à voir comment sont valorisées les activités des cadres intermédiaires au cours de leur formation, modélisant différentes figures de l'attaché. L'approche ethnographique du travail socialisateur de l'institution montre enfin que le mandat de l'attaché se fabrique aussi dans la variation des modes d'appropriations et dans les décalages par rapport aux attentes institutionnelles. Ces trois scènes d'investigation constituent un observatoire de la double tension qui travaille l'encadrement administratif intermédiaire : celle qui oppose l’unification du groupe à sa dispersion, et celle qui défend l’autonomie de l’attaché dans le processus de délégation hétéronome des tâches. À la fois encadré et encadrant, « technique » et « généraliste », « juriste » et « manager », le mandat de l'attaché oscille en fonction de ce que l'État – depuis les administrateurs des ministères jusqu'aux formateurs des IRA – veut faire de son administration. / Every year in France, about 700 administrative officers (French attachés) get hired thanks to a competition. They are neither street level bureaucrats nor top civil servants, but these civil servants constitute most of the intermediate administrative staff of public services. Yet, they remain mostly invisible to citizens and little known to social scientists. Since 1970, Regional Administration Institutes (IRA) have been designed to merge and homogenize the recruitment, training, and practices of these public agents. The study of those educational institutions sheds light on the process through which the State assigns these middle managers a specific mandate.Combining sociological approaches of public administration and of socialization, three perspectives related to the middle managers’ training are being developed. First, a socio-historical analysis of the reforms of the IRA sheds light on hardships encountered by the administration in establishing an inter-ministerial “corps”. This approach allows us to understand compromises between ministries that allow the stabilization of the training’s organization. Then, within the IRA institution, the study of prescribed and taught knowledge enlightens the different activities entrusted to middle managers during their training. These skills shape various figures of the public services' middle managers. Finally, an ethnographic approach of processes of socialization within the IRA institution shows that the mandate of the attaché also stems from various modes of appropriation and discrepancies from institutional expectations.These three sites of investigation constitute an interesting vantage point of two type of deep-seated tensions among middle management. First, the tension between the unification of the group and its scattering. Then, that between the attachés’ autonomy and their participation in the “dirty work” chain of delegation. Both manager and managed, both technician and non-specialist, both legal expert and team leader, the mandate of these middle managers fluctuates depending on what the State wants to achieve with its administration.

Le régime politique d'un pays ne se construit pas instantanément. Il se forme enpassant par plusieurs étapes d'évolutions continuelles et par les expériences historiques, les particularités nationales et, bien entendu, les influences exercées par les paysenvironnants. La Corée du Sud et la France ont respectivement subi d'importantesévolutions politiques dans le passage de la monarchie absolue à la démocratie,évolutions ancrées dans le régime politique en vigueur.En France, les bases démocratiques sont apportées par la Révolution française.La République s'est établie à la suite de l'expérimentation de plusieurs régimespolitiques. La Cinquième République actuellement en place est le fruit d'expériencespassées et notamment de la Première et la Deuxième Guerre mondiale. Contrairement à la France, dans les années 1800 en Corée, les révolutions bourgeoises ont été unéchec. La Corée a été longtemps absorbée par le Japon et le régime démocratique n'a vu le jour qu'à la fin de la Deuxième Guerre mondiale. Depuis, elle a connudifférents régimes politiques allant du régime de présidentiel ou parlementaire auxgouvernements militaires. Ce n'est qu'en 1987 que la sixième République actuellementenvigueur est établie.Actuellement, ces deux pays connaissent des formes de gouvernements différentes. La Corée est un régime présidentiel que l'on peut qualifier de dénaturé alors que la France connaît un régime parlementaire rationalisé, que certains auteurs vont jusqu'à qualifier de semi-présidentiel. Cependant, dans l'administration réelle du régimepolitique, les deux pays connaissent beaucoup de similitudes. Celles-ci s'expliquent par la forme de gouvernement retenue. Le régime constitutionnel en Corée du Suds'inspire fortement du régime présidentiel des Etats-Unis, mais celui-ci s’atténue parl'introduction d'éléments propres au régime parlementaire. En France, l'héritage desprécédentes Républiques implique que le régime soit parlementaire, mais deséléments du régime présidentiel ont été ajoutés tels que le suffrage universel directpour l'élection du Président.Cependant, lorsque le parti politique du président et le parti majoritaire à l'Assembléediffèrent, la forme de gouvernement respective des deux pays se différencie nettement. Premièrement, selon leurs constitutions actuelles, le pouvoir de dissolution parlementairedu Président et l'existence ou la non-existence de la motion de censure que lachambre basse peut exercer à l'encontre du gouvernement forment une premièregrande différence. Deuxièmement, en ce qui concerne le pouvoir exécutif,en Corée du Sud, le Premier ministre est relégué à la seconde place alors qu'enFrance, il peut être un élément indépendant au sein de l'exécutif. Ainsi, entre ces deux pays, la forme de gouvernement et le pouvoir exécutif ont des fortes similitudes, tout en conservant des différences notables.En fonction des formations politiques et des circonstances, un gouvernement divisé(en Corée du Sud) ou de cohabitation (en France) peuvent apparaître. Selon cesdifférentes formes de gouvernement, le Premier ministre peut être soumis au Présidentcomme en Corée du Sud, ou bien au contraire il peut exercer le pouvoir au