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This study intends to concretize the concept of ”human dignity”, as well as see to its role inpolitics, and what consequences it has on juridical implementation. The discussion deals withthe importance of citizenship in Sweden. The purpose of the study is to focus onundocumented immigrants, their conditions and what implications a lack of citizenship has onthe group in question – ergo which connection actually exists between human dignity andcitizenship. Using the research questions it is discussed whether the concept of ”humandignity” is able to concretize, as well as if it possible to determine an ethical duty towardsundocumented immigrants based on the principle of human dignity.The essay is based on a social constructivist theory which, alongside a criticaldiscourse analysis in accordance with Faircloughs three-dimensional model, aims to theorise awell-discussed and established concept as well as power relations in society, and how acondition as an undocumented immigrant creates a new form of powerlessness. The methodproblematises the importance of citizenship for the experience of having human dignity.With this as the basis of the essay the result mainly shows the meaning of theconcept of ”human dignity” from ethical, political and legal perspectives, as well as therelation between the concept and citizenship. Thereafter the essay examines citizenship,partially from a general perspective but with its main focus on Sweden. Undocumentedimmigration serves as a counterpart to citizenship, which is concretised through an evaluationof the conditions of undocumented immigrants in Sweden at present. The analysis thatfollows aims to show that human rights are not the only fundamental thing for experiencingan intrinsic value, hence the discussion must go further, by showing that human dignity canserve as an adequate starting point to ensure a fundamental protection of individuals. This dueto the fact that the meaning of the concept goes further than claiming rights, and therebyshedding light to an additional nuance of the meaning of being human.3The conclusions that follow shows the problematics that the essay raises, butmoreover the possible areas for change or improvement that comes with the increasedresonance of the concept, as well as its established importance.

Följande uppsats synliggör ett slags migrationspolitiskt beslut som återkommit i svenskt beslutsfattande sedan slutet av 1980-talet. Beslutet syftar till att bevilja uppehållstillstånd till utvalda grupper av migranter genom införandet av en tillfällig undantagsbestämmelse. Sammanlagt redogör uppsatsen för åtta beslut som studeras inom ramen för den internationella teoribildningen om regulariseringar. Resultatet visar att ett flertal av besluten genomförts till följd av utdragna handläggningstider av asylärenden, samt består av särskilda bestämmelser för, eller uteslutande riktar sig till, minderåriga och barnfamiljer.

<p>The post-modern western city is going through two central changes in the organization of paid labour. One is the switch from production of goods to production of services, and the other is the increasing rift between well-paid labour with permanent jobs, and temporarily employed workers with low wages. Both of these processes are rasified and gendered, and strike harder against women, young persons and people of emigrant background. The flexible capitalism creates an informalization of the economy, breaking with earlier regulations of the labour markets, in which workers also need to find informal strategies in their individual and collective struggles. In this paper, I search for these “new” experiences of living and working in late capitalist society, by doing open interviews with three women of Latin-American origin, working without official permission (without documents) in the informal economy of Stockholm. Analyzing their narratives, I look for the agency and resistance that, according to my theoretical perspective, is part of everyday life of all suppressed subjects. I come to the conclusion that irregular systems of recruitment and other forms of interdependency could be useful for other groups of precarious workers. The interviewed women also use strategies such as fantasizing about a reversed world or focusing their thoughts on the future, and deceiving or avoiding the power(full), to cope with their everyday work situations and the contradictory class mobility they experienced in the migration. However, these strategies often reproduce an acceptance of power more than a resistance to it, and show us how the capitalism works as an hegemonic ideology incorporated in us all.</p>

This study explores undocumented migrant’s access to social welfare and income support distributed by the non-profit and public sector in Stockholm. The study is conducted through interviews with representatives from the non-profit sector whose organisations and networks come in contact with undocumented migrants. According to Swedish law the social services have a responsibility to assist everyone who temporarily resides within the county. Consequently undocumented migrants have the right to assistance in acute situations. According to the testimonies given from the non-profit sector undocumented migrants have much difficulties acquiring all forms of aid from the social services. The respondents experiences show a multi-layered complex of problems giving reason for bureaucrats representing the public authority narrowing their services to undocumented migrants. The main focal points presented in this study are bureaucrats confusion regarding their own mission in relation to the migration board as well as the services restricted resources. Since undocumented migrants have difficulties claiming their rights in regard to the public sector, many turn to the non-profit sector for support. The result in the study shows that the non- profit sector functions as an informal social service bureau without the economical or legal framework to support it.

The post-modern western city is going through two central changes in the organization of paid labour. One is the switch from production of goods to production of services, and the other is the increasing rift between well-paid labour with permanent jobs, and temporarily employed workers with low wages. Both of these processes are rasified and gendered, and strike harder against women, young persons and people of emigrant background. The flexible capitalism creates an informalization of the economy, breaking with earlier regulations of the labour markets, in which workers also need to find informal strategies in their individual and collective struggles. In this paper, I search for these “new” experiences of living and working in late capitalist society, by doing open interviews with three women of Latin-American origin, working without official permission (without documents) in the informal economy of Stockholm. Analyzing their narratives, I look for the agency and resistance that, according to my theoretical perspective, is part of everyday life of all suppressed subjects. I come to the conclusion that irregular systems of recruitment and other forms of interdependency could be useful for other groups of precarious workers. The interviewed women also use strategies such as fantasizing about a reversed world or focusing their thoughts on the future, and deceiving or avoiding the power(full), to cope with their everyday work situations and the contradictory class mobility they experienced in the migration. However, these strategies often reproduce an acceptance of power more than a resistance to it, and show us how the capitalism works as an hegemonic ideology incorporated in us all.

Visa-liberalisation agreements are commonly used as an incentive by the EU to encourage cooperation within the realm of border and migration management with its neighbouring countries. The ultimate aim of these agreements is to reduce irregular migration to Schengen territory, something that has been percieved as an increasingly urgent issue for European policy makers in the wake of the 2015 'migration crisis'. However, the use of visa liberalisation agreements in such a fashion appears contradictory considering that most irregular migrants in the EU most likely are visa-overstayers. This essay takes of in this apparent puzzle and argues that securitisation theory might help us better understand this discrepancy. While the construction of the migrant as a security threat in Europe has been thoroughly examined, differences in securitisation between grups of irregular migrants are often left out of the discussion or only implicitly mentioned. By examining the discourse and practices of a central EU agency in regard to border and migration management, FRONTEX, this thesis shows that visa-overstayers are routinely left out of the securitised discussion on irregular migration, thus rendering EU policies asymmetrically occupied with irregular migration by means of 'illegal entry'. However, the thesis also uncovers a more conplex set of ideas that show that although visa-overstayers are not conceptulised as threats to security in discourse on par with other categories of irregular migrants, visa-goers and other travellers are, too, incresingly subjected to a rationale of survaillance and risk.