Submitted by Fernanda Montenegro Calado (fernandacalado@hotmail.com) on 2012-10-24T02:52:44Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao_FernandaMCalado.PDF: 1386107 bytes, checksum: ae128e1a91925c5d8d6dfacfc98647bb (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by ÁUREA CORRÊA DA FONSECA CORRÊA DA FONSECA (aurea.fonseca@fgv.br) on 2012-10-29T15:44:47Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao_FernandaMCalado.PDF: 1386107 bytes, checksum: ae128e1a91925c5d8d6dfacfc98647bb (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Marcia Bacha (marcia.bacha@fgv.br) on 2012-10-30T18:49:44Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao_FernandaMCalado.PDF: 1386107 bytes, checksum: ae128e1a91925c5d8d6dfacfc98647bb (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2012-10-30T18:53:29Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao_FernandaMCalado.PDF: 1386107 bytes, checksum: ae128e1a91925c5d8d6dfacfc98647bb (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-10-04 / O objetivo desta pesquisa foi analisar como conselheiros municipais e vereadores do Recife reconhecem o direito à participação na gestão pública e o direito à representação eleitoral e às funções daí decorrentes. Deste modo, podem-se observar os impactos ocasionados pela instância de participação em uma instituição tradicional de representação política, de modo a aperfeiçoar o modelo de Gestão Social. A análise foi realizada à luz da teoria do reconhecimento, especificamente as ideias de Axel Honneth. Para tanto, foram aplicados questionários e realizadas entrevistas com conselheiros e vereadores do Município, assim como foram analisados documentos da Câmara. Observou-se que ambos os grupos mostram-se favoráveis ao diálogo entre as instâncias, apesar dos conflitos que ainda precisam ser vencidos. Vereadores têm assento nos conselhos, apesar de que a participação não acontece na prática. Concluiu-se que o reconhecimento não ocorre em sua integralidade, sendo uma luta em construção. / The purpose of this research was to analyze how members of municipal popular councils and municipal legislators from the city of Recife recognize the right that society has to participation in public administration and the right that legislators have to electoral representation. In this way, we can observe impacts caused by councils on a traditional political institution, in order to improve the model of Social Management. The analysis was based on recognition theory, particularly on the ideas of Axel Honneth. In order to achieve goals, questionnaires were administered, interviews were made and documents from Legislative Chamber were analyzed. It was observed that both groups have favorable opinion of the dialogue between authorities, despite conflicts that still must be overcome. Councils reserve seats to legislators, although participation does not occur in practice. We concluded that recognition does not occur entirely, it is an ongoing struggle.

À partir d’une étude systématique du droit positif des seize Länder de la République Fédérale d’Allemagne, il s’agit de montrer que l’initiative populaire ne relève pas de la démocratie dite directe ou immédiate. Contrairement à la conception communément admise, cette institution démocratique qui permet à un nombre limité de citoyens non élus de participer à l’élaboration de la loi et au contrôle des organes de l’État, s’inscrit bien dans la démocratie médiate. Par l’élaboration d’une typologie des procédures d’initiative populaire en Allemagne, il est alors possible de remettre en question la conception classique tendant à identifier l’initiative populaire au « référendum d’initiative populaire ». Cette approche est en effet réductrice, car elle ne permet pas de rendre compte de la coexistence et de la spécificité des deux types d’initiative populaire mis au jour : l’initiative populaire décisionnelle – qui peut conduire à un référendum, si le Parlement du Land n’adopte pas la demande formulée par les citoyens – et l’initiative populaire propositive – une procédure à vocation non référendaire. Pour démontrer que l’initiative populaire relève de la démocratie médiate, le recours au concept de potentiel populaire permet d’une part de souligner la spécificité théorique de l’initiative populaire par rapport au référendum qui renvoie classiquement à la notion de puissance populaire. D’autre part, cette idée de potentiel populaire permet de redonner à l’initiative populaire une unité conceptuelle, au-delà de la variété des procédures et des types d’initiative populaire, identifiés par l’analyse des droits positifs des seize États fédérés allemands. La proposition de définition du potentiel populaire combine enfin les deux éléments de définition de la démocratie médiate : tout d’abord, le potentiel populaire peut être défini comme l’ensemble des limites juridiques constitutives de l’initiative populaire, ce qui renvoie à l’idée de démocratie représentée, mise en forme et donc nécessairement limitée par le droit qui constitue dès lors le medium de la participation démocratique ; ensuite, ces limites constitutives permettent à la minorité populaire de représenter une possible volonté générale, ce qui permet de justifier la conception de l’initiative populaire, medium d’une volonté générale potentielle, comme institution de la démocratie représentative / Offering a systematic study of positive law in all sixteen Länder of the Federal Republic of Germany, this thesis intends to show that popular initiative does not partake of direct, or immediate, democracy. Contrary to what is commonly thought, this democratic institution, which allows a limited number of non-elected citizens to participate in the elaboration of the law and in the controlling of State organs, does belong squarely in the realm of mediated democracy. By establishing a typology of the different procedures of popular initiative in Germany, one may therefore question the classical conception, which tends to identify the popular initiative with a “referendum by popular initiative.” Such an approach is indeed reductive since it cannot account for the coexistence and the respective singularities of two kinds of popular initiatives: the decision-making popular initiative – which can lead to a referendum if the Parliament of the Land does not grant the citizens’ demand – and the propositive popular initiative – which is not meant to lead to a referendum. In order to demonstrate that popular initiative partakes of a mediated democracy, this thesis resorts to the concept of popular potential, which allows first to underline the theoretical specificity of the popular initiative compared to the referendum, which classically relies on the notion of popular power. Second, with the idea of popular potential, popular initiative can once again be conceived of as a unified concept, beyond the variety of existing procedures and the different kinds of popular initiative in the sixteen federated States of Germany. Finally, the proposed definition of the popular potential combines the two defining elements of mediated democracy: first, popular potential can be defined as the set of legal limits that are constitutive of the popular initiative, which harks back to the idea of a represented and formalized democracy, thus necessarily limited by the law which therefore constitutes the medium for democratic participation; and second, these constitutive limits may allow the popular minority to represent possible the general will, which justifies to conceive of popular initiative, the medium of a potential general will, as one of the institutions of representative democracy

The purpose of this study is to examine the possible influence that local communitieshas over the development of eco-tourism in Madhya Pradesh. Interviews with people invillages around the Satpura Tiger Reserve have shown several failings of the Panchayatiraj system as well as testimonies of violation of human and democratic rights inconnection to displacements that occurred.

Ce travail de recherche s’inscrit dans le cadre d’une thèse CIFRE et vise à comprendre les ressorts de légitimation et les stratégies communicationnelles sur la coopération décentralisée que peut mobiliser la région aquitaine afin de l’aider à favoriser un dialogue constructif entre l’institution publique, ses représentants politiques et les citoyens aquitains / This research, part of a CIFRE PhD program, aims to understand the ways of legitimation and communication strategies on decentralized cooperation that can mobilize the aquitaine region in order to help it to promote a cooperative dialogue between the institution public, political representatives and citizens of Aquitaine.

Cette thèse porte sur le rapport des femmes au politique, étudié à travers le prisme de la participation locale des classes populaires. Au Venezuela, sous les gouvernements Chávez, la volonté étatique de favoriser la participation locale et de lutter contre les inégalités de genre, croise et rend visible des dynamiques et des trajectoires individuelles d’acteurs ordinaires, qui sont en majorité des femmes. La politique bolivarienne de la participation se réalise à partir de l’expérience quotidienne et des relations interpersonnelles. Les structures étatiques locales que sont les Conseils Locaux de Planification Publique et les Conseils Communaux articulent ainsi espace public et espace privé. Dans ce pays matrifocal, la pratique de cette politique territorialisée permet aux femmes des classes populaires de transformer leur autorité en une ressource politique qui est désormais reconnue et institutionnalisée. Ce processus modifie le rapport à soi, à la famille, à la communauté, mais aussi au pouvoir institué, allant jusqu’à transformer les rapports gouvernants-gouvernés. Fruit de sept années de recherche et de près de deux ans de terrain, cette thèse allie les techniques classiques de l’enquête sociologique à de nouveaux outils révélant l’importance du tournant affectif induit par l’expérience participative dans la vie des enquêtés. / This PhD dissertation is about women’s relations to politics, viewed from the perspective of the popular background’s local participation. During the Chavez’s governments in Venezuela, the State’s will to favour local participation and fight against gender’s inequalities allows ordinary actors’dynamics and individual paths to meet and in the meantime, to make them visible. These actors occur to be mostly women. The Bolivarian participation politics is performed from the daily experience and interpersonnal relationship. The local State institutions - that are the Consejos Locales de Planificación Pública and the Consejos Comunales - intertwine public and private space. In this matrifocal country, this territorialized politics allows women from popular background to convert their authority into a political ressource that has been acknowledged and institutionnalized. This process changes the relationships to oneself, to the family and the community but to the institutionnalized power as well, going as far as to transform relationships between the ruling classes and the ones who are ruled by them. Based on a seven years research and a two years fieldwork, this PhD dissertation associates sociological studies’classic techniques and new tools revealing the importance of the affective turn brought by the participative experience in the interviewees’s life.

This diploma thesis is focusing on finding a new way of building a relationship between citizens and public academic institutions through the work of adult educators. It analyzes communication channels of academic institutions used for communication with the public and suggests new ones, based on the principles of knowledge mobilization theory. It draws how to bring elements of active civic participation into Czech society and this is based on deliberative concepts of democracy and principles of social critical theory. Attention is paid to the specification of the role of adult educator as a mediator of communication between civil society and the institution. Keywords adult education, civil society, public academic institutions, andragogy, participatory democracy, knowledge mobilization, deliberative democracy, critical theory

The work deals with the phenomenon of so called watchdog organizations. The increasing number and influence of these organizations indicates a creation of new social movement. The authoress defines them as a type of public benefit nongovernmental organizations focused on the controlling of the public sphere or advocating and asserting a "public interest" in relation to the democratization of society. The authoress target is to understand this type of action, so she asks herself the question: Which frameworks are used by watchdog activists for the interpretation of their acting? At first there is briefly presented the concept of watchdog in the context of wider reflections of contemporary society, mainly in the context of reflexive modernity, monitory and participatory democracy and information society. Secondly there is introduced Goffman's framework analysis and the related conceptualization of framework of social movements by Benford and Snow. The authoress highlights a definition of frames as the principles of selection, emphasis and presentation about what happens, and what matters. In the next part of this work, there are presented the methodology and results of the qualitative research based on semi-structured interviews with watchdog activists. The research is settled in the area of...

This thesis focuses on the topic of active citizenship in democratic societies. An emphasis is placed on the clarification of the role of the citizen as an engaged participant in the political process at the local level. This issue is contextualized within the theory of democracy, which legitimacy is fulfilled by the citizen participation. The empirical part is devoted to the research of the citizen participation in the Dutch city of Utrecht, where the way of cooperation between citizens and public officers was investigated in the process of public policy making. The aim of this thesis is to evaluate the form and the contribution of the civic participation in Utrecht. Keywords democracy, democracy at the local level, participatory democracy, citizen, participation, codecision, cooperation, relationship between the citizen and the politician, level of participation

This thesis focuses on the topic of active citizenship in democratic societies. An emphasis is placed on the clarification of the role of the citizen as an engaged actor who has the right to influence political processes and decision-making at the local level. Democracy is seen from a variety of angles in the theoretical part, particular attention is given to participatory democracy and deliberation. The practical part is devoted to the research that was carried out in the Dutch city Utrecht, where the specific tools used for engaging citizens in policy- making were investigated together with motivations of public officials as well as citizens to support civic participation. This thesis attempts to provide a picture of the functioning of democratic principles in Utrecht with reference to an example of good practice. Keywords democracy, democracy at the local level, participatory democracy, citizenship, participation, deliberation, tools of civic participation, civic participation, political participation

Most researchers and democracy theorists who define what democracy is or should be, agree that civic participation is the core of a democracy. Without citizen participation, there would be no democracy. The broad participation in political processes symbolizes the idea of political equality. A high level of political participation among citizens is usually seen as a sign that democracy is functioning satisfactorily. Unfortunately, today's political reality, on the other hand, shows that actual democracy does not reflect the democratic ideal models. The economic and social gaps in society largely explain how participatory activity is distributed among the citizens. The purpose of this master's thesis, which is a case study, has been to study the political equality in the e-proposal process within Linköping municipality. This means that the socio- economic representativeness among the proposers has been studied between the years 2016 and 2021. Furthermore, the geographical spread of the proposals has been studied between the years 2016 and 2018, together with the political priority areas of the proposers.  A web survey was conducted to gather information on the proposers’ socio-economic conditions. In total, the survey was answered by 207 respondents. This survey has contributed to either verifying or falsifying the research hypothesis. The hypothesis states that it is mainly socio-economically resourceful individuals who submit Linköping proposals. In summary, the study shows that it has been particularly resourceful individuals who have submitted Linköping proposals. Furthermore, the proposals are intended to be implemented in areas where the socio- economic standard is relatively high. The study has also shown that the proponents to a large extent (80.9 percent) have requested initiatives that relate to urban planning issues and culture and leisure. Finally, the results of the study illustrate that the approvals mainly refer to socio- economically strong areas. In conclusion, the empirical results of the study have contributed to the hypothesis being verifiable, as it has mainly been socio-economically resourceful individuals who have submitted Linköping proposals.