Forskning visar att politiska partier allt mer närmar sig den ideologiska mittenfåran. Ett exempel på detta är synen på valfrihet som historiskt sätt har skilt sig mellan de olika ideologierna, men med tiden har fått en likartad betydelse oavsett ideologi. Syftet med denna uppsats är att studera Socialdemokraternas och Moderaternas allt mer likriktade syn på valfrihet i välfärden genom att undersöka om något av partierna politiserar frågan om det fria skolvalet under något av valåren mellan 1991-2014. Studien utgår från textanalyser av motioner och debattartiklar. För att avgöra om en fråga är politiserad eller inte använder vi oss av Malin Rönnbloms kriterier för politisering. Det teoretiska ramverket kommer också utgöras av Gunnar Sjöbloms arenor för partiprogramsrealisering. Resultatet av studien visar på att under inget av de undersökta åren politiseras frågan av varken Socialdemokraterna eller Moderaterna. Vilket går att se som ett ytterligare tecken på att partierna allt mer liknar varandra.

The aim of this essay is examine how the Moderate party ideas and values have changed over time in relation to the so-called GAL-TAN dimension. The dimension theorizes values regarding green, alternative and libertarianism against traditional, authoritarian and nationalism. The dimension has recently become relevant for the Swedish political party system and political culture. The source material we use are documents of the Moderate party from 1904 to 2013. We have examine the Moderate party ideas using qualitative and comparative method, the results are presented in the form of a “codified text analysis”. Also, to find a deeper understanding, the results is evaluated in an idea analysis. Finally, we offer an understanding of values and ideas from a cultural and social perspective. The results show that the dimension existed from the very beginning in the Moderate party and that it is most prominent today. The study compared over time, making possible comparisons of cultural positions over time.

This is a qualitative essay regarding the search for possible ideological rifts, that may explain reasons for the breakup of the Alliance. The four Alliance parties governed Sweden between 2006-2014 without any major disagreements. During the last parliamentary term of office as opposition however, things have changed drastically and the four former coalition partners have gone different ways with highly different programs and views on various political subjects. The base-ideologies of the four parties; liberalism and conservatism share outlooks on various matters, while some aspects that the two hold are polar-opposites of each other with little to no similarities. Are these ideological differences the reason why the Alliance was finally declared “a finished political chapter”, or are there other reasons? After comparison of both ideological viewpoints on various matters, as well as party-standpoint the rift will be analysed and explained. Further information such as party statements and news-articles will also be used for additional data, that may help in the academic search for the Alliance’s dissolution.

<p>Syftet med denna uppsats var att analysera hur begreppet arbetarparti konstruerats i Moderaternas texter som en strategi för det Moderata samlingspartiet att locka till sig väljare.</p><p>Den fråga författarna ställde sig i relation till syftet var:</p><p>• Hur konstrueras begreppet arbetarparti i de aktuella texterna med tanke på språk och intertextualitet?</p><p>I uppsatsen utgick författarna ifrån att texter, däribland politiska texter utgör en påverkan på hur förändring eller reproduktion av sociala strukturer, normer och värderingar sker. Utifrån detta synsätt använde sig författarna av Fairclough´s tolkning av den kritiska diskursanalysen. Materialet bestod av delar ur Moderaternas valkampanj, däribland reklamtexter och internetsidor samt delar ur Moderaternas handlingsprogram och idéprogram. I analysen har fokus lagts på språkanvändning och intertextualitet.</p><p>I analysen av uppsatsen kom författarna fram till att Moderaterna använt begrepp som traditionellt sätt använts av Socialdemokraterna och kombinerat dessa med argument som talat för liberala reformer. Ett exempel på detta är då partiet använt begrepp såsom välfärd och social trygghet, samtidigt som texterna gav uttryck för en positiv inställning till den fria marknaden. I slutsatsen framkom det att den nya profilering Moderaterna använt sig av i form av ”Sveriges nya arbetarparti” var tydlig i reklamtexterna samt på internetsidorna men förekom inte alls i Moderaternas handlingsprogram respektive idéprogram. Författarna ifrågasätter om partiets grundläggande ideologiska grunder förändrats genom partiets nya profilering.</p>

<p>ABSTRACT</p><p>Essay in political science, C-level by Cecilia Holmberg</p><p>Spring semester 2006, Tutor: Arne Larsson</p><p>- Ideological similarities between the Swedish Socialdemocratic and the Swedish conservative party</p><p>- An idealanalysis of different political issues</p><p>The purpose of this essay is to examine wheater the political ideologies have lost their importance in the Swedish political system. The study will focus on the ideological similarities or differences between the two largest parties in Sweden, the socialdemocratic and the conservative party. Therefore, the main research question is:</p><p> Are there any ideological similarities or differences between the socialdemocratic and the conservative party?</p><p>To be able to answer this question, I have used Herbert Tingsten’s idealanalysis. This type of analysis examines how someone, in this case a political party, describes reality. The analysis also examines what the different parties’ values and goals are and what actions they recommend to achieve that particular value and goal. This will grant a good perspective of the two parties opinons in different issues.</p><p>The reason why I have choosen different issues instead of different programs, are that the issues are more concrete and therefore easier to examine. They are also recommended by Tingsten, he means that the parties have the same values and goals, there are only in the actions that there is a difference between the parties. These differences are easier differentiated when the actions are studied in the issues. The issues that this essay is going to explore are labour-market, education, treatment and criminality.</p><p>The conclusion of this essay is that there are ideological similarities between the socialdemocratic and the conservative party in these issues. It seems that both the socialdemocratic and the conservative party have similar goals and values. However, they recommend different actions to acchieve these goals and values.</p>

<p>AbstractTitle: Electoral campaigns, social media and young voters – a studie of how Moderaterna andSocialdemokraterna are going to reach out to the young voters in the electoral campaign of2010. (Valkampanjer, sociala medier och unga väljare- en studie av hur Moderaterna ochSocialdemokraterna ska nå de unga väljarna i valet 2010).Number of pages: 45Author: Sara RothmanTutor: Göran SvenssonCourse: Media and communication studies CPeriod: Autumn semester 2009University: Division of Media and Communication, Departement of Information Science,Uppsala University.Purpose/ Aim: The aim of this essay is to research how the two largest parties in Sweden,Moderaterna and Socialdemokraterna, are going to reach out to the young voters in theelectoral campaign of 2010. I will also find out how the young voters are going to collecttheir information before the election. That information will be compared to the strategies ofthe parties, in that way I can tell if their strategies match the young voters plans ofinformation search.Material/Method: In my eximination I chose to use two informant interviewes and fourdifferent groups of discussion. The informant interviewes were directed to the two peoplewho are in charge of the communication in the two largest parties in Sweden, Moderaternaand Socialdemokraterna. Two of the groups of discussion contained young people who aregoing to vote for the first time in the election of 2010, and two of the groups contained peoplewho will be voting for the second time. They were four people in every group. The people incharge of the communication in the parties were contacted thru e-mail and I met them on theirworkplaces. The young voters were partly friends of mine who brought people they knew tothe groups. In that way some of them knew each other, but not everybody.Main results: One important thing that I realised after the discussion with the young voterswas that there is a big difference between those who are going to vote for the first time andthose who will vote their second time in the election of 2010. It is impossible to characteriseyoung people as one group because they are all so different from each other. I also found outthat the young people use different media, and so will the parties in their campaigns. It is hardto satisfy all youth but my study shows that many needs will be satisfied because bothtraditional media and new media will be used in the electoral campaigns.Keywords: Electoral campaign, social media, young voters, strategic commnunication,Moderaterna, Socialdemokraterna</p>

AbstractTitle: Electoral campaigns, social media and young voters – a studie of how Moderaterna andSocialdemokraterna are going to reach out to the young voters in the electoral campaign of2010. (Valkampanjer, sociala medier och unga väljare- en studie av hur Moderaterna ochSocialdemokraterna ska nå de unga väljarna i valet 2010).Number of pages: 45Author: Sara RothmanTutor: Göran SvenssonCourse: Media and communication studies CPeriod: Autumn semester 2009University: Division of Media and Communication, Departement of Information Science,Uppsala University.Purpose/ Aim: The aim of this essay is to research how the two largest parties in Sweden,Moderaterna and Socialdemokraterna, are going to reach out to the young voters in theelectoral campaign of 2010. I will also find out how the young voters are going to collecttheir information before the election. That information will be compared to the strategies ofthe parties, in that way I can tell if their strategies match the young voters plans ofinformation search.Material/Method: In my eximination I chose to use two informant interviewes and fourdifferent groups of discussion. The informant interviewes were directed to the two peoplewho are in charge of the communication in the two largest parties in Sweden, Moderaternaand Socialdemokraterna. Two of the groups of discussion contained young people who aregoing to vote for the first time in the election of 2010, and two of the groups contained peoplewho will be voting for the second time. They were four people in every group. The people incharge of the communication in the parties were contacted thru e-mail and I met them on theirworkplaces. The young voters were partly friends of mine who brought people they knew tothe groups. In that way some of them knew each other, but not everybody.Main results: One important thing that I realised after the discussion with the young voterswas that there is a big difference between those who are going to vote for the first time andthose who will vote their second time in the election of 2010. It is impossible to characteriseyoung people as one group because they are all so different from each other. I also found outthat the young people use different media, and so will the parties in their campaigns. It is hardto satisfy all youth but my study shows that many needs will be satisfied because bothtraditional media and new media will be used in the electoral campaigns.Keywords: Electoral campaign, social media, young voters, strategic commnunication,Moderaterna, Socialdemokraterna

Syftet med denna uppsats var att analysera hur begreppet arbetarparti konstruerats i Moderaternas texter som en strategi för det Moderata samlingspartiet att locka till sig väljare. Den fråga författarna ställde sig i relation till syftet var: • Hur konstrueras begreppet arbetarparti i de aktuella texterna med tanke på språk och intertextualitet? I uppsatsen utgick författarna ifrån att texter, däribland politiska texter utgör en påverkan på hur förändring eller reproduktion av sociala strukturer, normer och värderingar sker. Utifrån detta synsätt använde sig författarna av Fairclough´s tolkning av den kritiska diskursanalysen. Materialet bestod av delar ur Moderaternas valkampanj, däribland reklamtexter och internetsidor samt delar ur Moderaternas handlingsprogram och idéprogram. I analysen har fokus lagts på språkanvändning och intertextualitet. I analysen av uppsatsen kom författarna fram till att Moderaterna använt begrepp som traditionellt sätt använts av Socialdemokraterna och kombinerat dessa med argument som talat för liberala reformer. Ett exempel på detta är då partiet använt begrepp såsom välfärd och social trygghet, samtidigt som texterna gav uttryck för en positiv inställning till den fria marknaden. I slutsatsen framkom det att den nya profilering Moderaterna använt sig av i form av ”Sveriges nya arbetarparti” var tydlig i reklamtexterna samt på internetsidorna men förekom inte alls i Moderaternas handlingsprogram respektive idéprogram. Författarna ifrågasätter om partiets grundläggande ideologiska grunder förändrats genom partiets nya profilering.

Moderaterna är ett parti som varit en del av Sveriges politik i över hundra år och de har en historia som Sveriges representanter för högerpolitik och konservatism. Efter ett lamt röstresultat i valet 2002 beslutade de sig för att restaurera sitt parti. Under ledning av den nya partiledaren Fredrik Reinfeldt skapades "nya moderaterna" vilket kom att bli väldigt uppmärksammat och debatterat i och med de förändringar som det medförde. Denna studie utreder dels vad förändringen till nya moderaterna innebar för partiet samt för väljarna, men även hur den påverkar svensk politik i ett större perspektiv. Uppsatsen diskuterar även hur strategierna för att marknadsföra nya moderaterna har anpassats efter hur politisk propaganda internationellt sett bedrivs idag. Studien är diskursanalytisk och utgår från nya moderaternas språk och hur det strategiskt används för att skapa nya diskurser och förändra redan existerande sådana. Uppsatsen refererar till nya moderaternas egna marknadsföringsmaterial för att kunna analysera sättet de väljer att presentera sig själva på.

The purpose of this study is to gain an increased understanding of the Moderate partys’ changed attitude towards a Swedish NATO membership. The study will be based on domestic and international foreign policy factors which underpin the changing attitude. The most suitable choice to fulfill the purpose of this study and answer the research question is to use a case study as a method. Initially the reader will be presented with a background of the moderate partys history and the perception of a Swedish NATO membership.   The foundation which this study is based and analyzed on is the Swedish Foreign Declaration of the following years 2005, 2007, 2014 and 2015. Reports of the public opinion and the moderate voters attitude towards a membership is used as well. Previous research will be presented in order to gain a deeper understanding of politics policy change.   Results and analysis shows that the moderate partys´ political changing attitude is partly due to a more alter worldview with increased threats and disorder in our vicinity. Other results indicate an increasing support from both public opinion and the moderate voters but also from the Alliance parties. These results can give a deeper understanding why the moderate party have chosen to take action and unanimous want Sweden to apply for membership in NATO.