This study acknowledges how the democratic mission has changed over time and which role it has today. By using a comparative idea analysis, fourteen Swedish and Finish curriculums and syllabuses stretching from 1970 to 2015 has been analysed and compared. Therefore, our purpose is to analyse how the curriculums and syllabuses can be compared to the modern society versus the late modern society, by using ideal types based on theories that legitimates our study. With this method, we were able to compare how much the late modern society has influenced the Swedish and Finnish curriculums and syllabuses. In the result, we concluded that the Finnish curriculums are still influenced by the modern society in a broader way than the Swedish. The Swedish curriculums have been more influenced by the late modern society as a result of the increased focus on the individual, which is a consequent of the development from the modern to the late modern society. The latest Finnish curriculums are also influenced by the late modern society. However, when they write about individuals, the importance of being a part of the community is always the primary goal. The comparison between the countries syllabuses shows a different sight of the subject social studies. In Sweden, it plays a larger role in the mission of creating democratic citizens, as to Finland, where it plays almost the same role as all the other subjects. The final discussion in this study is whether the democratic mission is still functioning in the society we are living in today. The conclusion is that it has to be changed, otherwise it will not legitimize in the late modern society. Furthermore, it has to change from being a firm mission to a more fluid one. Additionally, it has to create an environment where the pupils can become liberate subjects.

This thesis examined why an actor in the labor market, namely Volvo Cars, promotes parental leave. Previous research has shown that workplace-related factors are important for parents' use of parental leave. The purpose of this thesis was thus to highlight how actors in the labor market have the ability to influence the use of parental leave and, by extension, the development of gender equality. This thesis utilized an explanatory analysis of two policy documents and an information film about the Family Bond and three interviews with employees at Volvo Cars. The results showed that one of the reasons why Volvo Cars introduced the "Family Bond" is the company's desire to create equal opportunities for all. "Family Bond" is thus also part of Volvo Cars' inclusive approach in the sense that the company recognizes that parenting and family constellations can look different. A second reason for the implementation is Volvo Cars' aim to contribute to equal parenting. In addition, Volvo Cars believes that paid parental leave, by enabling the company to recruit and retain more women in the company, leads to more diversified perspectives which in turn drives innovation, creativity, improves productivity and the company's operations. A fourth reason for the introduction of the "Family Bond", which is also the most prominent, is that this parental leave policy is part of the entire Volvo Cars corporate culture, which is centered around the human being and the family.

This essay aims to find out how the five values of liberalism view the law on secret room wiretapping and the law on secret wiretapping of electronic communications. The method used to achieve the purpose of the study is an idea analysis in descriptive and explanatory form. When processing the material, two dimensions have been formulated in the form of analysis tools: integrity and legitimacy. The study's questions are as follows: How do the five values of liberalism view the laws regarding secret interception of electronic communications and secret room interception, and are the laws considered to be or not accepted by liberalism. The conclusion could be drawn that all five values believe that the laws can be applied as their purpose is to protect citizens, society, and the state from those who are not considered law-abiding. Despite their freedom and integrity being curtailed, the laws must be used to ensure that the majority´s safety, integrity, freedom, and rights are protected.

The aim of this study is to describe and interpret Anders Sunna's painting "30 km constraint" from a sami and cultural political perspective. In the study, the financial culture support for Sami culture is described and compared via Sweden’s cultural policy, the regions in north Sweden, as well as the Sami Parliament. The study examines which cultural concept one uses when discussing support for the Sami art. The study applies a hermeneutic approach in which the purpose is to see more perspectives and understanding of the Sami culture and art. The method is based on a qualitative approach with content-based idea analysis with the analysis tools ideal types and dimensions. Ideal types are Dorte Skot-Hansen’s three legitimacy grounds and the dimensions “anthropological-wide” and “artistic-narrow”. Through the study it emerges that support for the Sami culture is under-financed, partly because of lack of knowledge of the Sami culture, and that both the national cultural policy and the regions use mainly sociological and instrumental motivations and the artistic-narrow culture concept.

With the aim of contributing to the recent debate on the fate of the liberal international order, this thesis has examined how prominent advocates of the liberal international order explain its contemporary state of crisis. Taking a point of departure in John Mearsheimer’s critical argument of three essential flaws in the liberal order, I have expanded these flaws into three theoretical areas. These theoretical areas highlight fundamental components in the liberal international order that, according to Mearsheimer, endogenously undermine the liberal international order which will eventually lead to its demise. These theoretical areas are the expansion of the liberal order, resistance in liberal democracies and the threat of China. Analyzing the ideas of liberal advocates within these theoretical areas, I have found that they have offered strong arguments on why the liberal international order will not perish. Although the liberal advocates see a crisis of governance and legitimacy in the liberal order, they believe that the order’s beneficial and robustious architecture constrain states from abandoning the international institutions of the liberal international order. However, drawing on previous research, I have discussed the plausible possibility and consequences of an increasingly powerful China rising within the order. I have concluded that the liberal advocates have not satisfactorily explained this threat of China to the contemporary U.S-led liberal order.

