Syftet med denna uppsats har varit att undersöka manifestationer av en exkluderande migrationslagstiftning i en inkluderande frivårdspraktik. Fokus har legat på frivårdsinspektörers egna upplevelser av möjligheter att utföra sitt uppdrag i relation till irreguljära migranter dömda för brott, samt de sätt på vilka man förhåller sig till svårigheter och dilemman i det praktiska arbetet. Syftet har även varit att försöka förstå frivårdsinspektörers uppdrag och roll som frontlinjebyråkrater vid välfärdsstatens gränser. insamling av empiri har skett genom semistrukturerade intervjuer med åtta frivårdsinspektörer som arbetar med övervakning i samband med skyddstillsynsdom eller efter villkorlig frigivning. Studien visar på att frivårdsinspektörer upplever sina möjligheter att utföra sitt återfallsförebyggande och (åter)integrerande arbete som begränsade i relation till aktuell målgrupp. Att irreguljära migranter i hög utsträckning exkluderas från hjälp och stöd inom välfärdssystemen och samtidigt saknar rätt att arbeta anges som huvudanledningar. Denna exkludering förefaller även bidra till att den rationalitet med betoning på individens ansvar för val och beteenden och som ligger bakom implementerad arbetsmetod utmanas. Genom att den stöttande delen av uppdraget begränsas urholkas uppdraget till att främst omfatta den kontrollerande delen. Det visar sig även att avsaknad av riktlinjer och stöd i uppdraget kring målgruppens specifika förutsättningar bidrar till att nya praktiker skapas för gruppen irreguljära migranter som ej ligger i linje med myndighetens generella policy och målsättning. Genom analys med hjälp av gränsteorier blir det tydligt att frivårdsinspektörer blir delaktiga i en gränspraktik som genom de sätt på vilka dessa använder sitt handlingsutrymme bidrar till att antingen utmana eller befästa gränser för tillhörighet och rättigheter.

<p>The aim of this study was to examine how the social services could investigate and support children of irregular immigrants within the boundaries of the law. More specifically it aimed to examine the legal possibilities and obstacles for the social services to support irregular immigrants, how the officials at the social services act considering the legal aspects, and how they reason morally and ethically when dealing with irregular immigrants. To answer the aim of the study the theory of positive law was used combined with qualitative interviews with two officials at the social services. Moreover a small quantitative telephone study with officials in the social services and with voluntary organizations was made. The study has used theories of sociology of law, law and ethics, and professional (civil) disobedience. The conclusions were that children of irregular immigrants are included by the Swedish law for social services, but are hindered from getting support by the legal obligation to inform the police authorities when the social services are dealing with foreigners who did not apply for a residence permit. There is a need for the officials to be extra committed in such cases and they break the obligation to inform to be able to support the children.</p>

The aim of this study was to examine how the social services could investigate and support children of irregular immigrants within the boundaries of the law. More specifically it aimed to examine the legal possibilities and obstacles for the social services to support irregular immigrants, how the officials at the social services act considering the legal aspects, and how they reason morally and ethically when dealing with irregular immigrants. To answer the aim of the study the theory of positive law was used combined with qualitative interviews with two officials at the social services. Moreover a small quantitative telephone study with officials in the social services and with voluntary organizations was made. The study has used theories of sociology of law, law and ethics, and professional (civil) disobedience. The conclusions were that children of irregular immigrants are included by the Swedish law for social services, but are hindered from getting support by the legal obligation to inform the police authorities when the social services are dealing with foreigners who did not apply for a residence permit. There is a need for the officials to be extra committed in such cases and they break the obligation to inform to be able to support the children.

The post-modern western city is going through two central changes in the organization of paid labour. One is the switch from production of goods to production of services, and the other is the increasing rift between well-paid labour with permanent jobs, and temporarily employed workers with low wages. Both of these processes are rasified and gendered, and strike harder against women, young persons and people of emigrant background. The flexible capitalism creates an informalization of the economy, breaking with earlier regulations of the labour markets, in which workers also need to find informal strategies in their individual and collective struggles. In this paper, I search for these “new” experiences of living and working in late capitalist society, by doing open interviews with three women of Latin-American origin, working without official permission (without documents) in the informal economy of Stockholm. Analyzing their narratives, I look for the agency and resistance that, according to my theoretical perspective, is part of everyday life of all suppressed subjects. I come to the conclusion that irregular systems of recruitment and other forms of interdependency could be useful for other groups of precarious workers. The interviewed women also use strategies such as fantasizing about a reversed world or focusing their thoughts on the future, and deceiving or avoiding the power(full), to cope with their everyday work situations and the contradictory class mobility they experienced in the migration. However, these strategies often reproduce an acceptance of power more than a resistance to it, and show us how the capitalism works as an hegemonic ideology incorporated in us all.

Visa-liberalisation agreements are commonly used as an incentive by the EU to encourage cooperation within the realm of border and migration management with its neighbouring countries. The ultimate aim of these agreements is to reduce irregular migration to Schengen territory, something that has been percieved as an increasingly urgent issue for European policy makers in the wake of the 2015 'migration crisis'. However, the use of visa liberalisation agreements in such a fashion appears contradictory considering that most irregular migrants in the EU most likely are visa-overstayers. This essay takes of in this apparent puzzle and argues that securitisation theory might help us better understand this discrepancy. While the construction of the migrant as a security threat in Europe has been thoroughly examined, differences in securitisation between grups of irregular migrants are often left out of the discussion or only implicitly mentioned. By examining the discourse and practices of a central EU agency in regard to border and migration management, FRONTEX, this thesis shows that visa-overstayers are routinely left out of the securitised discussion on irregular migration, thus rendering EU policies asymmetrically occupied with irregular migration by means of 'illegal entry'. However, the thesis also uncovers a more conplex set of ideas that show that although visa-overstayers are not conceptulised as threats to security in discourse on par with other categories of irregular migrants, visa-goers and other travellers are, too, incresingly subjected to a rationale of survaillance and risk.

While the world is urbanising at an exponential rate, so does the conflicts. The common environment for a conventional military force has changed from the open fields normally dominated by tanks and artillery, to narrow streets and buildings in a city. While the actors and environment for combat changes, the tactics doesn’t seem to. Maneuver warfare was mainly developed from the lessons learned from WW2 and was focused on warfare with large units using firepower and movement. But since the last two decades most of the fighting has taken part in urban areas against another type of enemy, which won’t allow for the full extent of the maneuvering and firepower due to structures and other obstructions in a city. This study will analyse how western militaries utilised the principles of maneuver warfare in urban combat. The goal is to measure how well the principles of maneuver warfare applicable in an urban environment against the ever-increasing irregular threat. The purpose is to indicate the complexity the urban environment brings to military units when planning and conducting operations.  The results find that maneuver warfare relates well but can’t fully explain military success in urban warfare.