The pronunciamiento was a political practice with its origins in early nineteenth-century Spain. It was a form of political petitioning usually undertaken by coalitions of military and civilian actors to make demands against regional and national governments and negotiate political change. The petitions were generally accompanied with the threat of the use of military force should the demands not be met. As such, pronunciamientos have been defined by Will Fowler as “forceful negotiations.” The pronunciamiento developed as a political practice in a context of institutional disarray and contested legitimacy as a response to the constitutional crisis in Spain (1812-1820), and it became a particularly popular political tool in early independent Mexico (1821-1876) in a context in which successive governments experimented with new political systems. The fact that the institutions these governments created needed to acquire a political legitimacy that was stable enough to replace that of the Ancien Regime would prove problematic. It would be this context of uncertain legitimacies that would allow the pronunciamiento to develop a legitimacy of its own. It was an extra-constitutional, subversive form of political participation. It was used as a last resort by political actors who believed that, in the particular circumstance of having constitutional routes closed to them or of the government having broken the social pact, they had a right to insurrection to protect the people from the abuses of unjust or tyrannical government. As it developed in early independent Mexico, the pronuciamiento became one of the most used practices for effecting political change. Pronunciamientos were used at one time or another by political actors of all social classes and political persuasions. They preceded most of the major political changes of the period on both a regional and national scale, be they changes in government, the introduction of new laws or a change of political system. Pronunciamientos have often been referred to in the historiography of early independent Mexico as military revolts or coups. The pronunciamiento has thus been seen as a cause of instability and evidence of praetorianism in the political life of nineteenth-century Spain and independent Mexico. However, recent and current research on the subject, including the project at the University of St Andrews “The Pronunciamiento in Independent Mexico 1821 – 1876” of which this PhD is a part, has resulted in a revision of this narrow view of pronunciamientos as revolts and coups. The project and its affiliated researchers have developed a picture of the pronunciamiento as a political practice which was much more intimately involved with the newly developing constitutional institutions than previously thought. This PhD is a contribution to that revision which uses regional history to analyse the nature and evolution of the pronunciamiento. It is a study of the dynamics of and political actors involved in pronunciamientos in the state of Jalisco in western Mexico between 1821 and 1852. Jalisco in the early national period was a geopolitically important state and a popular place from which to launch pronunciamientos. Many political actors from within and without the state chose to launch pronunciamientos from Jalisco some of which had a significant impact on regional and national politics. To date there has been no thoroughgoing study of the phenomenon of the pronunciamiento as it developed in Jalisco. This analysis of the pronunciamientos which took place in Jalisco shows that pronunciamientos were used by all political actors to effect political change and had a very real effect on the lives of those directly involved as well as those of the general public who witnessed pronunciamientos on the streets of their towns and cities. It shows how pronunciamientos became closely interconnected with the newly developing constitutional institutions and how, while most pronunciamientos were recognized by all political actors as potential bearers of instability, the pronunciamiento was also considered to be a legitimate form of political participation given the extraordinary circumstance of a lack of recognised or legitimate government. The research demonstrates that pronunciamientos launched in Jalisco had a central part to play in the development of the new political order in the “age of democratic revolutions” and during the transition Mexico underwent from having a traditional corporate society and polity to acquiring a modern liberal one. The findings of this study provide an insight into the way in which political culture developed in Jalisco in the early national period. Alongside regional studies into the pronunciamientos launched in the San Luis Potosí and Yucatán in a similar period carried out by Kerry McDonald and Shara Ali, this research helps to develop a picture of how Mexican pronunciamientos worked at a local level allowing for more accurate generalisations to be made regarding the pronunciamiento as a practice on a national scale. The study also contributes to an understanding of how politics worked in Mexico in periods of institutional disarray, uncertain legitimacy and political transition and how insurrectionary political forms became legitimised.

