Depuis 2008, le thème de l’arbitrage réglementaire a attiré beaucoup d’attention. Le contournement des réglementations prudentielles (notamment des accords de Bâle) par l’utilisation de techniques de « Shadow Banking » (telles que la titrisation ou les instruments dérivés) a été dénoncé comme étant une des causes principales de la crise bancaire. D’après la littérature spécialisée, l’arbitrage réglementaire serait le résultat de failles qui émergeraient au sein des réglementations, lesquelles seraient exploitées par des arbitragistes pour minimiser leurs coûts. Cependant, l’arbitrage réglementaire n’a pas réellement fait l’objet d’une analyse théorique et économique satisfaisante permettant de comprendre pleinement ses causes et ses conséquences. La première partie de cette dissertation s’attache plus spécifiquement aux causes de l’arbitrage réglementaire. Bien que l’attention soit bien souvent portée sur l’arbitragiste qui tente de manipuler les structures juridiques de ses transactions pour capturer des opportunités de profits, nous soulignerons le rôle du régulateur qui de manière intentionnelle ou non, crée les conditions nécessaires à l’arbitrage réglementaire. Le mode de production des règles et le rôle de l’environnement institutionnel sont bien souvent omis. Ce point nous mène à discuter en détail de la différence de nature entre réglementations et règles contractuelles et son incidence sur l’arbitrage réglementaire. La seconde partie porte sur les conséquences de l’arbitrage réglementaire. Celles-ci n’ont été que partiellement discutées dans la littérature existante. Efficacité des réglementations, qualité des règles, effet redistributif, création ou destruction de richesses, concurrence réglementaire accrue ou tentative d’harmonisation des juridictions, tels seront les thèmes qui sont impactés par ce phénomène et qui seront abordés dans cette dissertation. / Since 2008, regulatory arbitrage has attracted a lot of attention. Circumventions of banking prudential rules (such as Basel rules) using shadow banking (such as securitization or derivatives instruments) have been pointed out as one of the main causes of the banking crisis. According to the financial literature, regulatory arbitrage would be the results of “loopholes” that emerge within regulations and which are used by arbitragers to minimise their regulatory cost. However, regulatory arbitrage has not truly been analysed from a theoretical and economic perspective which is key to understand fully its causes and consequences. The first part of this dissertation will focus more specifically on the causes of regulatory arbitrage. While light is usually shed on the action of arbitragers who attempt to manipulate the legal structure of their transactions to capture profit opportunities, we emphasize the role of the regulator who purposely or not, generates the necessary conditions for regulatory arbitrage to take place. The role of rules production type and institutions are usually omitted. This point leads us to discuss in detail the difference in nature between regulation and contractual rules and their incidence on regulatory arbitrage. The second part will focus on the consequences of regulatory arbitrage. These have not only been discussed partially in the existing literature. Efficiency of regulation, quality of rules, redistributive effect, creation or destruction of resources, increased regulatory competition or harmonization strategies among jurisdictions will be discussed in this dissertation as potential outcome of this phenomenon.

According to reports from Reporters sans frontiers and Freedom House, the freedom of the press has declined during the recent years in the sub-Saharan country Tanzania. Using the human rights reports as an entry point, this study set out to investigate the working conditions for journalists in the capital de facto of Tanzania, Dar es Salaam. An important aim was to dig deeper and show the local and culturally specific conditions. The study supports that the press freedom, as well as the working conditions have declined during the last years for the journalists in Dar es Salaam. However, the study also shows that the new laws and government measures, described by the human rights reports as reducing the press freedom, is not considered by every journalist to be negative. The challenges differ among the corps of journalists, as their values of journalism differs. The greatest denominator among the informants was the high-degree of journalistic interventionism, directed at helping the society. In some cases, this took form as a practice of development journalism. The strong connections to the local community, the country and the religious affiliations are thought to contribute to these values. For journalists in private media, the press freedom was found to be the most acute problem, while for journalists in state-owned media it was economic issues. The press freedom was connected to the perceived job autonomy, and senior journalists and journalists working for international media were found to be more autonomous. Self-censorship was used by many in the private media sector as a tool to avoid both bureaucratic harassment from government, as well as violent repercussions. The main challenges included new restricting laws, economic issues which lead to the practice of brown envelopes, the parliament being located in Dodoma, gender-issues, scared sources and the advancement of social media. Theories and earlier research evolving from the values of journalism and journalism in Africa were used as tools to understand and compare with. The results are based on fieldwork conducted during a period of two months in the beginning of 2019, with qualitative interviews held with journalists in the city of Dar es Salaam.