bénéfice d’un partage des attributionsconstitutionnelles avec le Président comme en France. / Political systems are not created spontaneously, but are the combined results of a nation’s history, the characteristics of its people, and the influences of neighboring countries over an extended period. They are in constant flux and development. Case in point, Korea and France have undergone many political changes from absolute monarchy to the democratic system of government currently in place.In the case of France, after establishing the foundation of democracy through a popular revolution and experiencing various political systems after the establishment of the Republic, it underwent the First and Second World Wars to arrive at today’s system of the Fifth Republic. On the other hand, in the case of Korea, the popular revolution of the late 1800s failed to succeed, and after annexation by Japan, democracy was established only after the end of the Second World War. Since then, Korea has experienced a presidential system of government, a parliamentary government, and a military regime amongst others. The current political regime of the Sixth Republic was stabilized in 1987.Presently, Korea and France are operating under different forms of government: a modified presidential system and a dual executive system respectively. Nevertheless, there are many similarities between the actual operations of the two. The main reason for this phenomenon is that both political systems share common elements. The political system of Korea is the American presidential system with a parliamentary element added to it, while France has elements of direct presidential elections and a presidential system based upon a parliamentary system of government.However, when the president and the majority of parliament disagree, the difference in the political systems of Korea and France is that the president’s right to dissolve parliament and the right to parliamentary disapproval are the most important. Secondly, in terms of executive power, the Korean prime minister is the second in command, whereas in France the prime minister is another form of executive power.Thus, the form and power of government in Korea and France share many similarities but appear to be different. Depending on what political conditions are present, a strong presidential system may appear, or a cohabitation government can take place. Under such a form of government, the prime minister is subordinate to the president. On the contrary, in France, the prime minister exercises his constitutional powers.

Doctorat en sciences sociales, politiques et économiques / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

Doctorat en sciences sociales, politiques et économiques / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

La Haute Autorité pour la Diffusion des Œuvres et la Protection des Droits sur internet (HADOPI) a reçu du législateur en 2009 la mission de discipliner les actes de contrefaçon de biens culturels sur internet. L'objectif central de la thèse est de produire un récit empirique de la genèse de cet instrument d'action publique comme expérience de gouvernement d'internet et des internautes. Bien que modeste et circonscrit, le problème posé par le téléchargement illicite va générer un débordement d'ampleur des cadrages de l'action publique, historiquement traduits par le droit de propriété littéraire et artistique. L'effet politique du numérique, conséquence déterritorialisée de la globalisation, du libéralisme et de la technologie, est de réinterroger le rapport entre souveraineté et discipline. Entre l'impasse des Mesures Techniques de Protection, les normes supra-nationales, les détournements des usagers/amateurs, la force collective des ayants droit, l'inaltérabilité du droit de propriété et les militants de la liberté d'accès à la culture, les pouvoirs publics ont dû inventer et innover pour organiser, à la manière d'un laboratoire, une action collective de fabrication d'un instrument d'action publique dont l'un des buts est d'étendre une valeur forte de l'État-nation français : la défense de l'exception culturelle. Les internautes sont-ils des hommes gouvernables ? En construisant une représentation de l'usager d'internet, en prônant l'obéissance, en modifiant les comportements par le biais de divers leviers progressifs d'incitation (de l'information à la sanction pénale) et en produisant autant de comportement de contournements et de résistance, la HADOPI produit le résultat politique d'inaugurer une tentative inédite, fragile, peu compacte mais pionnière de gouverner internet et les internautes. / The High Authority for Transmission of Creative Works and Copyright Protection on the Internet (HADOPI) was adopted in 2009 with the mission to discipline acts of intellectual property infringement on the internet. The main purpose of this thesis is to produce an empirical account of the creation of this new law (an instrument of public action as an experience of internet governance and internauts). While it is a somewhat minor public issue, illegal downloading creates a myriad of issues across the framework of public action, historically recognised as literary and artistic property rights. The political effects of the digital age, deterritorialised consequences of globalisation, liberalism and technology necessitate a rethinking of the relationship between sovereignty and discipline. The gridlock between DRM; supranational norms; the hijacking of content by users; the collective power of rights holders; the unalterable nature of intellectual property and the militants for free access to culture; the public authorities had to invent and innovate an instrument of public action. The goal of which is to extend an added value of the French nation state: the defense of the cultural exception. Are internauts governable? In constructing a representation of the internet user, through promoting obedience, and by modifying behaviour through incremental incitation (from being informed to being penalised) and by producing as much unwanted behaviour, the HADOPI has effected the political result of inaugurating the first ever attempt (albeit fragile, yet pioneering) to govern the internet and internauts.