La place de la violence dans l'histoire du XX° siècle est l'objet de nombreuses études depuis la publication des ouvrages de l'historien américain George L. Mosse. Si cet intérêt s'est longtemps concentré sur l'étude des mouvements d'extrême-droite, depuis une décennie la recherche historique se penche sur l'étude des relations qu'entretient le communisme, avec la violence. C'est dans cet environnement historiographique que notre étude vise à éclairer la place tenue par la violence dans la vie du PCF de sa naissance, en 1920, à son interdiction en septembre 1939. Dans un premier temps, après avoir analysé la place de la violence dans le mouvement socialiste et ouvrier avant 1914, il s'agit de percevoir la nouveauté introduite par l'idéologie bolchevique dans cette relation au moment où la société française est confrontée à la Grande Guerre et ses séquelles et de déterminer le rôle de la violence dans la naissance du PCF et dans son développement jusqu'à la fin des années 1920. Nous analysons ensuite la période « classe contre classe » où le PC développe pleinement les potentialités contenues dans la culture de guerre civile qu'il cultive depuis sa naissance. Il essaye alors d'inscrire cette guerre civile dans la réalité française. Le discours qui s'appuie sur la simplification de la perception des réalités politiques, économiques et sociales, décryptée au prisme de la culture de la guerre civile se durcit pour marquer l'imminence de la parousie révolutionnaire. Le PCF prône alors la confrontation directe avec les forces de l'ordre dans le but de conquérir la rue tout en essayant de mettre sur pied une force paramilitaire. L'abandon de l'activisme violent à la fin de 1931 entraîne une période d'hésitation sur la place de la violence dans la stratégie communiste, hésitation qui prend fin à partir de 1934 avec le tournant vers le Front populaire qui fait l'objet de notre troisième et dernière partie. La culture de guerre civile, que porte en lui le communisme, s'intègre alors à la culture républicaine sous le signe de l'antifascisme. Ce processus, qui participe aux succès que connaissent alors les communistes, entraîne une atténuation de la place de la violence dans la politique du PCF, mais non sa disparition. Sa trace se retrouve dans la politique interne de vigilance révolutionnaire, l'usage de la force contre les fascistes et les renégats et le rôle des communistes français sur le front espagnol durant la guerre civile. / The place of violence in history of XX ° century is the object of many studies since the studies of the American historian George L. Mosse. If this interest has concentrated for a long time on the study of the far-right movements, for decade historical research leans over the study of relations communism, with violence. It's in this historiographic environment that our study aims at lighting the place held by violence in the life of PCF since its birth, in 1920 to its ban in September, 1939. At first, having analysed the place of violence in socialist and working movement before 1914 and the novelty introduced by the bolchevik ideology in this relation at the time when the French society is confronted with First World War and its consequences to determine the role of violence in the birth of PCF and in its development during 1920s. We analyse the period «class against class» where the PC develops entirely potentialities contained in the culture of civil war which it cultivates since its birth. He tries to register this civil war in French reality. The speech which leans on the simplification of the perception of political, economic and social realities, having read in prism of the culture of civil war to mark the imminence of the revolutionary parousie. PCF search direct confrontation with police force in the intention of winning the street, while trying to set up a paramilitary force. The end of violent activism at the end of 1931 draws away a period of hesitancy on the place of violence in communist strategy, hesitancy which comes to end from 1934 with turn towards the Popular Front which makes the object of our third and last part. The culture of civil war, that hits in him communism, integrates then with republican culture under the sign of antifascism. This process, which participates in the successes which know then the communists, draws away an alleviation of the place of violence in the policy of PCF, but not its disappearance. Its trace is in the internal policy of revolutionary alertness, the usage of force against the fascists and the renegades and the role of the French communists on the Spanish front during civil war.

Mémoire numérisé par la Direction des bibliothèques de l'Université de Montréal.

