The Indian government’s twin objectives of protecting the tiger population in the Nallamala forest in Andhra Pradesh and providing “development” to the indigenous Chenchu people have resulted in an on-going process of Chenchu displacement from the forest. The research is an anthropological intervention to comparatively analyze the development definitions of the Chenchu people (N=15), subgrouped location-wise as Deep Forest Chenchu, Intermediate Forest Chenchu, and Displaced Chenchu, and the Government and NGO representatives (N=13), including Integrated Tribal Development Agency representatives, NGO workers, and conservation authorities. Both groups defined development as access to basic amenities, education and jobs, health, freedom, livestock, and well-being in varying agreements. The study concludes that discrepancies exist in the development perspectives of the two groups, the Chenchu displacement is unsystematic, and the implementation of development projects was non-uniform. Small sample size, limited research time, and gender imbalance are some of the limitations of this study.

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In times of war, help and support is provided by NGO:s, and this essay investigates the NGO:s strategies for seeking support in times of war and crisis. Previous research has shown that refugees are portrayed differently in the media depending on their background. It is necessary for NGO:s to write about the affected people, in order to inform about their work carried out on-site to spread knowledge, create credibility and receive support through funding. A complex marketing which alludes to the people in need. Therefore, this analysis looks at how NGOs present themselves and the war situations with the intention of convincing their audience to donate money. With a qualitative rhetorical analysis combined with semiotic tools, the paper analyzes two pages, one about the Syrian war and one about the Ukrainian war found on two of Sweden’s biggest NGO:s, the Red Cross and Doctor Without Borders websites. The analysis shows how refugees from the Ukrainian war were presented as individual beings and personalized, compared to the Syrian war in which refugees were presented in groups with no personal traits. Doctor Without Borders also focused more on their medical action rather than on the actual war.

In the last two decades, a concern on how federal forests in the United States are managed has provoked concerns among different stakeholders, including NGOs. The purpose of this thesis is to contribute to the understanding of NGO influence on forest management legislation. Eight aspects were selected and compared in different study cases referring to legislative proposals dealing with forest management in order to define success criteria for a legislative initiative. The study indicates that the following criteria are particularly important to fulfill in order to influence forest management legislation: - The issue to address should be on the political agenda and have high public interest. - Environmental and social aspects should not be at the expense of economic aspects. - The legislative initiative should be prepared in multi-stakeholder processes, including local government and organizations. - The supporters of the initiative should take part in all decision-making processes and advise the Government in aspects related to their areas of expertise. NGOs would likely improve their chances of influencing forest management legislation if they hold a flexible position regarding legislative proposals containing similar or even less strict measures than their own initiatives, look at market oriented schemes as alternatives to legislation, and maintain good relationships with other major stakeholders.

Tesis por compendio / [EN] Within the field of development management, an emerging critique to the aid system has gained prominence. It focuses on how the dominant language and logics in the aid sector have depoliticised the issues of development, thus reducing them to purely technical and managerial problems. These problems are supposed to be managed by experts, who are considered to have the capacity of total control over development processes. This trend, which has been called managerialism, avoids issues of political economy, power or conflict, and assumes the logics, values, discourses and procedures of the private sector (focusing then on issues as "efficiency", "products" or "impact" of development projects). In this process, development organizations become mere service-providers, they have been co-opted by the global neoliberal agenda, and their actions serve to reinforce unequal power relationships. From this analysis, it is possible to obtain insights for rethinking development and aid, reframing them as complex, political and intrinsically conflictive processes. Moreover, some critics to managerialism also suggest that a (re)politicised perspective on development and aid should also be transformative, and that development organizations should recognise and value alternative systems of knowledge and personal and societal projects; should contribute to examining alternative development models, beyond