L'action publique comme la recherche développent un intérêt croissant pour les relations entre ville et énergie. Cette thèse porte sur la manière dont les opérateurs énergétiques de réseaux participent à l'élaboration et à la mise en œuvre de politiques énergétiques locales et sur la capacité des acteurs politiques urbains à les piloter en ce sens. La question est abordée à partir d'acteurs alternatifs de la distribution d'énergie en France, les entreprises locales de distribution (ELD). Celles-ci assurent depuis plus de cent ans la distribution et la fourniture d'électricité et parfois de gaz et de chaleur dans les territoires de communes qui les possèdent. Elles apparaissent aujourd'hui comme des leviers d'action innovants à la disposition des villes pour développer des politiques énergétiques urbaines. Centrée sur les opérateurs urbains, la thèse examine les situations de GEG à Grenoble et d'UEM à Metz. Malgré leur implantation locale, les ELD accordent depuis quelques années seulement une place importante à l'échelle urbaine dans leurs stratégies d'entreprises. L'organisation sectorielle et centralisée du service public de l'électricité a pendant longtemps happé les ELD, freinant l'émergence d'une approche spécifique de leurs territoires de concession. Les recompositions du modèle économique qu'impose la libéralisation amènent toutefois les ELD à rechercher de nouveaux relais de croissance. Se saisissant d'opportunités liées à la mise à l'agenda de politiques énergie-climat, elles font preuve d'une forte adaptabilité et élaborent de nouvelles stratégies valorisant davantage leur ancrage urbain. Longtemps dominées par des logiques sectorielles d'ordre national, les entreprises locales participent ainsi de plus en plus au développement d'actions énergétiques urbaines. Cet ancrage urbain ne fait pas pour autant des ELD des outils de gouvernement d'une politique énergétique urbaine, qui supposerait une capacité d'initiative et de pilotage des acteurs politiques municipaux en fonction d'objectifs propres. Par l'analyse des exemples de Grenoble et Metz, nous montrons que la construction de l'énergie comme enjeu politique local est à la fois progressive et hétérogène, remettant en cause une approche jusque-là essentiellement économique et industrielle du pilotage des ELD. La politisation en cours se heurte cependant à une expertise limitée des communes sur l'énergie, qui ne parviennent que très imparfaitement à intégrer leurs préoccupations énergético-climatiques dans le pilotage stratégique de leurs entreprises locales. Les changements sont en revanche beaucoup plus importants sur le plan opérationnel, dans des projets qui impliquent des relations partenariales autour d'enjeux énergétiques : plans climat-énergie territoriaux, réponses à appels d'offres nationaux et européens, coordination des réseaux de distribution…L'analyse du modèle énergétique territorial alternatif des ELD proposée dans la thèse montre que le statut local des opérateurs ne suffit pas au développement d'un gouvernement énergétique urbain, lequel procède aussi de la politisation des questions énergétiques et de la construction d'une expertise adaptée au sein des systèmes politico-administratifs urbains / Public action, like research, is becoming increasingly interested in the relationship between cities and energy. This thesis focuses on the ways in which energy network operators participate in the development and implementation of local energy policies and in the capacity of urban political stakeholders to drive these operators in this sense. The question is approached through local public utilities (LPU) as alternative energy distribution stakeholders in France. These companies have ensured supply and distribution of electricity and sometimes gas and heat in the areas where they are present for over one hundred years. They appear today to be innovative levers to action available to cities to develop urban energy policies. Centred on urban operators, this thesis examines the cases of GEG in Grenoble and UEM in Metz. Despite their local roots, LPUs have only in recent years granted an important place in their business strategies to the urban scale. The sectoral and centralised organisation of the electricity public services have for a long time limited the capacities of the LPUs, impeding the emergence of approaches specific to their particular areas. Reconfigurations of the economic model which impose liberalisation cause the ELDs to constantly search for new growth sources. Seizing opportunities from emerging energy-climate policies, they are proving their great adaptability and have devised new strategies valorising to a greater extent their urban roots. These urban roots alone are not enough to make the LPUs governmental