Avec le soulèvement de 1946 (février-mars) débute en Égypte une crise politique qui dure jusqu’à la mise en place du système nassérien (1952-1954) où se mêlent velléités de changement social et d’indépendance. Les 18 et 19 janvier 1977, l’insurrection spontanée, contre la diminution des subventions publiques sur vingt-cinq produits de consommation, révèle le rejet massif du nouvel ordre moral que Sadate souhaite imposer. Les manifestants rappellent le Président de la République aux promesses nassériennes que la défaite de 1967 dans la guerre contre Israël a fait voler en éclat. Réflexion sur les façons de vivre et de transmettre l’expérience révolutionnaire, cette thèse présente, depuis Alexandrie, les épisodes insurrectionnels de 1946 et de 1977 qui ont secoué les grandes villes d’Égypte. Au travers d’une enquête orale auprès de militants alexandrins et des sources de nature diverses, les événements sont présentés tantôt sous l’angle du temps court, tantôt dans leur conjoncture.C’est à distance de la chronologie, dans les interstices des différents registres d’énonciation (témoignages et discours politiques, récit d’histoire ou de fiction, etc.), que cette thèse explore les traces du « trésor » : expérience collective de la liberté chère au poète René Char, « rejetée » par ceux qui la vivent une fois qu’elle se termine. On voit se dessiner des notions, des institutions et des expériences collectives au travers desquels se forgent, dans la seconde moitié du XXe siècle, l’idée du changement social, de ses limites et les moyens par lesquels des personnes ordinaires peuvent y participer. / The uprising of 1946 (February-March) initiates a political crisis in Egypt that lasts until the implementation of the Nasserian system (1952-1954) and involves both hopes of social change and national independence. The spontaneous uprising that happens in January 18th and 19th 1977 against the reducing of price subsidies of 25 consuming products, reveals a massive rejection of the new moral order that Sadat wishes to impose. The demonstrators remind their President to the Nasserian promises that the 1967’s defeat in the war against Israel demolished.This thesis seeks to develop a reflexion on the ways of living and transmitting the revolutionary experience based on the events of the Egyptian urban uprisings of 1946 and 1977 from the point of view of Alexandria. It presents the events in the short time and in their conjunctures through an oral inquiry among Alexandrian activists and sources of several natures, as part of constant concern for documenting the effects of scale between individual history and collective history, as well as the historicity of insurrection.Away from linear chronology, in the interstices between the categories of expression (testimonies, stories and political discourses, history and fiction, etc.), this research explores the tracks of the “treasure”, a word that the poet Rene Char uses to describe a collective experience of liberty, rejected by whom lives it as soon as it ends. It reveals a network of notions, institutions and collective experiences which defines social change, its limits and the ways by which ordinary people get involved in it, through the second part of the XXth century.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:32:24Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2009-03-02Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T19:02:59Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 rodrigues_jp_dr_assis.pdf: 2073002 bytes, checksum: b3cff2362bdcd6bf3ecbbc56a5ba412c (MD5) / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico (CNPq) / Esta pesquisa almeja, fundamentalmente, problematizar o levante de 1932 em São Paulo, bem como a emblemática memória criada acerca dele, sobretudo, nos dois primeiros anos que lhe são subseqüentes, com o intuito de demonstrar que, mediante a ausência de uma plataforma, de fato, revolucionária, a tradição regional erige-se como preeminente trunfo simbólico para a luta, sendo apropriada pela burguesia insurrecta, no sentido de pugnar por uma nova partilha do poder no cenário nacional. Tal apropriação apresenta diferenciadas nuances ao longo da conjuntura em apreço, mas é possível identificar, de modo nítido, dois eixos centrais. O primeiro, formulado ainda em meio às conspirações pela interventoria, associa o caráter aguerrido dos ancestrais paulistas ao presente do estado, acometido pela invasão “tenentista”, concitando, por conseguinte, a expulsão dos “estrangeiros”. Pouco depois, quando em outro patamar despontava o tema da Constituição, nova formulação ganharia corpo, sobrelevando não mais a tradição paulista de defesa do território, mas a condição histórica de militante vanguardeiro da formação da nação, atualizada na batalha pela lei. Encerradas as hostilidades, a memória não ficou alheia às investidas, culminando sintomaticamente na controversa vitória moral do levante. Não obstante, dado o vigor atual dessa memória, evidencia-se meridianamente que a apropriação do passado regional não se constituiu em uma quimera da classe dominante e que, a despeito da suposta revolução predominantemente popular e democrática, em 1932 estava em pauta uma luta no âmbito da elite bandeirante, a fim de implantar novas diretrizes ao país. / This research intends, fundamentally, to discuss the insurrection of 1932 in São Paulo. It also intends to discuss the emblematic memory about it, especially, two first years after insurrection, with the objective of showing that, without a platform, indeed, revolutionary, the regional tradition is built as simbolic preeminent asset for the fight. It was appropriated by insurrect bourgeoisie, for sharing national Power. The appropriation shows different types in this conjuncture, but it’s possible to identify two central axles. The first, created by interventor Office during conspiracies, enhances courageous character of paulistas ancetral to the present of the state, attacked by “tenentista” invasion, stiring up expulsion of “foreigners”. After some time, when Constitution subject was discussed, a new formularization would increase no more on paulista tradition of territory defense, but in historical condition of vanguard militant in Nation formation, brought up to date in Law battle. Finished hostilities, the memory culminates symptomatically in moral victory controversy of Insurrection. However, considering current memory, appropriation of the regional past isn’t a chimera of dominant class and, although supposed popular and democratic revolution, 1932 was the year of discussion on fight in bandeirante elite, to do new lines of direction to the country.