Relations between collective autonomy and government in Uruguay: chronic with open endingThe present article, after making a brief recount of the model of Uruguayan collective labor relations, analyzes the foundation and impact of heteronomous regulation on the protection of trade union freedom and collective bargaining released in the context of transformation model during periods from 2005 to 2009 and so far until 2012, with the purpose of determining whether the same meant a profound and definitive break of the pre-existing model or rather it emphasizes some of its elements without disturbing the nature / El presente artículo, tras efectuar un breve recuento del modelo de relaciones colectivas de trabajo uruguayo, analiza el fundamento y el impacto de la regulación heterónoma en materia de protección de la libertad sindical y de negociación colectiva, regulación emitida en el marco del modelo de transformación durante los períodos 2005 a 2009 y lo que va hasta el 2012. El objetivo del trabajo es determinar si dicha regulación significó una ruptura profunda y definitiva del modelo preexistente o si enfatiza más bien alguno de sus elementos sin alterar la naturaleza.

Depuis plusieurs années, un nombre non négligeable d’Etats africains, sont confrontés à la problématique de la remise en cause des acquis démocratiques. Aussi, en 2008, l’actualité politique de la Mauritanie et la Guinée est-elle secouée par les coups d’Etat qui ont lieu respectivement en août et décembre. Au fil des jours qui s’égrènent, ces deux Etats entrent dans une crise politique avec un air de guerre larvé. La communauté internationale porte une attention particulière à l’évolution de ces derniers, d’autant plus qu’ils font partie, pour la Mauritanie, de la zone sahélosaharienne, et pour la Guinée, de la sous-région ouest-africaine, deux espaces géographiques en proie à l’instabilité. Ainsi, conformément aux dispositions prévues par le droit international, la communauté internationale au nom desquelles l’Union Africaine, la CÉDÉAO, la France et les Etats-Unis, s’implique afin de conduire le processus de sortie de crise dans chaque pays. La présente thèse investit de ce fait les contours de cet interventionnisme étranger, tout en mettant en lumière les facteurs déclencheurs sousjacent de ces deux crises politiques. Ce faisant, nous examinons les principes et enjeux fondamentaux régissant cette ingérence. Une dynamique qui, dans sa globalité, permet d’apprécier les postures contrastées adoptées par les acteurs étrangers face à chaque putschiste / Over many years, numerous African States are facing serious issues due to the reappraisal or challenges of their so called democratic political system. Also, in the year 2008, the existing political conditions in both Mauritania and Guinea were destroyed by a coup d'état known as coup (e.g., putsch, or an overthrow), respectively in August and December of the same year; And over the days, these two states entered into political crisis considered as implying actions to be taken or steps toward civil war. The international community is highly considering these above mentions two states, for they are respectively parts the very geographical spaces threatened by constant instability such as the Sahel-Saharan zone (e.g., Mauritania) and the west-African sub-region (e.g., Guinea). In accordance with regulations and provisions by international law, we could acknowledge the involvement of the international community amongst the African Union, the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), France and the United States, in order to lead the post-crisis process in each country. This thesis endeavors to investigate all the aspects with respect of these foreign interventionists, while highlighting the factors that trigger off these two political crises. Meanwhile, this thesis contributes to examine the principles and fundamental stakeholders of this external interference from these countries. Hence, the overall system, allows understanding the versatility of external forces or foreign actors standing out each coup d'état or "stroke of state"