This thesis’s main purpose is to understand the recent debate in Sweden concerning the vaccine passport that was caused due to the recent spread of the corona virus. The focus is on what a variety of arguments and positions from different public political debaters have taken in a number of issues regarding vaccine passports. If they have been ideologically consistent regarding their previous ideologic positions in other debates in Sweden. First the thesis describes the three main ideologies used (liberalism, socialism and conservatism) and outlines their main positions. By doing so, the thesis can later compare what Swedish opinion leaders have argued in regards to the vaccine passport and therefore find out if they are relatable to their main ideology.  This has been made possible by the implementation of the design of an Ide whose purpose is to investigate and try to understand why different sides of this debate think about how they think about vaccine passports along with if it seems consistent.. The result points to that it can indeed be found ideological inconsistencies in some varieties. For example, if opinion leaders affiliated with the liberal ideology finding the vaccine passports useful might seem to clash with the main positions of the liberal ideology.

The introduction of welfare markets in publicly financed healthcare system has together with digital innovation of healthcare delivery led to a rapid growth of direct-to-consumer telemedicine services. In Sweden, the rise of such digital doctors has sparked a debate and there are indications that these developments might affect the overreaching goals of Swedish healthcare delivery on equal terms and according to need. This thesis examines the emergence of the new digital healthcare market and the political debate surrounding these developments, in order to answer the overreaching question of what these developments mean for equity in health in the Swedish healthcare system. This is done by describing developments on the digital healthcare market in Sweden and by conducting an idea analysis of the political parties’ views on these developments. Findings indicate that healthcare providers have great influence on the digital healthcare market in Sweden at the expense of public actors. Results from the idea analysis shows that political parties mainly discuss health equity in relation to the digital healthcare market in line with social or liberal egalitarian ideas of health equity.

I denna uppsats undersöks hur konkurrerande föreställningar om relationen mellan individ, kollektiv och stat framställs inom debatten om vaccinpass för tillträde till offentliga ytor. Mer specifikt syftar denna undersökning till att beskriva samt kartlägga den svenska opinionsjournalistiska debatten om vaccinpass utifrån vilka liberala och kommunitära idéer som kan utrönas, med hjälp av två frågeställningar: (1) Hur förhåller sig de huvudsakliga argumenten i den svenska opinionsjournalistiska vaccinpassdebatten till liberala respektive kommunitära idéer? och (2) Vilka likheter och skillnader kan utrönas mellan argumentationen som förs till förmån för vaccinpass och argumentationen som förs mot vaccinpass? 47 opinionsjournalistiska artiklar, publicerade mellan den 20 augusti och 30 november 2021, analyserades utifrån en beskrivande idéanalys med ett teoretiskt ramverk bestående av ideologierna liberalism och kommunitarism. Resultaten visar att en majoritet av argumenten som anförs i debatten kommer närmare en liberal förståelse av relationen mellan individ, kollektiv och stat. Motståndet präglas uteslutande av liberala idéer som att staten bör vara neutral och behandla medborgarna lika, samt att staten inte är i stånd att intervenera i individens fri- och rättigheter för att främja kollektiva målsättningar. Försvaret är å andra sidan splittrat mellan liberala idéer – som skadeprincipen och att staten bör undvika frihetsinskränkningar – och kommunitära idéer, som att staten bör använda sin tvångsmakt för att premiera vissa livsval framför andra och främja ett “gemensamma bästa”. I den utsträckning som både argumentationen för och emot vaccinpass grundar sig i liberala idéer bestod skiljelinjerna istället i vems perspektiv som beaktas, synen på åtgärdens implikationer och vilken del av ideologin som framhölls.

The United Nation’s mandate to engineer international peacecraft is correlated with the promotion of universal human rights. Universal human rights are held to apply consistently to everyone everywhere without conceivable exception. There is some debate as to whether universal human rights possibly exist. This debate centers around two difficulties: 1) the task of identifying a single trait or capability that all human beings necessarily share, and 2) the task of relating human rights to this trait or capability. Conventional epistemic justifications defending the existence of universal human rights attempt to address both difficulties. However, they have become the focus of numerous criticisms. By conducting systematizing and critically reviewing text analyses, I will conclude that conventional epistemic justifications are unable to refute standard criticisms satisfactorily. In their place, I will introduce an epistemic justification from the philosophy of mind. I will attempt to demonstrate that this justification is capable of 1) identifying a single trait that all human beings necessarily share, 2) relating human rights to this trait, and 3) satisfactorily refuting the standard criticisms raised against conventional epistemic theories. I have produced this paper in the hope of further legitimizing the UN’s mandate to engineer international peacecraft by providing a more philosophically optimal justification of claims affirming the existence of universal human rights.

The aim of this thesis is to investigate, explain, compare and to a degree criticize the two theories Global Stakeholder Democracy by Terry Macdonald and Transnational Discursive Democracy by John Dryzek and their respective arguments for a global democracy, by using the method of an internal idea analysis. The two main questions of the thesis are: -  With what arguments do Macdonald and Dryzek legitimize their respective form of global democracy? -  What similarities as well as differences can be found in their argumentation for their respective theory and is it possible to see any potential internal problems in their argumentation? The results show that both Global Stakeholder Democracy and Transnational Discursive Democracy can be interpreted to share the same basic way of legitimizing democracy through a liberal value and notion of autonomy. Because of the current democratic deficit on a global level, this value is threatened. Both theories therefore try to solve this problem by promoting a pragmatic theory to democratize the global political system. The study recognizes some potential problems regarding the way both Macdonald and Dryzek argue for a global democracy. In MacDonald’s theory, the potential problem concerns mainly the lack of a clear definition of the theory’s fundamental part, what a stakeholder is. The potential problems with Dryzek’s theory derive from the fact that he might put to much trust in the concept of reflexive modernization, whether his theory will be able to actually influence discourses despite a lack of formal institutions, and finally if the theory will be able to guarantee political equality in the decision making process.