Submitted by Juliane de Araujo Gonzaga (gonzagajuliane@gmail.com) on 2018-07-10T23:52:22Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Tese Repositório Juliane de Araujo Gonzaga.pdf: 6672856 bytes, checksum: 6208953fb4c342faf3da89893b0d18ed (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Aline Aparecida Matias null (alinematias@fclar.unesp.br) on 2018-07-11T11:51:10Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 gonzaga_ja_dr_arafcl.pdf: 6672856 bytes, checksum: 6208953fb4c342faf3da89893b0d18ed (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-07-11T11:51:10Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 gonzaga_ja_dr_arafcl.pdf: 6672856 bytes, checksum: 6208953fb4c342faf3da89893b0d18ed (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-05-24 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / Dans le monde actuel, le retour du féminisme présente des indices d’une supposée nouveauté, puisqu’il est décrit comme étant un « nouveau féminisme ». Dans le rapport entre les sujets et l’actualité, on voit s’entrecroiser des événements hétérogènes, qui créent des conditions de possibilité pour la production des vérités à cette époque, comme par exemple : la société a un « réveil féministe »; le féminisme a de nouveaux sujets et le féminisme d’aujourd’hui est nouveau. En ce sens, cette thèse analyse des discours portant sur le féminisme, qui sont produits par les médias digitaux et qui s’inscrivent dans ces derniers, afin de problématiser comment de nouveaux sens émergent et afin d’exposer des vérités qui circulent, considérées comme étant naturelles et évidentes. De cette façon, on problématise le retour du féminisme à partir des questionnements suivants : pourquoi le féminisme d’aujourd’hui est-il énoncé comme étant « nouveau »? En quoi consiste sa nouveauté? Pour comprendre l’émergence de cet objet et la provenance de « nouvelles » subjectivités féministes, on s’interroge : i) Quelles sont les transformations historiques qui permettent, aujourd’hui, des changements dans la manière de mettre le féminisme en discours? ii) Quels présents rapports de forces configurent des luttes entre les sujets pour la condition de vérité du féminisme? iii) Comment les sujets, en dialoguant avec les savoirs qui prolifèrent dans les médias digitaux, se définissent et développent des stratégies de résistance? Situés dans une Analyse du Discours issue de la pensée de Michel Foucault, on utilise une approche archégénéalogique qui s’interroge sur les conditions historiques de formation et de mutation des pratiques discursives et sur les jeux de savoir-pouvoir qui définissent ce que nous disons, faisons et sommes aujourd’hui. Dans le champ de l’ontologie historique, on recherche les usages des savoirs féministes dans l’actualité pour comprendre comment ils permettent des inversions des rapports de pouvoir. En ce sens, la thèse identifie un mouvement d’insurrection de savoirs dominés. De savoirs soumis à quelqu’un ou à une identité, les savoirs féministes du monde actuel sont utilisés de façon à créer sujetions et à définir les règles de disibilité e t de conduites dans les domaines de la sexualité, de la morale, des médias, de la politique et de l’économie. Le corpus de cette recherche se compose d’énoncés verbaux et visuels de médias alternatifs trouvés, entre autres, dans les médias suivants : Escreva Lola Escreva; Blogueiras Feministas; Feminismo na Rede; Feminismo Sem Demagogia; Diários de uma feminista; Lugar de mulher; Ventre feminista. En fonction de la dispersion des discours sur le féminisme dans les médias digitaux, on analyse aussi des énoncés des médias corporatifs, tels que Revista Isto é; Revista Época; Revista TPM; Revista M de Mulher; Revista Elle. Enfin, on soutient la thèse selon laquelle l’apparition d’un « nouveau féminisme » produit des effets de sens singuliers; il s’agit donc d’un événement discursif. Pourtant, l’affirmation de la « nouveauté » ne signifie pas que le féminisme d’aujourd’hui est « originel » ou « neutre ». Cela signifie plutôt que la nouveauté est un indice de la force de la rémanence du féminisme, de discours antérieurs sur le féminisme et, surtout, de mutations dans les règles de ce qu’on peut et doit dire sur le féminisme d’aujourd’hui / Na história do presente, o retorno do feminismo apresenta indícios de uma suposta novidade, sendo inclusive enunciado como “novo feminismo”. Na relação dos sujeitos com a atualidade, vemos entrecruzar-se acontecimentos heterogêneos, que criam condições de possibilidade para a produção de verdades para esta época, tais como: a sociedade está tendo um “despertar feminista”; o feminismo tem novos sujeitos e o feminismo de hoje é novo. Nesse sentido, esta tese se volta para os discursos sobre feminismo produzidos nas e pelas mídias digitais para problematizar como se produzem os sentidos de novidade e “desmontar” verdades que circulam como naturais e evidentes. Assim, problematizamos o acontecimento da volta do feminismo: por que o feminismo hoje é enunciado como novo? Em que consiste sua novidade? Para compreender a emergência deste objeto e a proveniência das “novas” subjetividades feministas, atentamos para as seguintes questões: i) Quais transformações históricas possibilitam mudanças no modo de colocar o feminismo em discurso hoje? ii) Quais relações de força no presente configuram lutas entre os sujeitos pela condição de verdade do feminismo? iii) Como os sujeitos se relacionam com a atualidade e os saberes que proliferam nas mídias digitais para a constituição de si e para estratégias de resistência? Situados em uma Análise do Discurso que pensa com Michel Foucault, assumimos uma abordagem arquegenealógica, que interroga sobre as condições históricas de formação e mutação das práticas discursivas e os jogos de saber-poder que definem aquilo que dizemos, fazemos e somos hoje. No cerne da ontologia histórica, investigamos os usos dos saberes feministas na atualidade para compreender como possibilitam inversões e deslocamentos de relações de poder. Nesse gesto, a tese identifica um movimento de insurreição de saberes dominados. De saberes sujeitados a alguém ou a uma identidade, os saberes feministas hoje são utilizados de modo a instaurar sujeições e definir regras de dizibilidade e condutas na sexualidade, na moral, nas mídias, na política, na economia. O corpus de pesquisa se constitui de enunciados verbais e visuais de mídias alternativas tais como: Escreva Lola Escreva; Blogueiras Feministas; Feminismo na Rede; Feminismo Sem Demagogia; Diários de uma feminista; Lugar de mulher; Ventre feminista, entre outras. Dada a dispersão desses discursos nas mídias digitais, analisamos também enunciados de mídias corporativas como: Revista Isto é; Revista Época; Revista TPM; Revista M de Mulher; Revista Elle. Por fim, a tese que sustentamos é a de que o surgimento de um “novo feminismo” produz efeitos de sentido singulares e, portanto, se dá na instância do acontecimento discursivo. Entretanto, a afirmação da “novidade” não significa que o feminismo hoje seja “original” nem “neutro”. E sim, que ela é indício da força da remanência de discursos anteriores sobre o feminismo e do feminismo e, sobretudo, de mutações nas regras do que se pode e se deve dizer sobre feminismo hoje.

Depuis une quinzaine d’années, les drones MALE (Moyenne Altitude, Longue Endurance), sont employés en opérations extérieures par le Royaume-Uni et la France, en Afghanistan, dans le Sahel, en Irak et en Syrie. Ces drones sont caractérisés par leur endurance en l’air de plus de 24 heures et leur capacité à être pilotés à distance par une liaison satellite depuis une station de contrôle à des milliers de kilomètres des théâtres d’opérations. Ils peuvent en outre être armés de bombes et de missiles. Si les travaux des Critical War Studies sont nombreux sur l’emploi des drones MALE par l’United States Air Force et plus encore par la Central Intelligence Agency, ils sont en revanche beaucoup plus rares en ce qui concerne l’utilisation de ces mêmes drones dans les forces armées européennes. L’objectif du présent travail est d’étudier comment les discours officiels au Royaume-Uni et en France ont participé à la normalisation de l’emploi des drones MALE dans les opérations militaires et défini un cadre à cet emploi. Empruntant aux travaux de Michel Foucault, nous y démontrons que deux communautés de discours au Royaume-Uni et en France ont porté un régime de vérité favorable à l’acquisition et l’emploi de ces drones, en usant parfois des mêmes arguments et en se basant sur les mêmes conceptions stratégiques. Au cours de cinq chapitres thématiques, le présent travail étudie successivement différents éléments du régime de vérité sur les drones construit au Royaume-Uni et en France par ces communautés de discours. Dans un premier chapitre, il montre comment les communautés de discours ont abordé le programme américain d’éliminations ciblées pour mettre de la distance entre les pratiques américaines et l’usage des drones qui pourrait être fait par les forces armées britanniques ou françaises. Un second chapitre est consacré aux discours présentant les drones avant tout comme des outils de renseignement et la présentation élogieuse qui est faite de leur capacité à comprendre les populations que leurs équipages observent. Un troisième chapitre s’intéresse à la façon dont les communautés de discours ont traité le débat éthique sur l’armement des drones et ses effets sur l’ethos militaire. Un quatrième chapitre se concentre sur une généalogie des conceptions stratégiques sous-tendant l’emploi des drones, puisant dans les doctrines classiques de la puissance aérienne, dans le passé colonial de la Royal Air Force et dans les doctrines de la contre-insurrection. Un cinquième et dernier chapitre s’intéresse surtout à la communauté de discours française et à sa volonté d’employer les drones de l’armée de l’air pour des missions de surveillance au-dessus du territoire national français. / Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

Following the Treaty of Paris, which formally ended the American Revolution, the United States faced the daunting task of transitioning from an alliance of rebellious colonies to a unified republican government. From the outset the United States struggled to integrate their revolutionary ideology into a functional system of governance. The country’s national defense establishment typified this struggle. Professional armies, eighteenth-century Americans believed, remained antithetical to republican principles. Such forces, they believed, were the tools authoritarian leaders wielded to promote tyranny and suppress individual liberties. Their ranks were filled with aristocratic officers and mindless mercenary soldiers drawn from the lowest rungs of society. To preserve their revolutionary ideals, the young nation chose to place their national defense in the hands of local militias. Filled with citizen-soldiers, militias provided security while avoiding the evils of professional armies.The nation’s militia system following the revolution, however, remained in disarray. Based in local communities across the nation, the militia remained poorly organized, ill-equipped, and poorly trained. Local citizens, state and federal policymakers, and military officials remained committed to fixing the only military system compatible with their idealized republican society. In the first decade following the adoption of the U.S. Constitution, the federal and state governments passed waves of legislation to try and reform the militia system. Despite these efforts, the militia, by the end of the federalist era, remained poorly organized, ill-equipped, and, in a single defining word, ineffective. The limited scholarly attention devoted to examining the militia during this period centers on the national political debate amongst elite politicians and the legislation they drafted to improve the militia. Such debates reveal how republican ideology, the same ideology which necessitated the militia, imposed constraints on the system. Historians, however, often remain less focused on actual militia organizations. Examining local militias illuminates the impact these republican constraints placed on the system. Exploring the thoughts and actions of local militiamen also reveals they too embraced republican principles. Their unique equalitarian conception of republicanism, however, contrasted with the conception most policymakers held. Militiamen resisted the militia system policymakers imposed, deeming it incompatible with true republican principles. Well-crafted legislation mattered little if militiamen refused to enact the system policymakers set forth. Instead of compromising, policymakers tried to rein in the unruly militias. These efforts provoked more resistance. Exhausted after years of failed reform, the government increasingly turned to the least republican option of all: a professional standing army. / History

Le travail de recherche présenté ici a pour objectif de dégager les particularités des combattants irlandais engagés dans l’armée britannique pendant le Premier Conflit mondial et d’apprécier la singularité de leur sortie de guerre. Le champ chronologique est volontairement large dans la mesure où il dépasse 1918 pour traiter de la question des mémoires de guerre et de la démobilisation des unités irlandaises. Ainsi, notre travail entend montrer dans quelle mesure la situation endogène en Irlande influence la participation et les expériences de guerre des engagés volontaires et se répercute sur leur réinsertion dans le tissu urbain irlandais. En s’intéressant au retour des anciens combattants sous un angle socio-économique, politique et culturel notre travail enrichit l’historiographie de la période révolutionnaire irlandaise 1919-1924. L’étude des trajectoires des rescapés de la Première Guerre mondiale permet de traiter du réengagement d’anciens combattants irlandais dans les brigades républicaines et dans les unités de l’armée britannique tout en travaillant sur les actes de violence et de cruauté dont ils font l’objet. Les questionnements que suscite notre travail sont multiples, et se situent au croisement de l’histoire politique, de l’histoire sociale, de l’histoire culturelle et de l’anthropologie de l’expérience combattante. / This research work aims to identify the characteristics of the Irish soldiers who served in the British Army during the First World War and assess their peculiar post-war situation. We chose a wide chronological field, beyond 1918, in order to cover the war remembrance and demobilisation issues of Irish units. We aim to show how the endogenous situation in Ireland influenced the volunteers’ war effort and impacted their reintegration into Irish civil life. Our work enriches the 1919-1924 Irish revolutionary period’s historiography by focusing on socio-economic, political and cultural factors. Studying the life story of Irish First World War survivors enables us to span their enlistment in Republican brigades or British Army units, while also covering the acts of violence and cruelty committed against them. Our work lies at the crossroads of numerous political, social and cultural questions, as well as raising the anthropological issues of the Irish veterans’ experience.

À partir de l’étude du procès des chefs de l’insurrection algérienne de 1871 jugés en 1873 aux assises de Constantine, la présente thèse reconstitue la fresque judiciaire d’un soulèvement que d’aucuns reconnaissent comme la plus grande séquence insurrectionnelle que l’Algérie ait jamais connue au XIXe siècle. L’analyse de la riche documentation exhumée des archives d’Outre-mer d’Aix-en-Provence, de la Bibliothèque Nationale de France (Paris) et des archives du tribunal de Constantine aurait pu permettre de rétablir la société colonisée dans son droit au chapitre de la parole et de renouveler la compréhension du soulèvement de 1871 mais c’était sans compter sur la complexité des enjeux politiques qui ont transformé le procès d’une insurrection en un théâtre où devait se solder le conflit civils-militaires. Le premier grand procès civil d’Algérie allait transformer une insurrection majeure en délits de droit commun justifiant une étonnante physionomie des peines. En abordant les questions relatives aux causes et aux acteurs de l’insurrection, le présent travail s’est investi dans l’analyse de l’histoire sociale des élites algériennes du XIXe siècle et de leurs caractéristiques, à travers leur implication dans le soulèvement et l’interrogation, aux côtés de diverses sources historiques, de matériaux de nature anthropologique. Tandis que les différentes historiographies attribuaient tour à tour à l’élite nobiliaire des djouads ou à celle confrérique de la rahmaniyya la paternité de la révolte, la présente thèse s’est attachée à mettre en évidence la matrice anti coloniste d’une insurrection populaire. / Starting with the study of the 1871 trial of the Algerian insurgency leaders judged in 1873 at the Constantine criminal court, this thesis reconstitutes the judicial saga of an uprising that some recognize as the greatest insurrectionary sequence Algeria ever knew in the nineteenth century.The analysis of the rich documentation exhumed from the Overseas Archives of Aix-en-Provence, the Bibliothèque Nationale de France (Paris) and the archives of the tribunal of Constantine could have reinstated the colonized society’s right to speak and to renew the understanding of the 1871 uprising, but it was without counting the complexity of the political challenges which transformed an insurrection trial into a theater, where the civil-military conflict had to be resolved. The first great civil trial of Algeria was going to transform a major insurrection into common law offenses justifying astonishing forms of sentences.In addressing issues related to the causes and actors of the insurgency, the present work Involved in the analysis of the social history of the nineteenth century Algerian elites and their characteristics, through their involvement in the uprising and the investigative questioning of various historical sources and anthropological materials. While the various historiographies attributed to the djouads’ noble elite or the rahmaniyya confraternity the authorship of the revolt, the present thesis endeavored to highlight the anti-colonist matrix of a popular insurrection.