Cette thèse porte sur le périmètre de l’intervention publique dans l’économie en droit français et en droit tunisien. L’intervention de l’État dans l’économie vise à améliorer les conditions du développement des activités économiques sur un territoire donné. Saisir les mutations juridiques de l’action économique des personnes publiques requiert d’abord la description des moyens de l’intervention étatique tels qu’ils furent utilisés en période d’économie dirigée. Discrétionnaires, ils s’appuyaient sur la nationalisation, la planification, le contrôle des entreprises et la réglementation étatique des prix. Ensuite, il est montré comment la crise économique des années soixante-dix, l’union européenne, les institutions financières internationales, le poids croissant des collectivités locales ont détruit la légitimité du monopole d’action de l’État. Ce sont globalement les facteurs qui expliquent le déclin des prétentions de l’État à diriger l’économie et agir globalement sur le territoire national pour favoriser ledéveloppement économique. La nouvelle action économique participe plus largement à un nouveau type de régulation publique de l’économie.L’intervention de l’État dans l’économie questionne aussi sur la façon dont l'État peut ou doitil intervenir par le biais de sa Constitution, vis à vis des acteurs économiques, vis à vis du marché, vis à vis de l'État. Il s'agit de savoir en quoi ce principe a-t-il ou non un rôle un jouer dans l'économie de marché et dans l'interventionnisme étatique.À travers notre analyse, nous pouvons conclure que l'efficacité de l'État dans le développement économique résulte de son intervention pour améliorer l'efficacité organisationnelle du marché. C'est ainsi que l'économie française a réussi à minimiser la possibilité de l'aléa moral et desactivités de « rent-seeking » en orientant les ressources vers les secteurs plus productifs. EnTunisie, l'intervention de l'État qui ne se conformait pas aux règles de la mondialisation a été une cause importante de la révolution de 2011 par son action négative sur l'efficacité organisationnelle du marché. Il est impératif aujourd’hui d’introduire des réformes fondamentales au niveau de l’État et ses organisations, encourager l’initiative privée, assurer une restriction des anciennes institutions et de promouvoir la participation de tous citoyens à l’édification de la nouvelle Tunisie sans exclusive ni marginalisation. / This thesis focuses on the scope of public intervention in the economy under French law and Tunisian law. State intervention in the economy aims to improve the conditions for the development of economic activities in a given territory. To grasp the legal changes in the economic action of public persons first of all requires the description of the means of state intervention as they were used in a controlled economy. Discretionary, they relied on nationalization, planning, corporate control and state regulation of prices. Then, it is shown how the economic crisis of the seventies, the European Union, the international financial institutions,the increasing weight of the local authorities destroyed the legitimacy of the monopoly of action of the State. These are the factors that explain the decline of the state's claims to lead the economy and act globally on the national territory to promote economic development. The new economic action participates more widely in a new type of public regulation of the economy.State intervention in the economy also questions how the State can or should it intervene through its Constitution, vis-à-vis the economic actors, vis-à-vis the market, vis-à-vis the state. It is a matter of knowing in what way this principle does or does not have a role to play in the market economy and in state interventionism.Through our analysis, we can conclude that the effectiveness of the state in economic development results from its intervention to improve the organizational efficiency of the market. Thus, the French economy has managed to minimize the possibility of moral hazard and rent-seeking activities by channeling resources towards the more productive sectors. In Tunisia, state intervention that did not conform to the rules of globalization was an important cause of the 2011 revolution because of its negative effect on the organizational efficiency of the market. It is imperative today to introduce fundamental reforms at the level of the state and its organizations, to encourage private initiative, to ensure a restriction of the old institutions and to promote the participation of all citizens in the construction of the new Tunisia. Without exclusiveness or marginalization.

Thèse réalisée en cotutelle entre le Centre de recherche en droit prospectif de l'Université de Montréal (Canada) et le Centre d'études et de recherches internationales et communautaires de l'Université d'Aix-Marseille (France). / La présente thèse entend démontrer un phénomène d’instrumentalisation tant du champ conceptuel que de l’ingénierie humanitaires, servant les intérêts de l’impérialisme capitaliste. Nous montrerons en effet que les concepts, les normes et les outils de l’humanitaire sont utilisés par divers acteurs comme un cheval de Troie visant à ouvrir de nouveaux marchés de manière à satisfaire les impératifs expansionnistes du capitalisme. Convoquant une approche à la fois critique, pragmatique et interdisciplinaire, la thèse analyse le rôle et les interactions d’un triptyque d’acteurs humanitaires – civils, militaires et financiers – à travers une déconstruction en deux temps du champ conceptuel puis de l’ingénierie humanitaires. Cette analyse révèle, in fine, un phénomène d’instrumentalisation de la dynamique globale humanitaire, visant à satisfaire la dynamique fondamentalement expansionniste du capitalisme et les besoins impérieux propres au maintien de ce modèle économique hégémonique. / The purpose of this doctoral thesis is to demonstrate, in the light of the analysis of the global humanitarian dynamics, that both the conceptual field of humanitarian and the engineering of humanitarian are instrumentalized in order to serve the interests of capitalist imperialism. Indeed, it will be demonstrated that humanitarian concepts, norms and tools are used by various actors as a Trojan horse to open new markets in order to satisfy the expansionist imperatives of capitalism. The pragmatic deconstruction of the humanitarian conceptual field and the humanitarian engineering reveals the instrumentalization of the global humanitarian dynamics, serving the fundamentally expansionist dynamics of capitalism and the imperative needs for maintaining this hegemonic economic model. / La presente tesis pretende demostrar un fenómeno de instrumentalización tanto del campo conceptual como de la ingeniería humanitaria, al servicio de los intereses del imperialismo capitalista. En efecto, demostraremos que los conceptos, normas e instrumentos humanitarios son utilizados por diversos actores como un Caballo de Troya para abrir nuevos mercados con el fin de satisfacer los imperativos expansionistas del capitalismo. Convocando un enfoque crítico, pragmático e interdisciplinario, la tesis analiza el papel y las interacciones de un tríptico de actores humanitarios -civiles, militares y financieros- a través de una deconstrucción en dos etapas del campo conceptual humanitario y luego de la ingeniería humanitaria. Este análisis revela, en fin, un fenómeno de instrumentalización de la dinámica humanitaria mundial, con el fin de satisfacer la dinámica fundamentalmente expansionista del capitalismo y las necesidades imperiosas de mantener este modelo económico hegemónico.

Diploma thesis called Entrepreneur and entrepreneurship in times of state interventionism and dirigisme. Josef Hégr (1896 - 1971) focuses on the aspects of entrepreneurial experience, background and corporate engagement of Josef Hégr, a native of Chotětov (a small rural village located near Mladá Boleslav). The graduate of the business academy was going up from being a bureaucrat in charge of accounting in the international business company called Balkan - a company for trade and industry, to becoming a co-owner of this joint-stock company. Later he continuously worked as a co-owner of the joint-stock company Czech International Transport Company Karlík and Co. until 1948. Josef Hégr became a Czech entrepreneur in transport and agriculture and in the 1930s after he had bought the manor of Horky nad Jizerou and related businesses. His business activities were escalating during the Second World War. And, he worked in national Czech companies where he defended national Czech interests. Concerning the Czech entrepreneurship, he tried to protect much from the occupation forces, and became a crisis manager. All his entrepreneurial activities ceased to exist after the beginning of Communist regime. The entrepreneur was marginalised within people- democratic society. During his life he even waited to see...

Submitted by Rosina Valeria Lanzellotti Mattiussi Teixeira (rosina.teixeira@unisantos.br) on 2017-10-16T18:19:42Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Mateus Catalani Pirani.pdf: 1948846 bytes, checksum: 05fed3945d9aba3cf4bf6d2a0e6080b1 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-10-16T18:19:42Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Mateus Catalani Pirani.pdf: 1948846 bytes, checksum: 05fed3945d9aba3cf4bf6d2a0e6080b1 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-09-11 / Interdisciplinary study in applied Social Sciences area, establishing relations between Human Rights, Digital and International developed as master¿s thesis, the present work brings qualitative research on the universalization of the Internet, with Human rights approach in the current world-wide scenery. The appearance of a technological society and the impacts that the Internet imposes on an international scenery, they bring questions connected with the human rights. From the Internet it is possible to create new levels of relationship, which does so that it stops being a tool of studies and starts to be used like a communication way between the persons. Being so, the reason to be of this work results from the necessity of which this communication is within reach of all, in other words from his universalization. Such universalization must be understood as it forms one of human rights realization, be in function of the freedom of expression, of the right to the information or of other rights connected with the human dignity. Human rights off-line must be also online proteges. Besides, the universalization of the Internet can be understood like a human right in herself, in the direction of avoiding that a digital exclusion takes place in current social contemporary fact. The thematic seal in the analysis of the Internet like a social phenomenon, as well as like his relationship with rights, in order that there is drawn a view that allows the defense of the universalization of the Internet while it leaves from the outline of the human rights. / Estudo interdisciplinar na área de Ciências Sociais Aplicadas, que estabelece relação entre Direitos Humanos, Direito Internacional e Direito Digital desenvolvido como Dissertação de Mestrado, o presente trabalho traz pesquisa qualitativa sobre a universalização da internet, com enfoque de Direitos Humanos no atual cenário mundial. O surgimento de uma sociedade tecnológica e os impactos que a Internet impõe ao cenário internacional, trazem questões ligadas aos direitos humanos. A partir da Internet é possível criar novos níveis de relacionamento, o que faz com que ela deixe de ser uma ferramenta de estudos e passe a ser utilizada como um meio de comunicação entre as pessoas. Sendo assim, a razão de ser desse trabalho advém da necessidade de que essa comunicação esteja ao alcance de todos, ou seja de sua universalização. Tal universalização deve ser entendida como uma forma de concretização de direitos humanos, seja em função da liberdade de expressão, do direito à informação ou de outros direitos ligados à dignidade humana. Direitos humanos off-line devem ser também protegidos on-line. Além disso, a universalização da Internet pode ser entendida como um direito humano em si, no sentido de evitar que ocorra uma exclusão digital em uma atual realidade contemporânea social. A temática foca na análise da Internet como um fenômeno social, bem como como seu relacionamento com direitos, a fim de se traçar um panorama que permita a defesa da universalização da Internet enquanto parte do arcabouço dos direitos humanos.

From September 19th through October 3rd, 2008, Congress debated the largest government bailout in America history—the Emergency Economic Stabilization Act (EESA). Those sixteen days generated a vibrant conversation regarding the nature and severity of America’s economic crisis and the proper role of government in responding to such juggernauts. In this dissertation I explore the rhetoric generated by this bill and its context in hopes of illuminating the more general role of rhetoric in mitigating and exacerbating crises in capitalism. My hypothesis is that, in a global capitalist economy increasingly dependent on immaterial production (i.e., finance, the Internet, mass media, etc.), economic crisis rhetoric has become as essential to economic order as monetary and fiscal policy. To explore this claim, I focus on two key rhetorical tensions that drove much of the crisis rhetoric produced. The first of these battles is a rhetorical struggle over the spatial delineation between Wall Street and Main Street, while the second is a conflict between Keynesianism and neoliberalism in a rhetorical contest over the values of government interventionism. By analyzing a variety of policy and expert discourses that constitute the parameters of these discrete areas of debate, I argue that all rely on moral and ethical appeals to substantiate their meaning and validity. At the same time, I contend that these discourses are indebted to logics of institutional form and therefore cannot be abstracted from the financial and political contexts in which they reside. This insight leads me to forward a new theory of economic crisis rhetoric called the economic imaginary. By beginning with real economic events and then taking into account the discursive and extra-discursive forces that “overdetermine” its mediated understanding, the economic imaginary offers us a more empirical and cartographic account of how economic rhetoric actually operates in society. / text

L’appréhension des aides d’Etat par le droit de l’UE se singularise par sa triple dimension économique, politique et juridique. Leur volume, qui demeure important, la multiplicité de leurs formes, et surtout les lourds enjeux engageant la souveraineté nationale font des aides d’Etat une matière sensible nécessitant un cadre juridique spécifique qui doit s’adapter au fur et à mesure que les politiques de l’UE deviennent de plus en plus intégrées. La Commission européenne, qui dispose en la matière d’un pouvoir discrétionnaire, détermine au cas par cas, ou dans des lignes directrices, orientations, communications, et règlement général d’exemption catégorielle, les conditions de compatibilité des aides au Traité, et au-delà impose aux Etats comme aux entreprises des obligations de faire, ou de ne pas faire.Le droit des aides d’Etat est remarquable par son ampleur (il vise tous les secteurs d’activité économique et même au-delà), sa richesse, son renouvellement. Il n’est pas seulement un cadre réglementaire destiné à clarifier les exigences de l’UE vis-à-vis des Etats membres et des entreprises, même si quantitativement, c’est son rôle majeur. Il est aussi et surtout un moteur, un outil d’intégration privilégié, dont la teneur n’est pas étrangère aux interrogations sur la nature de l’UE. Il contribue de façon notable à la construction et au renforcement des politiques de l’UE, qui une fois développées, lui impose certains impératifs. Cet enrichissement réciproque est destiné à rester pour toujours d’actualité. / The apprehension of State aids by EU Law singularises by its economical, political and legal dimension. Their volume, which remains important, the multiplicity of their forms, and especially the high issues engaging the national sovereignty brings to consider State aids as a sensitive subject requiring a specific legal framework which has to adapt itself as the EU Policies become more and more integrated. The European Commission, which has in this field a discretionary power, determines case by case, either in guidelines, orientations, communications, or general block exemption regulation, the conditions of State aids compatibility to the Treaty, and beyond imposes on States as on companies of obligations to do, or not to do.State Aids Law is remarkable by its scope (it aims at every sectors of economic activity and beyond), its wealth, its renewal. It is not only a regulatory framework intended to clarify the EU requirements towards Member States and companies, even if quantitatively, it is its major role. It is also and especially an engine, a privileged tool of integration, the content of which is not foreign to the questioning on the nature of the EU. It contributes in a considerable way to the construction and the intensification of EU policies, which once developed, imposes it certain imperatives. This mutual enrichment is intended to stay forever of current events.