tools for urban energy policy, which supposes a capacity for initiative and control by the political stakeholders of their own objectives. Through analysis of the Grenoble and Metz examples, we demonstrate that presenting energy as a local political issue is both progressive and heterogeneous, calling into question an approach to LPU control which until now has been essentially economic and industrial. Politicisation is being hindered by the lack of energy expertise in the communes, which only very infrequently manage to integrate their energy-climate concerns into strategic plans for their local businesses. In contrast, changes in operational plans are much greater in projects which involve partnerships around energy issues: regional climate-energy plans, responses to national and European calls for public tenders, coordination of distribution networks…The analysis of an alternative regional energy model from the LPUs proposed in this thesis demonstrates that the local status of operators is insufficient for the development of urban energy governance, which also operates in the politicisation of energy issues and the development of specially adapted expertise within urban political and administrative systems

Since the regime collapse in 1991, Albania has been going through a democratization process. In contrast to government attempts to introduce a democratic system according to a western model, blood feuds based on Albanian customary law increased drastically and individuals began to seek their own justice by ignoring state and judicial institutions. The incidence of blood feuds increased exceptionally, not only compared with the situation under the communist regime but the crime rate in general. As a result, the Albanian state has appeared not only as weak and fragile but weaker in comparison with the previous communist regime.<p>Although a great deal of research on vendetta is carried out either in the fields of anthropology or sociology of law, this topic has not been studied by political scientists. As a consequence, studies of vendetta in relation to institutional weaknesses are missing. Thus, one of the contributions of this study will be to fill this gap in the literature by explaining the role of state institutions in the continuation and increase in blood feuds.<p>The Albanian case was chosen as a subject for study as it represents a country which following a harsh communist regime has made attempts at democratization with the aim of joining the European Union, and at the same time is characterized by the strong presence of customary law claiming revenge in cases of homicide, despite interventions by the judicial authorities.<p>Therefore, the aim of this study is to explain the reasons for the increase in blood feuds in Albania from 1991 to 2010 by identifying the structure and agency factors impacting the motivation of individuals to commit murders in the name of vendetta.<p>I will make use of historical institutionalism to identify the increasing returns of vendetta and explore the different factors and processes that trigger and underlie the institutional development of Albanian vendetta over time. Historical institutionalism is an approach to the analysis of the evolution of institutions and their outcomes in terms of formal and informal rules that shape the behavior of actors. Hence, understanding the causation and restraining factors in determining the high rates of blood feuds is indispensable. However, because of the lack of attention that historical institutionalism pays to the structure-agency dichotomy, the tools of criminology and more specifically, elements of ‘social control theory’ are required in this study. This theory enables/permits the study of vendetta by focusing on the motivation of the authors of vendetta, looking at the incidence and the forms of the criminal behavior. In order to explain vendetta and its causes, both fear of punishment (belief) and social bonds (attachment, commitment and involvement) have been taken into account.<p>For this study, both primary and secondary sources were combined, such as expert interviews, archival documents and police data, in order to assess the cases of vendettas brought before the courts, judicial proceedings, and the final sentences handed down.<p>The findings show that the weaker the bonds of trust in institutions such as state institutions and the legal system, the more individuals will be involved in blood feuds. The more trust is placed in institutions the less likely it is that individuals will be involved in vendetta.<p>This research contributes to the literature dealing with institutional change and the study of crime rates in transitional democracies. <p> / Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished