Syftet med denna uppsats är att undersöka om det går att rättfärdiga militära interventioner med stöd i klassisk liberal politisk teori. För ändamålet har de klassiskt liberala filosoferna John Locke och John Stuart Mill analyserats. Undersökningen är utförd medelst en text- och idéanalys av några av filosofernas portalverk. Resultatet av studien visar ett tydligt stöd för vissa sorters militära interventioner och att det faktumet är djupt rotat i flera etiska och moraliska överväganden som Locke respektive Mill gör. Slutsatsen i uppsatsen är därav att det finns klassiskt liberala argument för att genomföra militära interventioner.

Is John Locke a philosopher or theologian? When considering Locke's religious thought, scholars seldom point to his Paraphrase and Notes on the Epistles of St. Paul. This is puzzling since the Paraphrase is his most extensive treatment of Christian theology. Since this is the final work of his life, did Locke undergo a deathbed conversion? The scholarship that has considered the Paraphrase often finds Locke contradicting himself on various theological doctrines. In this dissertation, I find that Locke not only remains consistent with his other writings, but provides his subtlest interpretation of Scripture. He is intentionally subtle in order to persuade a Protestant audience to modern liberalism. This is intended to make Protestantism, and specifically Calvinism, the vehicle for modern liberalism. This is seen clearly in Max Weber's The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism. Though Weber concludes that Protestant support for capitalism in the late 19th Century is due to its theological foundation, I find that Weber is actually examining Lockean Protestantism. Locke's success in transforming Protestantism is also useful today in showing how a modern liberal can converse with someone who actively opposes, and may even wish to harm, modern liberalism. The dissertation analyzes four important Protestant doctrines: Faith Alone, Scripture Alone, the church and family, and Christian political life.

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This research empirically investigates Locke's (1997) model of work motivation by means of quantitative research. The OCQ consisting of three tiered questionnaires was constructed based on Locke's model. OCQ-Tierl deals with core components of Locke's model. OCQ-Tier2 determines which factors caused the incidence of dissatisfaction in OCQ-Tierl. OCQ-Tier3 enables the identification of corrective actions. The OCQ was administered to financial services employees. The results were analysed and Locke's model was tested by means of structural equation modelling using the AMOS graphics programme. The results indicated that the model, suggesting causal links between components within OCQ-Tierl, could not be confirmed. A better fit was found at OCQ-Tier2 and OCQ-Tier3. In testing the causal links across the three tiers per component, the models did not fit the data for "personal actualisation" and "goal achievement". Moderate confirmation of the models was found in the case of "goal setting" and "goal behaviour" across the three tiers after some adaptations were made to the models on the basis of "modification indices", suggested by AMOS. A reasonably good fit was found for the models across the three tiers for "quality of work life". The level of correlation between factors was high because of this, and in some cases some of the factors were merged. Modification indices in the statistical output suggested that improvement was possible if covariance between error terms in the model was allowed. This suggested possible systematic sources of covariance between items not accounted for by the factors in the models. As confirmed by the Cronbach Alpha coefficients within tiers and across tiers, the general level of internal consistency was very high. Possibly response set and response style were the cause of this. This made the testing of models difficult in the present study. So too was it difficult to draw a conclusion about the internal consistency reliability of the measurement of each component across the three tiers, because the high Cronbach coefficients may to some extent be due to the indiscriminate high correlations between items / D.Litt. et Phil. (Industrial Psychology)

This article traces different forms of the same present throughout several eras in American political and social history. I focus on two texts, John Locke’s Second Treatise of Government, and Chief Justice Roger Brooke Taney’s majority opinion in Dred Scott v. Sandford, in order to examine slavery as a legal institution in the United States, and, in particular, the constitutionality of slavery. Rather than a massive contradiction, the Dred Scott decision is just another iteration of American political and racial philosophy as it was 100, even 200 years earlier. Taney’s opinion is a reflection of what the Lockean social contract came to look like in a racially hierarchized, colonial society. The Dred Scott decision paints one of the most accurate pictures of American political thought but is always written off as nothing but bad law. A close examination of race and social contract theory as they influenced the American Constitution gives insight into more productive ways to talk about race today.

"Mémoire présenté à la Faculté des études supérieures en vue de l'obtention du grade de Maître en droit (LL.M)" / Prises à la lettre et strictement appliquées par les intégristes musulmans, certaines dispositions du Coran vont à l'encontre de l'égalité entre hommes et femmes. Pour sa part, Mahmoud Mohamed Taha s'est plutôt attaché à promouvoir cette égalité non pas malgré le Coran mais en raison même d'une compréhension renouvelée du Coran. Après avoir esquissé le contexte global des relations entre islam, modernité, et droits de la personne, ce mémoire évoque les grandes lignes du modernisme musulman dans le secteur du droit pour faire ressortir le caractère original et audacieux de l'approche réformiste proposée par Taha. Cette approche sera d'abord étudiée de façon globale dans ses principes de base et ensuite dans son application au cas spécifique de l'égalité entre hommes et femmes. Puis, un parallèle entre la pensée de John Locke et celle de Taha soulignera leur enracinement commun dans le jus naturale et servira de fil conducteur pour dégager, en conclusion, la portée actuelle de l'oeuvre de Taha. / When taken literally and strictly applied by Muslim fundamentalists, sorne Koranic provisions go against gender equality. As for him, Mahmoud Mohamed Taha has endeavoured to promote that equality not in spite of the Koran but rather precisely because of a renewed understanding of it. After outlining the global context of the relations between Islam, modemity, and human rights, this dissertation evokes the main features of Islamic modemism in the field of law in order to bring out the original and bold nature of Taha's reformist approach. This approach is first studied globally in its basic principles and then in its application to the case of gender equality. After that, a parallel between John Locke's and Taha's thought shall underline their common roots withinjus naturale and lead to a conclusion assessing the actual impact of Taha's work.

Nesta tese buscamos identificar uma resposta à questão sobre a formação dos conceitos empíricos à luz da lógica geral. Para responder essa questão, trabalhamos em dois caminhos. Em primeiro lugar, buscamos compreender qual é exatamente a questão que pode ser respondida no domínio da lógica geral. Para alcançar esse objetivo partimos de uma pista encontrada na Crítica da razão pura, onde Kant compara o projeto crítico com aquele desenvolvido por John Locke, e investigamos o modo como Locke explica a formação das representações gerais. Além disso, procedemos por analisar a própria noção de lógica geral em Kant, o que foi realizado, igualmente, em duas etapas: o registro histórico das influências recebidas através do Manual de Meier e a análise das Reflexões concernentes à natureza e limite da lógica geral. Realizado esse trabalho, foi possível circunscrever nossa questão inicial: à lógica geral cabe explicar a forma dos conceitos, isto é, sua universalidade. Assim, em segundo lugar, nos dedicamos à análise da distinção do que consiste propriamente a universalidade dos conceitos para Kant. Sugerimos que a universalidade dos conceitos, em oposição à singularidade das intuições, significa tomar uma representação parcial como fundamento de cognição. A hipótese desenvolvida foi, portanto, enfrentar o texto das Lições e das Reflexões sobre lógica, especificamente, no que diz respeito ao papel dos atos lógicos (comparação, reflexão e abstração), para buscar encontrar uma explicação de como surgem representações capazes de serem utilizadas pelo entendimento como fundamento de cognição. Após discutir e rejeitar uma possibilidade de interpretação encontrada na literatura, sugerimos uma alternativa para compreender o papel dos atos lógicos na geração da forma de um conceito. Defendemos, assim, que a comparação e a reflexão respondem pelas atividades de: i) representar como parte, o que não é explicado pela recepção de um objeto intuído e; ii) tomar uma representação parcial como fundamento de cognição da coisa. Por sua vez, caberia à abstração, atividade de separar representações, um papel negativo: uma vez tomada uma representação como fundamento de cognição da coisa, segue-se uma subordinação da coisa à minha representação na medida em que a penso segundo o que ela tem em comum com outras. / The aim of this thesis is to identify an answer to the question about the formation of the empirical concepts through the general logic in Kant. In order to obtain this aim, we worked on two tracks. First, we try to understand what is exactly the question which can be answered by general logic. For this, we start with a clue found in the Critique of pure reason, where Kant compares his own project with the one developed in John Locke’s work and, then, investigate how Locke explains the formation of general representations. Besides that, we proceed to analyse the Kantian notion of general logic, which is also realized in two steps: an historical approach of the influences received by the Georg F. Meier’s Auszug and the analysis of the Kantian Notes over Meier’s text on the nature and limits of general logic. Therefore, we could circumscribe our initial question: the general logic can explain only the form of concepts, namely, their generality. Secondly, we scrutinize the distinction between intuitions and concepts through the following criteria: immediacy/mediacy and singularity/generality. We suggest understanding the generality of concepts in terms of the capacity of “taking a partial representation as a ground of cognition”. So, the developed hypothesis was to look to the Kantian Notes on logic, especially its sections dedicated to the logical acts (comparison, reflection, abstraction) in order to find an explanation of the generation of general representations capable of being used by the understanding as a ground of cognition. After discussing and rejecting a possibility found in the specialized literature, we suggest an alternative to understanding the logical acts in the generation of the form of concepts. We defend, by the end, that the comparison and reflection are activities of: i) representing as partial, which cannot be explained exclusively by the reception of an object e; ii) taking that partial representation as a ground of cognition. On the other hand, the logical act of abstraction is the activity of separating representations: once we have a representation taken as a ground of cognition, it follows an activity of subordination of the thing represented according to what it has in common with others.

On peut sapercevoir, dans lhistoire de la philosophie, deux sens apparemment égaux mais réellement différents dans lemploi de lexpression sens commun. On propose de nommer sens commun naturel à lun deux et, à lautre, sens commun culturel, pour unifier raisonnablement chaque sens à lintérieur de sa pente, en considérant quil y a quelque chose de concret qui correspond à lun et à lautre, réciproquement, selon des définitions strictes. À partir de ces définitions, on étudie les rapports entre la philosophie et le sens commun, cherchant à établir jusquà quel point il sagit dune relation dantagonisme ou de dépendance, à la quête dune vraie connaissance. / Verifica-se, no correr da história da filosofia, dois sentidos próximos, mas divergentes, no emprego da expressão senso comum. Propõe-se a designação de senso comum natural para um e a de senso comum cultural para o outro, designações estas que unificam razoavelmente, dentro de suas próprias vertentes, os conceitos de senso comum e às quais corresponde algo de concreto, segundo definições estritas. A partir dessas definições, estuda-se o relacionamento entre a filosofia e o senso comum, procurando estabelecer até que ponto se trata de uma relação de antagonismo ou de dependência, na busca de um conhecimento que possa ser tido por verdadeiro.

This study examines ways in which supporters of William III and his opponents used literature to buttress their respective views of government in the wake of the Glorious Revolution. Understanding the polemical character of this art provides more insight both into the literature of the 1690s and into the modes of political debate in the period. As the English people moved from a primarily hereditary view of monarchy at the beginning of the seventeenth century to a more elective view of government in the eighteenth century, the Glorious Revolution proved to be a watershed event. Those favoring James II relied on patriarchal ideas to characterize the new regime as illegitimate, and supporters of the coregent asserted the priority of English and Biblical law to assert that the former king forfeited his right to rule. Chapter one examines three thinkers – Robert Filmer, John Milton, and John Locke – whose thought provides a context for opinions expressed in the years surrounding William of Orange’s ascension to the English throne. In chapter two, John Dryden’s response to James II’s abdication is explored. As the deposed Poet Laureate and a prominent voice supporting of the Stuart line, Dryden sheds light on ways in which Jacobites resisted the authority of the new regime through his response to the Glorious Revolution. Chapter three addresses the work of Thomas Shadwell, who succeeded Dryden as Laureate, and Matthew Prior, whose poetry Frances Mayhew Rippy characterizes as “unofficial laureate verse.” These poets rely on ideas similar to those expressed by Milton and Locke as they seek to validate the events of 1688-1689. The final chapter explores the appropriation of varied conceptions of government in pamphlets and manuscripts written in favor of James II and William III. Focusing on the polemical character of these works from the late 1680s and the 1690s enhances our understanding of the period’s literature and the prominent interaction of politics and writing.