productivist capitalism and market-driven liberal democracy; and should place bottom-up processes of change at the centre. The research also departs from the idea that, within the aid system, a small and scarcely visible group of people and development organizations are trying to promote alternative discourses and practices of development and aid that, instead of reinforcing the advancement of the neoliberal global agenda, are challenging it. From this standpoint, the aims of the thesis are, on the one hand, to explore how a political and transformative practice of development and aid could be characterised; and on the other hand, to explore how this political and transformative practice is taking place, and how it could be promoted in different spaces. The research explores three spaces in which these practices may be taking place and could be promoted, approaching case studies in different environments: 1) in formal education, addressing the learning process in a Master's degree in development management; 2) in the practice of development itself, addressing how learning takes place in informal processes through the relationships between Spanish development organizations and their partners in Latin America; 3) in the adoption of a new management approach in development organizations, specifically exploring the processes and implications of the adoptions of a rights-based approach in Spanish organizations. The methodology used is essentially qualitative, based on secondary data and primary data obtained through personal interviews and group discussions. Given the exploratory nature of the study, its aim is to propose concepts and hypotheses, identify the dimensions of the subject and processes under study, and propose possible connections between them. Results suggest that the characteristics and the processes that lead to a political and transformative practice of development and aid are not completely separate issues. The thesis also reveals that this political and transformative perspective is intrinsically problematic, full of contradictions, tensions and paradoxes. Far from being resoluble, the work suggests that these tensions should be accepted and dealt with, as they are part of the intrinsic nature of development and social change. / [ES] Dentro del ámbito de los estudios de gestión del desarrollo, se ha articulado una crítica al sistema de cooperación de creciente importancia que pone en el centro la cuestión del gerencialismo. Analiza cómo los nuevos lenguajes y lógicas en el sector estarían despolitizando las cuestiones del desarrollo, que quedarían reducidas a simples problemas técnicos y de gestión, manejables por expertos a los que se les atribuye una total capacidad de control de los procesos. El gerencialismo evita cuestiones de economía política, de poder y conflicto para asumir la lógica, los valores, discursos y procedimientos del sector privado (hablando así de cuestiones como eficacia, productos o impacto de los proyectos de desarrollo). En este proceso, las organizaciones de desarrollo, convertidas en prestadoras de servicios, habrían quedado cooptadas por la agenda neoliberal global, y sus acciones estarían reforzando relaciones desiguales de poder. Sobre la base de estos análisis, se puede obtener elementos para repensar la cooperación y el desarrollo y resituarlos como procesos complejos, políticos e intrínsecamente conflictivos. Además, estas críticas invitan también a partir de la idea de que una perspectiva (re)politizada debe ser también transformadora, de que las organizaciones de desarrollo deben reconocer y valorar conocimientos y proyectos de vida y sociedad alternativos a los dominantes; contribuir a profundizar en modelos alternativos de desarrollo más allá del productivismo capitalista y la democracia liberal de mercado, y situar los procesos de cambio desde abajo en el centro. Se entiende también que dentro del sistema de cooperación, si bien de manera minoritaria y poco visible, personas y organizaciones de desarrollo estarían promoviendo discursos y prácticas de la cooperación y el desarrollo distintos, alineados con las ideas señaladas y que, en lugar de ser funcionales al avance del modelo neoliberal globalizado, lo estarían retando. Por tanto, los objetivos de esta tesis son, por un lado, explorar una posible caracterización de una práctica política y transformadora de la cooperación y el desarrollo; por otro, explorar cómo se produce y puede promoverse esta práctica política y transformadora en diferentes espacios. El trabajo explora tres espacios en los que estas prácticas puedan estar dándose y puedan promoverse. Se aproxima así a casos de estudio vinculados a, en primer lugar, la enseñanza formal, abordando el proceso de aprendizaje en un máster en gestión del desarrollo. En segundo lugar, la propia práctica de la cooperación, analizando cómo se producen aprendizajes de manera informal y emergente en las relaciones establecidas entre organizaciones de desarrollo del Estado español y sus aliados en América Latina. Por último, la incorporación de nuevos enfoques de gestión en las organizaciones, teniendo en cuenta los procesos e implicaciones a la hora de incorporar el enfoque basado en derechos en organizaciones del Estado español. La metodología empleada en todos los casos es esencialmente cualitativa, fundamentada en el análisis de información secundaria e información primaria obtenida de entrevistas y grupos de discusión. Al ser la orientación del trabajo exploratoria, trata de proponer conceptos, apuntar hipótesis, identificar distintas dimensiones del objeto de estudio y distintos factores de los procesos estudiados, así como apuntar posibles conexiones entre ellos. Los resultados sugieren que las características y las formas de avanzar hacia una práctica de la cooperación política transformadora no son cuestiones tan distintas. La tesis revela también que la perspectiva política y transformadora que se sugiere es intrínsecamente problemática, llena de contradicciones, tensiones y paradojas. Lejos de ser resolubles, el trabajo invita a pensar que estas tensiones deberían más bien ser asumidas y manejadas como tales, ya que estarían en la propia / [CA] Dins l'àmbit dels estudis de la gestió del desenvolupament, s'ha articulat una crítica al sistema de cooperación al desenvolupament que a anat prenent importància i que posa al centre la qüestió del gerencialisme. Analitza com els nous llenguatges i lògiques del sector estarien despolititzant les qüestions del desenvolupament, que quedarien reduïdes a simples problemas tècnics i de gestió, manejables per experts que tindrien una total capacitat de control dels procesos. El gerencialisme evita qüestions d'economia política, de poder i de conflicte, per assumir la lògica, valors, discursos i procediments del sector privat (parlant així de qüestions com eficàcia, productes o impactes dels projectes de desenvolupament). En este procés, les organitzacions de desenvolupament, convertides en prestadores de servicis, haurien quedat cooptades per l'agenda neoliberal global, i les seues accions estarien reforçant relacions desiguals de poder. Sobre la base d'estes anàlisi, es poden obtindre elements per repensar la cooperació i el desenvolupament i resituar-los com a processos complexos, polítics i intrínsecament conflictius. A més, estes crítiques inviten a partir de la idea de que una perspectiva (re)polititzada deu ser també transformadora, de que les organitzacions de desenvolupament deuen reconéixer i valorar els coneiximents i projectes de vida i societat alternatius als dominants; contribuir a aprofundir en models alternatius de desenvolupament, més enllà del productivisme capitalista i la democràcia liberal de mercat, i situar els processos de canvi des de baix al centre. Es pot entendre també que dins el sistema de cooperació, encara que d'una manera minoritària i poc visible, persones i organitzacions de desenvolupament estarien construïnt discursos i pràctiques de la cooperació i el desenvolupament distints que, en lloc d'ésser funcionals a l'avanç del model neoliberal, l'estarien reptant. Per tant, els objectius d'esta tesi son, per una banda, explorar una possible caracterització d'una pràctica política i transformadora de la cooperació i el desenvolupament; per l'altra, explorar com es produeix i es pot promoure esta pràctica política i transformadora en diversos espais. El treball explora tres espais als quals estes pràctiqeus podrien estar donant-se i podrien ser promogudes. S'aproxima així a casos d'estudi vinculats a, en primer lloc, l'ensenyament formal, abordant el procés d'aprenentatge en un màster en gestió del desenvolupament. En segon lloc, la propia pràctica de la cooperació, analitzant com es produeixen aprenentatges de manera informal i emergent en relacions que vinculen organitzations de l'Estat espanyol amb aliats de l'Amèrica Llatina. Per últim, la incorporació de nous enfocaments de gestió en les organitzacions, tenint en compte els procesos i implicacions d'incorporar un enfocament basat en drets en organitzacions de l'Estat espanyol. La metodologia que s'ha utilitzat en tots els casos d'estudi és essencialment qualitativa, fonamentada en l'analisi d'informació secundària i d'informació primària obtinguda d'entrevistes i grups de discusió. Com que el treball té una orientació exploratòria, es tracta de proposar conceptes, apuntar hipòtesi, identificar dimensions de l'objecte d'estudi i distints factors dels procesos estudiats, així com possibles connexions entre ells. Els resultats suggereixen que les característiques i les formes d'avançar cap a una pràctica política y transformadora de la cooperació no són qüestions tan distintes. La tesi revela també que la perspectiva política i transformadora que es suggereix és intrínsecament problemàtica, plena de contradiccions, tensions i paradoxes. Lluny d'ésser resolubles, el treball invita a pensar que estes tensions deurien ésser assumides i manejades com a tals, ja que estarien en la pròpia essència del desenvolupament i el canvi social. / Belda Miquel, S. (2015). Del gerencialismo a la política: explorando las características, los espacios y los procesos de construcción de una práctica transformadora del desarrollo y la cooperación [Tesis doctoral]. Universitat Politècnica de València. https://doi.org/10.4995/Thesis/10251/57807 / Premios Extraordinarios de tesis doctorales / Compendio

At the World Humanitarian Summit in 2016, an agreement was made between some of thelargest international humanitarian organizations and donors to implement measures toenhance partnerships between international and local humanitarian organizations, in an effortto localize humanitarian responses. Since then, criticism has been raised that there exists agap between policy and practice in relation to localization and partnerships, arguing that nosubstantial effort is being placed to address uneven power dynamics or decision-makingpower within these local/international partnerships. This thesis utilized a case-study approachon Christian Aid´s Rohingya Crisis Response in Bangladesh, conducted in collaboration withlocal partners to examine barriers in creating equitable partnerships between international andlocal humanitarian organizations, as well as possible actions to facilitate partnership equity.A theoretical framework on equitable partnership is constructed based on the components ofequality, mutuality and transparency, informed by partnership practices of thee humanitarianpartnerships, and analyzed in relation to practices by Christian Aid in their partnership. The findings show that primary barriers to facilitating partnerships that are equitable includethe exclusion of the local partner in key processes, such as operational planning anddecision-making, lack of mutual understanding of differences in skills and capacity, resultingin responsibilities that are not clearly defined and limited opportunities for complementarity.This amounts to the conclusion that Christian Aid´s partnership lacked any actual transfer ofpower to the local partner, thus facilitating a partnership that remains hierarchical in practice.Possible actions identified to mitigate this is to jointly define support needs and capacity,create space for negotiation and flexibility, and actively include the local partner indecision-making. The findings underline that the theoretical components of equitablepartnership can be translated into practice, with the aim of creating partnerships that are inline with international localization commitments.

The aim of this study is to analyze the concept of antiracism and explore what characterizes the kind of antiracism that the empirical examples presented in this study represent. The empirical examples are instances of what I call antiracist actors. They are rooted in civil society, but also have strong connections with the government through government funding. The empirical data has been gathered through both qualitative and quantitative methods, mainly in the form of a survey and interviews. In order to explore the antiracist actors I have focused on three themes: (1) the shapes and forms of racism, (2) antiracism as a phenomenon, and (3) antiracism as a social arena. Through these themes I have gathered information about how the antiracist actors interpret their activities and the context in which they are working. On the subject of the shapes and forms of racism, I establish that racism is a concept that is hard to define. The antiracist actors lack a common language regarding racism, which affects the antiracist rhetoric. Regarding antiracism as a phenomenon, I conclude that the antiracist strategies mainly consist of three components: (1) knowledge is used as a strategic instrument internally to strengthen the volunteers, (2) knowledge is spread externally to increase awareness of racism, and (3) the antiracist actors deconstruct racist beliefs when opposing racist opinions. Finally, I research antiracism as a social arena and study civil society and theories about social movements in order to explore organizational aspects of the antiracist actors. Using Alberto Meluccis’ social movement theories, there is some evidence to support the thesis that the antiracist actors could be defined as part of an antiracist movement. However, overall there are stronger arguments to suggest the opposite, mainly since the antiracist actors are not in opposition to one or more adversaries. Instead they work with target groups, sometimes targeting the general public, sometimes specific groups like children in a certain school. The main conclusion from my study in this respect is that the antiracist actors are part of what I call association-driven antiracism. The associationdriven antiracism is characterized by non-violent methods and the antiracist actors do not focus on racist adversaries, instead they work with target groups trying to influence them in an antiracist way. The association-driven antiracism secures its continuity through networks, since many activities are project-based and only last for a limited period of time. Also, the antiracist actors are not representatives of particular political parties, instead they gather around the question at hand, antiracism. The antiracist actors within the association-driven antiracism are in close collaboration with the government and partly finance their activities with government funding. This collaboration can be explained as a positive steering process, the rulers (the government) and those who are ruled (the antiracist actors) agree on an antiracist ideology and work in the same direction.

<p><em>The aim of this study is to analyze the concept of antiracism and explore what characterizes the kind of antiracism that the empirical examples presented in this study represent.</em> The empirical examples are instances of what I call antiracist actors. They are rooted in civil society, but also have strong connections with the government through government funding. The empirical data has been gathered through both qualitative and quantitative methods, mainly in the form of a survey and interviews. In order to explore the antiracist actors I have focused on three themes: (1) the shapes and forms of racism, (2) antiracism as a phenomenon, and (3) antiracism as a social arena. Through these themes I have gathered information about how the antiracist actors interpret their activities and the context in which they are working.</p><p>On the subject of the shapes and forms of racism, I establish that racism is a concept that is hard to define. The antiracist actors lack a common language regarding racism, which affects the antiracist rhetoric. Regarding antiracism as a phenomenon, I conclude that the antiracist strategies mainly consist of three components: (1) <em>knowledge is used as a strategic instrument</em> internally to strengthen the volunteers, (2) <em>knowledge is spread</em> externally to increase awareness of racism, and (3) the antiracist actors <em>deconstruct racist beliefs</em> when opposing racist opinions. Finally, I research antiracism as a social arena and study civil society and theories about social movements in order to explore organizational aspects of the antiracist actors. Using Alberto Meluccis’ social movement theories, there is some evidence to support the thesis that the antiracist actors could be defined as part of an antiracist movement. However, overall there are stronger arguments to suggest the opposite, mainly since the antiracist actors are not in opposition to one or more adversaries. Instead they work with target groups, sometimes targeting the general public, sometimes specific groups like children in a certain school.</p><p>The main conclusion from my study in this respect is that the antiracist actors are part of what I call <em>association-driven antiracism</em>. The associationdriven antiracism is <em>characterized by non-violent methods</em> and the antiracist actors do not focus on racist adversaries, instead <em>they work with target groups</em> trying to influence them in an antiracist way. The association-driven antiracism secures its continuity through networks, since many activities are project-based and only last for a limited period of time. Also, the antiracist actors are not representatives <em>of particular political parties</em>, instead they <em>gather around the question at hand, antiracism</em>. The antiracist actors within the association-driven antiracism are in close collaboration with the government and partly finance their activities with government funding. This collaboration can be explained as a <em>positive steering process</em>, the rulers (the government) and those who are ruled (the antiracist actors) agree on an antiracist ideology and work in the same direction.</p>

The thesis is focused on the specifics of the management of non-profit organizations, development opportunities and the analysis of acquisition of financial resources in the non-profit sector, specifically within unincorporated associations. The practical part of the thesis is based on the model of the unincorporated association that is active in social services and whose main activity is the provision of personal assistance services. The thesis is concluded by the discussion of the analyzed problems and contains a project proposal of the development of the association which consists of the sub-project components that focus on individual areas of management and on the analyzed problems.

<p>The purpose of the study was to learn how donor-dependent NGOs in Tanzania, working with the issue of girls’ education, obtain and maintain legitimacy in the eyes of financial donors as well as in their local society. The investigation also aimed to explore which present and future organizational challenges they manage at the same time as they deal with the issue of legitimacy. A field study in Tanzania was conducted during ten weeks and three different NGOs concerned with legitimacy, were studied to see how they manage this issue and handle the demands from donors, government and society. Interviews and participant observation were made at each organization and a complementary study of SIDA and the National Ministry of Education was made in order to do a comparison of the situation and views. All organizations stressed the importance of well-working institutions in society, predictability in the financial support from the donors and most important: the societal support that leads to legitimacy. In order to gain legitimacy, the greatest need is transparency of the documents and records, keeping promises and being able to confirm the positive outcome of the work. The plan for future independence was not well developed at any of the organizations, even though they were at different phases. The major concern with being a donor-dependent NGO in the developing world is to manage the relationship with the government at the same time as you are accountable to society and tackle demands from the donors. The greatest fear of all organizations was that the financial support would be terminated.</p>